Soldiers from New York: Jewish Soldiers in The New York Times, in World War Two: Captain Arthur H. Bijur – January 14, 1945 [Part I – “New and improved…!]

My blog posts visit the past with an eye upon the present, and, this post is no different. 

Created in May of 2017 (six years ago … was it that long?!) as part of my ongoing series about Jewish military service and Jewish military casualties in the Second World War, based on articles in The New York Times, it’s now up for a “rewrite”. 

The impetus for this post is the Times’ news item of February 11, 1945, about Captain Arthur Henry Bijur of Long Branch, New Jersey.  A member of the 43rd Signal Company of the 43rd Infantry Division, he was killed in action on January 14, 1945, near Rosario, Luzon, in the Philippines.  Awarded the Purple Heart and Silver Star, his citation for the latter medal was published in the Times on August 22 of the same year, while news about his death in combat appeared in the Daily Record (of Long Branch) on February 13. 

Born in Manhattan on February 14, 1919, Captain Bijur’s parents were Nathan Isaac (7/2/75-12/7/69) and Eugenie (Blum) Bijur (4/1/86-2/80); his brothers were Herbert and Lt. William Bijur; his sister was Mrs. Jean Weiss.  The National World War Two Memorial Registry includes entries in his honor by Dr. John Wolf (his friend), and, classmate John Liebmann.

This portrait of Captain Bijur is via FindAGrave contributor and Vietnam veteran THR.

Captain Bijur is buried at the Manila American Cemetery, in the Philippines (Plot A, Row 9, Grave 104).

As you can read in the transcript of his obituary, Captain Bijur seems not to have had any direct residential or vocational connection to either Manhattan in particular or the New York Metropolitan area in general.  As such, the impetus for the Times news coverage of his death may have been his association with Brown University, and, the Horace Mann School.  Well…just an idea. 

So, here’s the article of February 11…

Word Received of Death in Action in Philippines

Capt. Arthur Henry Bijur, who served in the Army Signal Corps, was killed in action on Luzon in the Philippines on Jan. 14, according to word from the War Department received Friday by his parents, Mr. and Mrs. Nathan I. Bijur of Long Branch, N.J.  He would have been 26 years old on Feb. 14.

Born in New York City, Captain Bijur was an outstanding athlete at the Horace Mann School, winning four major letters.  He later attended Brown University, where he was captain of the soccer team.  He was graduated from the university in 1941 and enlisted in the Army shortly afterwards.

In March, 1942, he was appointed a second lieutenant and in August was shipped to the Pacific, where he took part in the Munda campaign, and the invasion of New Guinea and the Philippines.  Captain Bijur was the recipient of two citations.

In addition to his parents, he is survived by two brothers, Herbert Bijur and Lieut. William Bijur; and a sister, Mrs. Joseph D. Weiss.

This image shows page 30 of The New York Times of February 11, 1945, with Captain Bijur’s obituary at the upper left, set within that day’s War Department (Army, only) Casualty List, which was limited to coverage of the New York Metropolitan area, northern New Jersey, and Connecticut.  

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And, here’s his award citation…

POSTHUMOUS AWARD

Silver Star for Captain Bijur of Army Signal Corps

The Silver Star Medal has been awarded posthumously to Capt. Arthur H. Bijur, 242 Bath Avenue, Long Branch, N.J., of the Army Signal Corps for gallantry in action against the Japanese on Luzon.  He lost his life when he crawled out of his foxhole to warn his men that enemy fire would soon run through their area.  He was killed by an enemy shell shortly after his last warning was given.

Captain Bijur’s citation praises his “keen devotion to duty, loyal consideration for his men and great courage.”  He was overseas for thirty-four months with the Forty-Third Division and was in action at Guadalcanal, in the Northern Solomons, in New Guinea and on Luzon.

A memorial plaque honoring Captain Bijur – seen in this image by FindAGrave contributor RPark – can be found at Beth Olom Cemetery, in Ridgewood, Queens, New York.

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Paralleling my other posts about Jewish servicemen who were the subject of news coverage by The New York Times, here’s biographical information about some (not all…) other Jewish servicemen who were casualties on the same January day in 1945.  Actually, there’s such a massive amount of information available about the events of this day that another post will cover Jewish aviators in the Eighth Air Force, particularly focusing on the 390th Bomb Group, the entirety of one squadron of which was shot down during the Group’s mission to Derben, Germany.

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For those who lost their lives on this date…
Sunday, January 14, 1945 / Tevet 29, 5705
– .ת.נ.צ.ב.ה. –
…Tehé Nafshó Tzrurá Bitzrór Haḥayím
May his soul be bound up in the bond of everlasting life.

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United States Army

Killed in Action

Benenson, Irving, T/5, 32195917, Bronze Star Medal, Purple Heart, Casualty at Vielsalm, Belgium
3rd Armored Division, 32nd Armored Regiment
Casualty List 3/14/45
Born Brantville, Ma., 2/1/17
Mrs. Lillian Benenson (wife), 1659 President St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
Mr. and Mrs. Reuben / Ruben J. (2/1/87-1963) and Ray (4/14/90-7/68) Benenson [Witkoff] (parents)), 1767 Union St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
Oscar Benenson (brother)
Zachary Taylor National Cemetery, Louisville, Ky. – E, 268 (Collective grave with T/5 Dee E. Hobbs)
American Jews in World War II – 273

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Chernoff, Alvin S., PFC, 32408380, Purple Heart; Casualty in Belgium (Died of wounds)
11th Armored Division, 55th Armored Infantry Battalion
Born New York, N.Y., 1/14/14
Mr. and Mrs. Herbert Louis (5/2/83-7/63) and Florence Rosalind (Danielovich) (4/15/95-9/28/35) Chernoff (parents), 115 W. 86th St., New York, N.Y.
Luxembourg American Cemetery, Luxembourg City, Luxembourg – Plot G, Row 11, Grave 19
Casualty List 3/12/45
American Jews in World War II – Not listed

This photo of PFC Chernoff is via FindAGrave contributor pjammetje.  

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Coslite, Milton G., S/Sgt., 31051962, Purple Heart
11th Armored Division, 55th Armored Infantry Battalion; Casualty in Belgium
Born New York, N.Y., 12/17/18
Mrs. Eva Ginsberg (mother), 2168 63rd St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
Luxembourg American Cemetery, Luxembourg City, Luxembourg – Plot C, Row 2, Grave 18
Casualty List 3/13/45
American Jews in World War II – 294

This photo of S/Sgt. Coslite is via FindAGrave contributor Andrew.  

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Elpern, Ivan Isadore, 1 Lt., 0-385676, Purple Heart; Casualty in Belgium
6th Armored Division, 50th Armored Infantry Battalion
Born Uniontown, Pa., 3/8/17
Mr. and Mrs. Lewis Herman (3/3/86-1/4/41) and Margaret (Goldstone) (4/2/93-6/20/64) Elpern (parents), 101 Central Square, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Melvin H. Elpern (brother); Marvin Fortman (cousin)
Enlisted 1935
The official Casualty List of the 6th Armored Division (NARA Records Group 407), and Lt. Elpern’s 293 File list his military organization as “6th Armored Division, 50th Armored Infantry Battalion”, but his matzeva displays organization as “28th Infantry Division, 110th Infantry Regiment – 2/17/41-7/19/42”
Temple Emanuel Cemetery, Greensburg, Pa. – Section B, Row 25, Lot 2; Buried 12/20/48
Jewish Criterion (Pittsburgh) 9/7/45
The Pittsburgh Press 12/19/48
American Jews in World War II – 518

Ivan’s Elpern’s portrait – below – was published in Pittsburgh’s Jewish Criterion on September 7, 1945, in an extremely detailed – and quite accurate – article commemorating Jewish servicemen from the Pittsburgh metropolitan area who were killed or died during the just-ended war.  The article carries brief biographical profiles, and photographs, of 83 servicemen, and lists the names of 32 other servicemen for whom information and images – at the time of publication – were missing.  In terms of individual attention, communal memory, and foresight, the Criterion’s effort was as admirable as it was remarkable, for not all Jewish periodicals published such retrospectives.

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Haberer, Martin, Pvt., 32962210, Purple Heart
101st Airborne Division, 327th Glider Infantry Regiment
Born Heidelberg, Germany, 2/5/25
Mr. and Mrs. Max and Laura (Wertheimer) Haberer (parents), 3810 Broadway, Apt. 4-A, / 550 West 158th St., New York, N.Y.
Long Island National Cemetery, Farmingdale, N.Y. – Section J, Grave 15963
Casualty List 3/13/45
Aufbau 2/16/45
American Jews in World War II – 339

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Levine, Alfred, Pvt., 39015817, Purple Heart
26th Infantry Division, 101st Infantry Regiment
Born Los Angeles, Ca., 9/3/16
Mr. and Mrs. Jacob (Zusmanovich) (11/15/80-5/1/71) and Ida S. (5/15/82-7/8/67) Levine (parents), 1427 Levonia Ave., Los Angeles, Ca.
Luxembourg American Cemetery, Luxembourg City, Luxembourg – Plot H, Row 5, Grave 12
Casualty List 3/1/45
American Jews in World War II – 48

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Rindsberg, Walter Josef, Pvt., 42071539, Purple Heart
84th Infantry Division, 335th Infantry Regiment
Born Germany, 9/20/25
Mr. and Mrs. Harry (Heinreich) (6/22/87-8/39) and Irma (Himmelreich) (12/12/99-2/94) Rindsberg (parents), 44 Bennett Ave., New York, N.Y.
Henri-Chapelle American Cemetery, Henri-Chapelle, Belgium – Plot D, Row 7, Grave 8
Casualty List 3/8/45
Aufbau 2/2/45, 2/16/45
American Jews in World War II – 413

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Yusin, Irving, Pvt., 13153939, Purple Heart
11th Armored Division, 21st Armored Infantry Battalion
Born New York, N.Y., 4/1/22
Mrs. Celia Yusin (mother), 2853 Barker Ave., New York, N.Y.
Wellwood Cemetery, East Farmingdale, N.Y.
Casualty List 3/14/45
American Jews in World War II – 476

This image of Private Yusin’s Purple Heart is via FindAGrave contributor John Mercurio.  

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On September 20, 1946, the Jewish Criterion published a moving and affecting article by Helen Kantzler entitled “Double Gold Stars”, which reported upon families of American Jewish soldiers who had lost two (and in one case, all three) sons in military service during the Second World War.  Aside from the completion and existence of such a story so shortly after the war’s end, was Ms. Kanlster’s level of detail and accuracy, her story probably having been based on information acquired by the National Jewish Welfare Board, and, her own dogged research. 

Among the numerous families discussed in her article was that of Max (1873-1/2/29) and Rose (Sankofsky) (1878-9/10/55) Zion, of 3738 East 139th St., in Cleveland, Ohio.  Their sons, PFC Morris Jack Zion (35289875) and Aviation Radio Technician 1st Class Joseph Manuel Zion (6153983), both born in Cleveland, were lost within the space of the same January week in 1945.  The family also included twin brothers Harry and Robert, and sisters Tillie, Mrs. Mildred Hershman, and Mrs. Sara (Zion) Oriti.  Morris and Joseph were members of the approximately fifty American Jewish families who lost both sons during the Second World War.  (The Liebfeld family of Milwaukee lost all three sons: Morris (USMC), Samuel (Army Air Force), and Sigmund (also Army Air Force), the latter on a domestic non-combat flight in October of 1945.  The brothers are buried at Chesed Shel Emeth Cemetery, in Saint Paul.) 

Along with Helen Kantzler’s Jewish Criterion article, the brothers’ names appeared in the Cleveland Press & Plain Dealer on February 2, and can be found on page 504 of American Jews in World War II.

PFC Zion, a member of the 330th Infantry Regiment, 83rd Infantry Division, was born in Cleveland on January 30, 1912.  He died of wounds on January 14, 1945, at the age of 33.  (Yes, 33.)  He’s buried at Henri-Chapelle American Cemetery, at Henri-Chapelle, Belgium, at Plot D, Row 13, Grave 12.

This portrait of Morris is via FindAGrave contributor Patti Johnson, a Volunteer Researcher studying the WW II Army Air Force’s Mediterranean-based 57th Bomb Wing.

Joseph’s picture, displayed below, is also via Patti Johnson.

 

Born in Cleveland on August 15, 1908, Joseph Manuel was serving in the Navy when he hitched a ride on a JM-1 Marauder (the Navy and Marine Corps version of the Martin B-26 Marauder) of Naval Squadron VJ-16, the tow target and utility services for the Atlantic Fleet in the Florida and Caribbean areas, in January 1945 based at Miami.  The bomber, Bureau Number 66724, piloted by Lt. Raymond Paul Mara, Jr. and carrying seven other crew and passengers, crashed at sea 15 miles west of San Juan, Puerto Rico, not long after take-off, from what was suggested to have been engine failure.  However, the definitive cause of the bomber’s loss – given the absence of survivors, lack of recovered debris, and nature of 1940s technology – probably could never have been definitively established.  

Here are two images of JMs, whose simple overall chrome yellow paint schemes lend them the appearance of winged bananas.  It’s my understanding that all JMs were finished similarly, or at least those serving as target tugs. 

These two image of JM-1 Marauders are from the flickriver photo collection of torinodave72.  

While Joseph Manuel Zion has no grave, his name does appear in the Tablets of the Missing at the East Coast Memorial, in Manhattan. 

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Prisoners of War

Private Jack Bornkind (Yakov bar Nachum) (16150444), a member of 1st Battalion, B Company, 274th Infantry Regiment, 70th Infantry Division, was captured on January 14, 1945 and interned as a POW at Stalag 9B, in Bad Orb, Germany.  He was one of the 350 American POWs sent from that POW camp to the Berga am Elster slave labor camp as part of Arbeitskommando [labor detail] 625. 

The image below, scanned from a paper photocopy, shows the last of the 44 pages comprising the “master” list of the 350 POWs sent to Berga, with six names comprising the final entries.  From top to bottom, this page carries the names of Pvt. Alexander Weisberg (survived), Pvt. David Goldin (also survived), PFC Morton D. Brimberg (survived as well; surname changed to “Brooks” partially due to postwar experiences with antisemitism in academia), followed by the names of PFC Stanley Rubenstein, Sgt. Seymour Millstone, and finally Jack Bornkind.  

Data fields include the soldier’s German-assigned POW number, surname, first name, date of birth, parent’s surnames, residential address and name of “contact”, Army serial number, and place/date of capture.  Ironically, neither the soldier’s religion nor ethnicity are present. 

Private Bornkind himself was one of the 76 soldiers who died as a result of their imprisonment at Berga.  Of this number, twenty-six men died from the appalling conditions at the camp (one of whom – Pvt. Morton Goldstein – was murdered by camp commander Erwin Metz on March 20, 1945, after an escape attempt), while the remaining fifty succumbed to the forced march of POWs away from the camp, which commenced on April 6.  Of these fifty, Jack Bornkind died on the morning of April 23 in the company of a few fellow POWs (among whom was PFC Gerald M. Daub) literally minutes before the group was liberated by either the 11th Armored Division or 90th Infantry Division.  Pvt. Bornkind was the very last fatality “of” Berga while the war was still ongoing.  Private Aaron Teddy Rosenberg, who survived the ordeal and seemed to have returned to health, took ill not long after his return to the United States, and passed away in his home state of Florida on June 27, 1945, a little over two months after his liberation. 

Born in Flint Michigan, on January 31, 1924, Jack Bornkind’s parents were Nathan N. (12/25/79-9/17/52) and Rachel (Handelsman) (1888-7/17/61) Bornkind of 731 East Dartmouth Road, Flint, Michigan, while his sisters and brothers were Bessie, Celia, Hildah, Josephine, Llecca, Louis, and Sarah.  He was buried at Beth Olem Cemetery in Hamtramack (Section 3, Plot 344-5) on January 9, 1949, an event mentioned in the Detroit Jewish Chronicle on January 14 of that year.  His name can be found on page 188 of American Jews in World War II.

Information about what befell the 350 men assigned to Arbetiskommando [labor detail] 625 is readily available, both in book format  and, at numerous websites.  (See the 2005 books  Soldiers and Slaves : American POWs Trapped by the Nazis’ Final Gamble, by Roger Cohen and Michael Prichard, and, Given Up For Dead : American GIs in the Nazi Concentration Camp at Berga, by Flint Whitlock, and, Charles Guggenheim’s documentary, Berga: Soldiers of Another War.)  What’s especially appalling about the story, aside from the brutal treatment of the POWs per se, was how bureaucratic apathy in combination with rapidly changing political alliances in the context of the (first) Cold War rapidly and directly affected, hindered, and ultimately negated efforts to secure justice for the POWs and their families. 

The following two images of Jack Bornkind are from the Leibowitz Family Tree at Ancestry.com.   

The academic setting of this colorized picture – looks like a college campus, doesn’t it? – together with Private Bornkind’s uniform, suggests that the picture was taken while he was serving in ROTC, or, assigned to the ASTP (Army Specialized Training Program).  

This picture is a little more straightforward:  In the Army, Private Bornkind is wearing the shoulder sleeve insignia of the Army Service Forces. 

This image of Jack Bornkind’s matzeva is via FindAGrave contributor TraceyS.

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Lippin, Robert, PFC, 32974463
26th Infantry Division, 328th Infantry Regiment
Stalag 12A (Limburg an der Lahn)
Born Boston, Ma., 6/7/23; Died 6/17/84
Mr. Bernard B. and Lillian (Scholl) Lippin (parents), Joseph (brother), 8020 Bay Parkway, Brooklyn, 14, N.Y.

NARA RG 242, 190/16/01/01, Entry 279, Box 41. # 96673
American Jews in World War II – Not listed

Though I don’t have a photographic portrait of Robert Lippin, this image of his German Personalkarte, from Records Group 242 in the United States National Archives, will suffice.  Though Personalkarte forms include a specific “field” for a prisoner of war’s photograph on the sheet’s left center, the majority of such cards in RG 242 are absent of such images.  I think this is reflective of the very large number of American POWs captured during the Ardennes Offensive, and the consequent challenge in “processing” – informationally, that is – such a large number of men.  As I recall from examining the original document, the reverse was absent of any notations.  Otherwise, I would’ve scanned it.

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Wounded in Action

Alper, Eugene, Pvt., 37642240, Purple Heart; Wounded in Germany
Born St. Louis, Mo., 9/7/25; Died 2/19/17
Mr. and Mrs. Nathan (1/12/88-9/67) and Annie (Shoenfeld) (1880-2/58) Alper (parents), 738 Interdrive, University City, St. Louis, Mo.
Saint Louis Post Dispatch 2/21/45
American Jews in World War II – 207

Hershfield, Jesse Louis, PFC
, 33810667, Purple Heart; Wounded in France

Born Albany, N.Y., 3/12/20; Died 4/26/09
Mrs. Lillian (Mantz) Hershfield (wife) Rachelle (daughter), / / 3320 W. Cumberland St. / Philadelphia, Pa.
Philadelphia addresses also 2323 North 33rd St. and 3345 Indian Queen Lane,
Mrs. Anna Hershfield (mother), 3112 Ridge Ave., Philadelphia, Pa.
NJWB card incorrectly gives surname as “Hershfeld”
The Jewish Exponent 2/23/45, 3/9/45
Philadelphia Inquirer 2/13/45
Philadelphia Record 2/13/45
American Jews in World War II – 528

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Another Incident…

Schrag, Emil, PFC, 31336965, Medical Corps, Bronze Star Medal
30th Infantry Division, 120th Infantry Regiment
Born Baden, Germany, 11/9/24; Died 10/9/03
Mrs. Hilde Dorothee (Schrag) Heimann (sister), New York, N.Y.
Mr. and Mrs. Siegfried (5/19/82-?) and Lena Friedericks (Kahn) (7/27/97-6/74) Schrag (parents), 510 W. 184th St., Bridgeport, Ct.
Mr. Eugene Kahn (friend), 260 Maplewood Ave., Bridgeport, Ct.
Aufbau 2/9/45, 5/4/45
American Jews in World War II – Not Listed

According to Aufbau, Private Schrag was involved in some kind of incident in Germany on January 14, but the details are unknown.  He returned to Military Control by April 12.

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United States Army Air Force

Captain Sanford Saul Fineman

2115th Army Air Force Base Unit (Continental United States)

The loss of an RB-24E liberator (the “R” prefix indicating an aircraft utilized for aerial gunnery training) in Alabama on the evening of January 14, 1945, is representative of the near-daily loss of aircraft and airmen on missions – training and otherwise – that did not involve contact with the enemy.

Piloted by Captain Sanford Saul Fineman (Shmuel bar Yaacov Faynman; ASN 0-796353), the aircraft – assigned to the 2115th Army Air Force Base Unit – took off from Courtland Army Airfield, Courtland, Alabama, at 2100 on a routine night training mission.  The aircraft, 42-7113, entered the traffic pattern and Captain Fineman radioed the tower for permission to make a touch-and-go landing.  He was told to stay in the pattern because of numerous aircraft on end of runway waiting for takeoff, Captain Fineman acknowledging and going around.  There were no further communications between the pilot and the tower, and a few moments later, the bomber stalled and crashed in a turn to the left, one mile east of Town Creek, Alabama.  There were no survivors.  

The Liberator’s other three crewmen were:

Co-Pilot: 2 Lt. William Walter “Billy” Miller, Jr.
Co-Pilot: 2 Lt. Theophil Charles Polakiewicz 
Flight Engineer: Cpl. Irvin Earl Barrington 

A veteran of service in the 66th Bomb Squadron of the 44th Bomb Group, Captain Fineman previously received the Distinguished Flying Cross, Air Medal, and five Oak Leaf Clusters.  While serving in the 66th, he’s documented as having been a witness to the loss of B-24J 42-99996 (QK * I), piloted by 2 Lt. William M. Richardson (from which there were no survivors) during the 44th Bomb Group’s mission to Langenhagen Airdrome, Germany on April 8, 1944, during which the 44th Bomb Group lost eleven B-24s.  The plane’s loss is covered by Missing Air Crew Report 3763, which, due to the chaotic and intense nature of the air battle, simply states, “…that aircraft #996 apparently was hit by enemy aircraft at 1345 hours in the vicinity of Salzwedel and was seen to go down.  No chutes were observed.  At least five airplanes were lost within the three minutes near 1345 hours from one pass by enemy planes, as described by survivors from the other crews lost.”

The son of Jacob (1/1/84-5/21/29) and Annie (Garfinkle) Fineman (later Harriet) (4/15/85-1/24/50) of 77 Camp Street, Providence, Rhode Island, Sanford Fineman was born on March 25, 1921.  He’s buried at Lincoln Park Cemetery, Warwick, R.I. (Section 5C, Lot 1, Left side of Newman Avenue).  His name appears on page 562 of American Jews in World War II.

These images of Captain Fineman’s two matzevot are from FindAGrave contributor ddjohnsonri.  This image shows Sanford’s simple individual matzeva….   

…while in this group matzeva for the Fineman family Captain Fineman’s Hebrew name appears as the first four words on the second line of text.  The full English language translation is:

 A sweet flower of a boy plucked as a half open bloom.
Shmuel bar Yaacov Feinman died 1st of Shvat 5705 – May his soul be bound up in the bond of eternal life.
His dear mother, daughter of good people, Hannah Feinman bat Itshak Isaak died 6th of Shvat 5710 – May her soul be bound up in the bond of eternal life.

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 1 Lt. Mitchell Earl Nussman

9th Air Force, 323rd Bomb Group, 453rd Bomb Squadron

This image of the 453rd Bomb Squadron insignia is via Flying Tiger Antiques.

During a mission to a communication center southeast of St. Vith, Belgium, B-26C Marauder 42-107588, the un-nicknamed VT * R, of the 453rd Bomb Squadron, 323rd Bomb Group, 9th Air Force, was lost due to anti-aircraft fire near St. Vith, as reported in Missing Air Crew Report 11926.  The entire crew of seven parachuted from their bomber, but only four men survived: Three were captured and sent to POW camps, the pilot managed to return to Allied military control, and three others (navigator, flight engineer Smith, and aerial gunner) never returned.  The Missing Air Crew Report contains no definitive information about the circumstances of their deaths.

This in-flight image of VT * R is via the American Air Museum in Britain.

The crew comprised:

Pilot: Adams, Robert H., Capt. – Survived (Killed in a flying accident in Germany on 8/16/45)
Co-Pilot / Gee Navigator: Yosick, Jerome S., 1 Lt. – KIA (probably last seen by radio operator Pippin as they were descending in parachutes)
Navigator: Burnett, George P., Jr., Capt. – Survived (POW)
Bombardier: Anderson, Warren W., Capt. – Survived (POW)
Flight Engineer: Smith, Virgil, T/Sgt. – KIA (last seen attempting to reach American lines in vicinity of Bovigny or Houffalize, Belgium, on 1/18/45)

Radio Operator: Pippin, Jack W., T/Sgt. – Survived (POW)
Gunner: Prejean, Louis H., S/Sgt. – KIA (last seen attempting to reach American lines in vicinity of Bovigny or Houffalize, Belgium, on 1/18/45)

Anderson, Prejean, and Smith were captured immediately after landing, upon which they were stripped of personal possessions and identification.  Taken by their captors in an easterly direction, they managed to escape at 2200 hours the same day: 1/14/45.  They then traveled by foot for three days and nights in a westerly direction in attempt to reach American lines.  On the evening of 1/17, after reaching a point about 1 ½ miles from American lines, the little group stopped to rest in a foxhole.  (By this time, they’d had no food for three days.)  At 0430 hours morning of 1/18, shelling by Americans or Germans commenced.  Anderson was wounded in the right thigh by artillery fire and could travel no further, and was left to remain in care of a Belgian farmer.  Prejean and Smith went on in an attempt to reach American lines.  They were never seen again.

Anderson was recaptured by the Germans on 1/19/45 and taken to Germany, where he survived as a POW.  The names of all crew members except for Smith and Prejean – even including Capt. Adams – can be found in Luftgaukommando Report KU1268A.  (I believe the “A” suffix in Luftgaukommando Reports designates reports covering crews known to have been incompletely accounted for at the time the document was filed, or, for which men were confirmed to have evaded capture.)

A witness to the loss of VT * R was 1 Lt. Mitchel Earl Nussman (0-755398), a bomber pilot, whose name appears on page 248 of American Jews in World War II, which indicates that he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, Air Medal, and 12 Oak Leaf Clusters.  (His surname is incorrectly listed as “Mussman” at the American Air Museum in Britain’s photo of 42-107588.)  He was the husband of Phyllis J. (Tirk) Nussman, of 203 Park Drive, Brookline, Massachusetts, and the son of Jacob (5/21/84-1951) and Minnie (Wolpert) (3/13/94-11/10/56) Nussman, of 389 Bates St., Phillipsburg, New Jersey.  Born in Warren (Alpha), New Jersey on September 29, 1921, he passed away on December 7, 1989.  

An image of Lt. Nussman’s eyewitness account of the loss of VT * R in MACR 11926 appears below, followed by a transcript of the document:

16 January 1945

C E R T I F I C A T E

The following is a statement by 1st Lt. Mitchell E. Nussman, 0-755398, concerning action taking place on 14 January 1945.

I was flying number three position on the lead ship, number 42-107588, flown by Captain Robert H. Adams.  We were proceeding as scheduled to the target at approximately thirteen thousand (13,000) feet when we were encountered by flak.  Evasive action was taken by the lead ship, and as his bombay doors opened, we settled down for our bombing run.

Approximately two minutes before time over target, the lead ship released its bomb load.  At this time, I saw no outward damage on lead ship.  It appeared to be under control and intact.  Immediately after the bombs left the ship, I saw three figures bail out and pass from view.  These three figures appeared from the rear of the bombay.

Note: Staff Sergeant Michael Dobra, flying as Tail Gunner on my crew, saw those figures pass him, and saw four parachutes open and float earthward.

The lead ship then veered off to the right and dove.  At first it appeared out of control, but it then leveled out and flew straight.  I followed the snip as it continued out of the flak area, and noticed my compass beading which read zero degrees North.  The ship took a definite course for some time and seemed to be well under control.  During this time we remained about a quarter of a mile from the distressed ship.  I attempted to contact the aircraft by radio, but received no reply.

About six to seven minutes after bombs away, another figure left the ship.

Note: Technical Sergeant C.J. Schmitt noted the time as being 1326 hours and altitude as seven thousand one hundred (7,100) feet.

His parachute opened and the ship started a diving turn to the right.

Note:  Both Technical Sergeant Schmitt and Staff Sergeant Dobra saw the ship complete a one hundred eighty (180) degree turn and crash.  It exploded and flame burst from the wreckage.

After taking approximate location, we flew back to Base.

Mitchell E. Nussman
MITCHELL E. NUSSMAN,
1st Lt., Air Corps,
Pilot.

____________________

Staff Sergeant Harold Schwartz

13th Air Force, 5th Bomb Group, 72nd Bomb Squadron

This image of the 72nd Bomb Squadron insignia is via US Wars Patches.

A casualty in the 72nd Bomb Squadron of the 13th Air Force’s 5th Bomb Group (the “Bomber Barons”) was Staff Sergeant Harold Schwartz (33190448), who was killed during a combat mission over North Maluku, Indonesia.  However, being that a Missing Air Crew Report was not actually filed for him (the MACR name index card simply carries the enigmatic notation “No MACR”), the circumstances are – for the moment – unknown, though it can be assumed that he was a radio operator or aerial gunner.

The son of Dr. Martin Schwartz (2/2/93-12/8/41) and Mollie (Spigel) Schwartz (1899-4/18/25), and step-son of Rebecca B. Schwartz, his wartime address was 5420 Connecticut Ave., NW, in Washington, D.C.  Born in D.C. on July 12, 1919, he is buried at the Manila American Cemetery, Manila, Philippines (Plot D, Row 8, Grave 162).  His name appears on page 80 of American Jews in World War II, with the notation that he was awarded the Air Medal, one Oak Leaf Cluster and Purple Heart, suggesting that he completed between five and ten combat missions.

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 Private Edwin G. Elefant

S/Sgt. Morris Backer

20th Air Force, 40th Bomb Group, 44th Bomb Squadron

This image shows a reproduction of the 44th Bomb Squadron’s insignia, via CHMetalcrafts’ ebay store.  

The names of Aviation Radio Technician 1st Class Joseph Manuel Zion and Captain Sanford Saul Fineman – lost in rather routine, non-combat circumstances – have been mentioned above.  Testifying to the inherently dangerous nature of military activity unrelated to enemy action are two more names: Private Edwin G. Elefant and S/Sgt. Morris Backer, both members of the 44th Bomb Squadron, the former among the nine men killed and the latter among eighteen men injured during an accident that befell the 40th Bomb Group on January 14.  Detailed and comprehensive information about this incident, which involved repetitively loading, unloading, and reloading bombs from B-29 bombers at Chakulia, India, can be found in two issues of the 40th Bomb Group Association’s publication Memories: issue 4, and, issue 18.

Rather than “copy and paste” the content of these publications here (there’s a lot there), this introduction and one account will suffice:

Perhaps no event in the history of the 40th Bomb Group is more widely remembered by our members than the tragic bomb-unloading accident in Chakulia, India, on January 14, 1945.  Many of us lost friends; we knew a few who laid their lives on the line to help others.  The event is seared into our memories as one that shows the best and the worst of war.  The accident occurred about noon when a weary armament crew was unloading dangerous M-47 cluster bombs from B-29 42-24582 [“Little Clambert” / “S”] in the 44th Bomb Squadron.

Neil W. Wemple was appointed Commander of the 44th Squadron on January 11, 1945, three days before the tragic accident.  His observations (written 1982):

My beginning as a new Squadron Commander was highly ignominious and inglorious to say the least.  Within three days of my appointment as Commander, the squadron had suffered what was to be the worst one-day disaster of its history from the standpoint of B-29s destroyed, and worse yet it was self inflicted.

It happened like this: We had been ordered to prepare for a bombing mission, possibly the one that was to take place January 17 against Formosa, first staging through our forward base near Chengtu, China, known as A-1.  An operations order from higher HQ called for 500-pound fragmentation bombs.  The operations officer, Major Eigenmann, directed this loading and it was done.  Then we received an operations order amendment to change the bomb loading to 500-pound general purpose demolition bombs; we did this.  Soon afterward we received another amendment to down load the demos and reload the frags again.

By now we were definitely wearing out the bombs and, worse than that, the men.  After we reloaded the frags, guess what.  You guessed it.  We were ordered to down load the frags and reload the demos!  At this point the Armament Officer, Capt. Redler, came in to see me.  He protested, saying his men were very tired.  Much conversation ensued with the Operations Officer also present.  In the end Capt. Redler was ordered to make the fourth change in bomb loading.  Otherwise the planes would not be ready in time for the forthcoming mission.  He departed disappointed, tired, exasperated.  The downloading of the frag bombs began.  All of this uploading and downloading of bombs brings to light the incompetence and inefficiency of higher HQ.  Unfortunately this was recognized only belatedly and a limitation was eventually placed upon the number of load changes within a given period of time.

That same day I was attending to squadron administrative duties at the squadron headquarters and orderly room when I heard what I knew to be a muffled, but large and ominous, explosion.  It seemed to come from the B-29 parking area.  I ran to my jeep, jumped in and drove fast to the flight line.  As I arrived it seemed that a major conflagration of several B-29s was in progress, and it was in my squadron area!  Additional explosions had occurred as I was driving to the area.  Everything was in total disorder.  B-29s were on fire, and some explosions occurred after my arrival.  People were running around in all directions.  I did not arrive in time to see or assist in the rescue of the first victims.  Fire trucks were fighting the fires, but as I remember there were not many ambulances remaining on the scene.  From there on it was a matter of fighting fires, mopping up and, the sad and worst part, the hospital visits and writing those letters of condolence to next of kin.

These images of the bomb loading accident at Chakulia are from 40th Bombardment Group: A Pictorial Record.  

From the Al Schutte collection at the 40th Bomb Group Association, this image shows the wrecked tail section of B-29 42-24582 “Little Clambert”, the only recognizable portion of the aircraft remaining after the explosions.  In the background is the still intact B-29 42-63394 “Last Resort” / “R”, so badly damaged as to have been written off after the accident.  

Two more images from 40th Bombardment Group: A Pictorial Record:  The upper photo shows an unexploded fragmentation bomb, while the lower image shows a funeral for one of the nine fatalities of January 14.  

The names of the personnel killed in the incident, via the 40th Bomb Group Association website, are listed below:

25th Bomb Squadron

Cpl. Elliott W. Beidler, Jr.

44th Bomb Squadron

Pvt. Edwin G. Elefant
Sgt. Edward J. Donnelly
Cpl. Theodore E. Houck
Pvt. John A. Scharli
Cpl. Aloysius M. Schumacher (died of injuries 1/22/45)

This portrait of Cp. Schumacher is via FindAGrave contributor DB6654.

(Fr. Bartholomew Adler, chaplain of the 40th Group, was on the line immediately after the explosion.  His account (written 1982): “Cpl. Aloysius M. Schumacher was quite a man.  Later that dreadful Sunday afternoon I found him at the Base Hospital, clutching his stomach where he had been struck by shrapnel, telling the medics to take care of another buddy of his, Pvt. Edwin Elefant, whom he considered was more seriously wounded than he.  Pvt. Elefant died later that night.  Cpl. Schumacher died the next day.” [Actually, 1/22/45])

Sgt. Robert “Tiny” Gunns

28th Air Service Group

Pvt. Paul W. Heard
Cpl. Charles C. Fulton

Though Pvt. Elefant (32785359) survived the initial explosion, he died of injuries the evening of the 14th, two days before his 21st birthday.  The son of Nathan (12/25/88-10/21/67) and Anna (4/8/99-2/14/82) Elefant, his family resided at 1516 Carroll St., in Brooklyn.  Born on January 16, 1924, he is buried at Mount Hebron Cemetery, in Flushing, N.Y. (Block 4, Reference 1, Section A-C, Line 11L, Grave 3).  His name can be found on page 302 of American Jews in World War II.

Among the wounded survivors of the explosion was Staff Sergeant Morris Backer (11050380), who received the Soldier’s Medal, among the nine men awarded for their actions that day.  His citation reads: “When a bomb explosion occurred in the aircraft on which he was working, [42-24582] S/Sgt. Backer, with no thought for his personal safety, immediately attempted to rescue those who had been seriously injured.  He was successful in removing a seriously injured man who was lying alongside the rear bomb bay, where the explosion took place.  He removed the injured man beyond the tail of the aircraft and remained with him until a stretcher bearer arrived and helped carry him to an adjacent ambulance.  During this time a series of explosions of gas tanks, bombs and ammunition occurred and S/Sgt. Backer was wounded in the left thigh.”

The only son of Jacob (1888-5/6/59) and Ida (1890-10/18/45) Backer (his sisters were Anne, Celia, Pauline, and Tilly) of 141 Homestead Street, Roxbury, Massachusetts, Sgt. Backer was born in that state on December 28, 1919.  He passed away on May 4, 2011, and is buried at the Independent Pride of Boston Cemetery, in West Roxbury.  His name is absent from American Jews in World War II. 

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1 Lt. Jack Robert Ehrenberg 

20th Air Force, 497th Bomb Group, 869th Bomb Squadron

This image of the 869th Bomb Squadron insignia was found at Pinterest.

Several (many?!) of my posts include information about airmen who served as crew members of the Boeing B-29 Superfortress very heavy bomber, typically in the case of men who were lost of combat missions.

However, among these men are a tiny few who survived the loss of their aircraft, whether as POWs of the Japanese (2 Lt. Irving S. Newman), or, over the vast expanses of the Pacific Ocean, the latter by parachuting from mortally damaged aircraft (such as F/O Aldywn W. Fields), or, after their bombers were ditched (such as Capt. Bertram G. Lynch).  Another man who survived the ditching of his B-29 was Jack Ehrenberg, a crew member of the B-29 Pacific Union.  Of the eleven men aboard this aircraft, only four survived; of the four, one man was captured on a subsequent combat mission, and murdered while a prisoner of war, less than one month before the war’s end.

A navigator, 1 Lt. Jack Robert Ehrenberg (0-793992) and his crew were members of the 869th Bomb Squadron of the 497th Bomb Group.  His wife was Norma Constance (Loeb) Ehrenberg, who resided at 250 Passaic Ave., in Passaic, New Jersey.  Jack’s parents were Michael (1886-?) and Anna (Saltz) (9/20/87-1976) Ehrenberg, at 462 Brook Ave.; also Passaic.  Born in a place called Brooklyn on November 30, 1917, Jack passed away on May 12, 2005.  Listed on page 231 of American Jews in World War II, he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, Air Medal with three Oak Leaf Clusters (suggesting that he completed between 15 and 20 combat missions), and, Purple Heart.  His name also appeared in War Department news releases on September 10, 1943, and March 22, 1945.

The incident in question – the loss of Pacific Union (42-24595, “A square 2”) – is covered in Missing Air Crew Report 11221, which, like some other MACRs pertaining to B-29 ditchings (at least, those of the 73rd Bomb Wing) and eventuated in the survival and rescue of crew members, incorporates a detailed report about the events behind and circumstances of the plane’s ditching, the escape of survivors from the plane, aspects of their survival and rescue, their suggestions for other crews faced with such situations in the future, and, comments and criticisms specifically pertaining to the loss of their plane, and, their crew’s actions.  The report concludes with a really (really!) lengthy distribution list.

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Before 42-24595 became the Pacific Union – notice the absence of nose art in this image? – the aircraft was photographed while flying near Mount Fuji, in the company of other 497th Bomb Group B-29s.  This photo is from the 869th Bomb Squadron Scrapbook, via the 497th Bomb Group B-29 Memorial website, which contains histories of all 869th BS B-29s.  There, the image appears on page 35, where it’s appropriately titled “A-2 Over Fujiyama”.  

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This image of December 5, 1944, showing the Pacific Union’s nose art, is from WorldWarPhotos.  

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What happened?

The bomber, en-route with the 497th Bomb Group to Nagoya, experienced heavy smoke of unknown origin coming from its #3 engine.  When it became apparent that the aircraft couldn’t continue the mission, Captain Leonard Cox dropped out of the 497th’s formation and began a return to Saipan.  After it was decided that it would be necessary to ditch the bomber, the aircraft’s bombs were toggled out individually, exploding as they struck the sea.  The bomber by this time having descended to 900 feet, its wings and fuselage were struck by fragments from the bombs, and, a fire developed in the #3 engine and right wheel well.  The fire could not be extinguished, and spread rapidly.

But at this point, there was insufficient time for the crew to prepare for ditching.

All emergency exits were jettisoned from the front crew compartment, and, the men in that section of the fuselage braced themselves for the impending impact with the sea – some as best they could; some not well enough.  Lt. Erenberg remained at his crew position, and leaning over his desk, padded his abdomen with his parachute, at the same time giving the plane’s course, position, and ground speed to the radio operator, though he never knew if this information was actually transmitted.  The men in the rear fuselage received no communication concerning the planned ditching and so were not braced properly for impact.  In any event, they were forced to crowd against the port side of the fuselage, since the starboard side was too hot as a result of the fire, with the right gunner’s sighting blister becoming enveloped in flames, and flames also present in the rear unpressurized section of the fuselage.

The aircraft struck the sea at an estimated speed of 140 mph, impacting tail first.  Afterwards, Lt. Erenberg stated that he believed an explosion occurred in the mid-wing section at about the moment Pacific Union hit the water.  He then lost consciousness and – subsequently unaware of how he actually escaped – had no memory of any event until he found himself floating in the sea, still strapped to his seat.

These three Oogle Maps show the approximate location of the Pacific Union’s Central Pacific ditching (17-58 N, 144-03E) at successively larger scales.  The Northern Marianas were approximately 216 miles to the southeast, while Agrihan Island (unlabeled, best visible in the lowermost map) is about 108 miles to the east.  Very much water, very little land.        

Moving closer…

…and closer.

After the bomber’s motion stopped, it was realized that the ditched aircraft had broken in two, and what remained of the front fuselage was engulfed in flames.  The four crewmen in the rear fuselage exited through the escape hatch in what remained of the rear unpressurized section, bringing with them two one-man life rafts.  This action was both miraculous and very smartly planned, for the bomber’s two multi-place life rafts (stored in compartments in the upper section of the mid-fuselage), with full provisions and survival gear, were lost or destroyed in the ditching.

All survivors were burned as they swam away from the wreckage, with S/Sgt. George E. Wright and Lt. Erenberg suffering multiple lacerations, and the Lieutenant also having multiple fractures in both hands.  The radar operator, S/Sgt. William W. Roberts, also escaped from the tail section, but was seen only once and could not be rescued in time.  S/Sgt. William P. Stovall (probably the least severely injured, based on his 1996 obituary) secured the two one-man life rafts, placing Sgt. Lawrence W. Beecroft in one and S/Sgt. Wright in another, eventually – with very great difficulty – lashing the two rafts together.  Though the MACR is ambiguous on this point, it seems (?) that S/Sgt. Stovall and the other crewmen somehow placed Lt. Erenberg in (or upon?) the two rafts, with Stovall and Beecroft administering first aid as best they could to the navigator and right gunner, with the limited medical supplies on hand.

The two rafts were first spotted by Lt. Colonel Douglas C. Northrop (killed in action April 27, 1945, upon bailing out over Agrihan Island), Squadron Commander of the 877th Bomb Squadron, who circled the rafts until the arrival of a “Dumbo” air-sea rescue B-17G.  The Dumbo dropped a raft and emergency equipment, but the raft was faulty and could not be inflated (? – !) and as a result, the survivors couldn’t retrieve most of the survival gear.  Nevertheless, the Dumbo circled the men until about 1830K, when a destroyer arrived and rescued the four men.  They had been in the water for over twelve hours.

Further information about the loss of Pacific Union can be found in the essay The Ditching of Lt. McGregor’s B-29 Crew – 23 January 1945, where it’s stated, “… Capt. L.L. Cox and crew of A Square 2, 869 Squadron had to abort the mission less than an hour out of Saipan, due to a malfunctioning engine.  As Cox left the loose formation to return to base, he dropped down about 300 feet and salvoed his bombs.  It was established later that the bombardier had apparently pulled the pins on the bombs before takeoff; consequently they went off when they hit the water.  Since Cox’s ship was directly above the explosions, the bomb blasts caused the aircraft to crash.  All but 4 members were killed and when those four were rescued, two were so badly injured and burned that they were returned to the U.S. immediately.  This incident was included as part of the 73rd Bomb Wing debriefing after that mission, and directive was published warning all bombardiers not to pull the pins on the bombs until an altitude of at least 5000 feet had been reached.”

Notably, the MACR gives the B-29s altitude at the moment when it was struck by fragments from its own bombs as 900 feet, versus 300 feet in McGregor’s account.  Similarly, the MACR doesn’t make any reference to the bombs having been armed prior to being jettisoned.  The crewmen returned to the United States for medical treatment were Jack Ehrenberg and almost certainly George E. Wright.

You can download and read a verbatim transcript of the report about the crew’s ditching here.

A photo of the Cox crew can be found at the FindAGrave biographical profile of William P. Stovall, one of the Pacific Union’s four survivors.  The image was uploaded by Sam Pennartz, who has contributed much biographical information about veterans and military casualties to FindAGrave, and, the National WW II Memorial.  The men’s names are listed below the photo.    

Rear, left to right

1 Airplane Commander: Cox, Leonard Leronza, Capt., 0-422385, Duncan, Ok.
2 Unknown
3 Co-Pilot: Donham, Charles Comer, Jr., 2 Lt., 0-683665, Houston, Tx.
4 Navigator: Ehrenberg, Jack R., 1 Lt., 0-793992, Passaic, N.J. – Survived
5 Flight Engineer: Contos, Charles C., 2 Lt., 0-868100, Chicago, Il.

Front, left to right

1 Gunner (CFC): Crane, Frank Joseph, S/Sgt., 16007692, Oshkosh, Wi.
2 Gunner (RBG): Beecroft, Lawrence William, Sgt., 32069587, Newark, N.J. – Survived [Shot down and captured 6/1/45; Murdered 7/21/45]
3 Gunner (LBG): (Wright, George E., S/Sgt., 38043673) – Survived
4 Radio Operator: Griffith, Melvin L., S/Sgt., 15342793, University City, Mo.
5 Radar Operator: Roberts, Willard Wayne, S/Sgt., 37245181, Kirksville, Mo.
6 Gunner (Tail): Stovall, William Peter, S/Sgt., 6563342, Kansas City, Mo. – Survived

Here’s the same photo, as printed in a halftone format in The Long Haul: The Story of the 497th Bomb Group (VH).  Like all crew photos in that book, the only text associated with the image is the crew commander’s name, all other crewmen being anonymous.  Then again, even the identity of the crew commander (front row? back row? far left? kneeling? far right?) isn’t actually specified for any image.

Prior to being assigned to the 497th Bomb Group, Captain Cox was a First Lieutenant in the 324th Bomb Squadron of the 91st Bomb Group (8th Air Force), in which he piloted B-17F 42-29921, Oklahoma Okie.  The picture showing Lt. Cox and Okie is Army Air Force photograph 79288AC / A12688, and was taken at Bassingbourne, England, on June 16, 1943. 

William P. Stovall, born in 1918, died in 1996 at the age of 77.  According to his obituary in The Independent-Record (of Helena, Montana) of March 3 1996, he was the only crew member of the Pacific Union who was uninjured in the plane’s ditching; he ultimately completed approximately 25 missions. 

Sgt. Beecroft was infinitely less fortunate.  Eventually having recovered from his injuries, he resumed combat flying.  Almost six months later, he was shot down during the Osaka mission of June 1, 1945, while flying in the crew of 1 Lt. Franklin W. Crowe aboard B-29 42-65348 (A square 16).  Seven of the plane’s eleven crew members were killed in the bomber’s crash (at the foot of Mount Sanjogadake, in the Omine Mountains, Tenkawa-mura, Yoshino-gun, Nara-ken), and four were captured.  The latter were Sgt. Beecroft, Central Fire Control Gunner M/Sgt. Alvin R. Hart, Bombardier 1 Lt. Harrison K. Wittee, and Radar Operator S/Sgt. Russell W. Strong.  As immediately evident from biographical information at FindAGrave, as well as Doug’s extensive research and documentation concerning the 497th Bomb Group, and, 73rd Bomb Wing aviators who were captured by the Japanese, none of the four survived: They were murdered before the war’s end.    

Though not the immediate subject of this post, the awful fate of those four survivors of A square 16 pertains to the larger topic of the fate of Allied POWs of the Japanese in general, and the that of Allied aviators in Japanese captivity, in particular.  There’s an enormous (perhaps incalculably large?) body of historical information and literature on this topic, in print, on the Internet, in historical repositories such as the United States National Archives, and certainly in unpublished format among the personal records and memorabilia of the descendants of WW II servicemen.  Suffice to say that while several hundred Allied aviator POWs did survive Japanese captivity, a very significant proportion of men who were initially captured and could have survived, did not.

This portrait of Sgt. Beecroft – as a Corporal – is by FindAGrave contributor William Duffy.  

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Lieutenant (JG) Milton Harold Thuna

United States Navy, Patrol Bomber Squadron VPB-110

Paralleling the loss of Captain Fineman and Private Elefant in incidents unrelated to enemy activity, Navy Lieutenant (JG) Milton Harold Thuna (0-145553), a co-pilot, was killed in yet another non-combat aviation accident.  The incident involved a PB4Y-1 Liberator (Bureau Number 63944) of Patrol Bomber Squadron 110 (VPB-110) in North Africa.

This image (via pinterest) is a very good representative view of a PB4Y-1.  

As described at VPNavy.com (from on November 22, 2001) the aircraft , “…took off from Marrakech, French Morocco, on a ferry flight to Dakar, Senegal.  No radio contact was made by plane after leaving vicinity of Marrakech Airport.  At about 0900 GMT, Arab natives saw the plane break through the overcast at 2000 ft, in a shallow normal glide in vicinity of Tazmint, French Morocco.  Witnesses reported the engines were not functioning properly.  Shortly after becoming visible, the plane was seen to catch fire and explode, detaching pieces of the aircraft.  It was seen to go out of control immediately following the explosion.  Examination of the wreckage at the scene of the crash showed that the portion of the port wing outboard of the aileron became detached in the air, landing three-hundred yards from the main body of the wreck.  It was also found that the plane’s rudders and vertical tail surfaces became detached in the air, being found in an area approximately three-hundred yards from the main body of the wreck.”

Besides Lt. Thuna, the bomber’s crew comprised:

Pilot: Lt Ralph David Spalding, Jr.
Ensign Milo Junior Jones
AOM 2C James Thomas Hagedorn
ARM 2C Norman H. Lowrey
ARM 1C F.W. Riffe
AOM 3C Robert W. Baker
AMMF 3C Frank Andrew Lutz
AMM 2C Milford Dewitt Merritt
ARM 3C E.M. Lingar
AOM(T) 3C William E. Burns

Born in Brooklyn, New York on March 22, 1918, Lt. Thuna was the son of Helena Mendelsohn (11/9/88-11/13/74), who resided a 106-24 97th Street in Ozone Park.  The origin of his surname is unknown.  Perhaps it was that of his father, who I’ve thus far been unable to identify.  The lieutenant is buried with six of his fellow crew members at Arlington National Cemetery, in Grave 16, Section 15

News articles about Lt. Thuna appeared in The Leader-Observer on 5/21/42, 3/11/43, 3/25/43, The New York Sun on 2/19/45, and The Record 2/22/45, while his name can be found on page 461 of American Jews in World War II.

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Soviet Union / U.S.S.R. (C.C.C.Р.)
Red Army [РККА (Рабоче-крестьянская Красная армия)]

Bargman, Solomon Semenovich (Баргман, Соломон Семенович), Guards Junior Lieutenant (Гвардии Младший Лейтенант)
Machine Gun Platoon Commander (Командир Пулеметного Взвода)
16th Guards Mechanized Brigade
Born 1924
Killed in Action

Gofman
, Aleksandr Volfovich (Гофман, Александр Вольфович), Sergeant (Сержант)

Armor (Radio Operator – Gunner) (Радист-Пулеметчик) – T-34
68th Tank Brigade
Born 1924, city of Korets, Rovenskiy Raion
Killed in Action
Buried in Poland

Kofman, Shalim Shavelevich (Кофман, Шальим Шавельевич), Lieutenant (Лейтенант)
Rifle Company Commander (Командир Стрелковой Роты)
449th Rifle Regiment, 144th Rifle Division
Killed in Action
Born 1909

Layzer
, Peresh Yakovlevich (Лайзер, Переш Яковлевич), Private (Рядовой)

Armor (Miner) (Минер)
32nd Tank Brigade
Born 1914, Struzhenskiy Raion
Died of wounds (умер от ран) at Mobile Surgical Field Hospital 492 (Хирурический Полевой Подвижной Госпиталь 492)
Buried in Hungary

Lev
, Naum Aronovich (Лев, Наум Аронович), Captain (Капитан)

Chief, 1st Headquarters Staff (Начальник 1 Отделения Штаба)
5th Mountain Rifle Brigade
Born 1918
Killed in Action

Matskin
, Volf Abramovich (Мацкин, Вольф Абрамович) Senior Lieutenant (Старший Лейтенант)

Rifle Platoon Commander (Командир Стрелкового Взвода)
314th Rifle Regiment, 46th Rifle Division
Born 1912
Killed in Action

Mikheylis, Yooriy Aleksandrovich (Михейлис, Юрий Александрович), Senior Lieutenant (Старший Лейтенант)
Machine Gun Company Commander (Командир Роты Автоматчиков)
216th Guards Rifle Regiment, 79th Guards Rifle Division
Killed in Action
Born 1924

Nirkis, Meer Ayzikovich (Ниркис, Меер Айзикович) Lieutenant (Лейтенант)

Rifle Platoon Commander (Командир Стрелкового Взвода)
1210th Rifle Regiment, 362nd Rifle Division
Born 1916
Killed in Action

Presman, Semen Alekseevich (Пресман, Семен Алексеевич) Junior Lieutenant (Младший Лейтенант)

Rifle Platoon Commander (Командир Стрелкового Взвода)
717th Rifle Regiment, 170th Rifle Division
Born 1922
Killed in Action

Segelman, Moisey Abramovich (Сегельман, Моисей Абрамович), Guards Major (Гвардии Майор)

Deputy Chief of Staff, also, Chief of Headquarters Operational Intelligence
(Заместитель Начальника Штаба он-же Начальник Оперативного Разведывательного Отдела Штаба)
2nd Guards Motorized Assault Engineer-Sapper Brigade
Born 1917, city of Tomsk
Killed in Action
Buried in Lithuania

Shlafman, Girgoriy Khaskelevich (Шлафман, Григорий Хаскелевич), Guards Lieutenant (Гвардии Лейтенант)
Machine Gun Platoon Commander (Командир Пулеметного Взвода)
265th Guards Rifle Regiment, 86th Guards Rifle Division
Killed in Action
Born 1924

Shmidberg, Arkadiy Nikolaevich (Шмидберг, Аркадий Николаевич), Guards Senior Sergeant (Гвардии Старший Сержант)

Armor (Gun Charger) (Заряжающий) – T-34
213th Autonomous Tank Brigade
Born 1910, city of Tulya
Killed in Action
Buried in East Prussia

Slutsker, Abram Lazarevich (Слуцкер, Абрам Лазаревич), Lieutenant (Лейтенант)
Machine Gun Platoon Commander (Командир Пулеметного Взвода)
187th Guards Rifle Regiment, 47th Guards Rifle Division
Died of Wounds
Born 1925

Tsap, Abram Lvovich (Цап, Абрам Львович), Captain (Капитан)
Political Agitator (Агитатор)
216th Guards Rifle Regiment, 79th Guards Rifle Division, 8th Guards Army
Killed in Action
Born 1902

Vanshteyn / Vaynshteyn, Veniamin Abramovich (Ванштейн/ Вайнштейн, Вениамин Абрамович), Lieutenant (Лейтенант)

Rifle Platoon Commander (Командир Стрелкового Взвода)
291st Rifle Regiment, 63rd Rifle Division
Born 1904
Killed in Action

Yakuboshvili, Lev Mototeevich (Якубошвили, Лев Мототеевич), Senior Sergeant (Старший Сержант)

Armor (Gun Commander) (Командир Орудия) – T-34
213th Autonomous Tank Brigade
Born 1925, city of Baku
Killed in Action
Buried in East Prussia

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Canada

Flight Officer Joseph Klatman

Royal Canadian Air Force, Number 1666 Heavy Conversion Unit

Flight Officer Joseph Klatman (J/39890), a navigator serving in No. 1666 Heavy Conversion Unit, Royal Air Force, was lost with his six fellow crewmen (all members of the RCAF) when their bomber, Lancaster I HK756, piloted by eighteen year old Flight Officer Victor Robert Adams, vanished during a “Sweepstake” mission on the evening of January 14-15, 1945.  As described on page 156 of W.R. Chorley’s Bomber Command Losses (covering Heavy Conversion Units, and, Miscellaneous Units), the aircraft, took off, “…from Wombleton as part of a force of one hundred and twenty-six aircraft, drawn from the training units, ordered to sweep across the North Sea in the hope of luring the Luftwaffe into the air.  Lost without trace.”

This document, from F/O Klatman’s Service File, found in “World War II Records and Service Files of War Dead (Canada), 1939-1947”, at Ancestry.com (not a plug; just stating the source), dated September 30, 1947, summarizes the extent of information available concerning the loss of Lancaster HK756: In effect and reality, none … whether in 1947 or 2023. 

Bomber Command Losses notes that, “…F/O Adams RCAF was amongst the youngest bomber pilots to lose his life in the Second World War.”  His RCAF Service File reveals that he was born in England on May 23, 1925.

Akin to all crew members of HK756, a letter verifying their son’s missing in action status was sent to F/O Klatman’s next of kin – in this case, his parents – by Squadron Leader Lewington at RCAF Station Wombleton.  (Spelling uncertain.)

Born in Blati, Romania, on August 13, 1923, Joseph was the son of Samuel (1892-9/8/70) and Tuba “Toby” (Tipleatsky / Teplitzky) (1895-5/8/33) Klatman, and brother of Pearl, the family residing at 23 Brunswick Ave. in Toronto, Ontario.  His civilian occupation prior to entering the RCAF was “shipper”.

These two photographic portraits of F/O Klatman are also present in his Service File.  A review of Service Files shows that such images are typically – but not always! – found in Service Files for aviators, but rarely in Files for non-commissioned officers. 

The upper photo was taken on February 17, 1943, but the lower photo is undated.   

F/O Klatman’s name is commemorated on Panel 279 of the Runnymede Memorial, in Surrey, England, while his biography is found on page 40 of Part II of Canadian Jews in World War Two.

On the ground…

Private Leo Smith (Shomomenko)

Loyal Edmonton Regiment

Born in Gomel, Belarus, on September 21, 1918; a cleaner and presser in civilian life, Private Leo Smith (original surname Shomomenko), M/11468, died of wounds in Italy while serving in the Loyal Edmonton Regiment.  He and his wife, Columba Gallina Smith (7/20/18-9/09), resided at 1117-5th Ave., in Calgary, Alberta, with their daughter Sylvia Susan, who was born on January 28, 1940.  His parents were Abraham (12/10/98-5/8/91) and Rose (Kagansky) (7/17/99-9/21/82) Smith, his brother Allan, and his sisters Mary Gofsky and Pauline (a.k.a. “Polly”).

Pvt. Smith is buried at the Argenta Gap War Cemetery, at Ferrara, Italy (IV,E,12).  His very brief biography appears on page 73 of Part II of Canadian Jews in World War Two.

Private Smith’s biographical profile at FindAGrave.com includes a transcript of a news article from The Calgary Herald of January 25, 1945, which concludes upon the statement, “A short time ago, Pte. Smith had cabled home that he was due to receive leave and expected to be home for the first time in nearly five years,” paralleling Canadian Jews in World War Two, which states, “A veteran of four and one-half years overseas, he was killed a few days before he was scheduled to return home on leave.”  Neither the newspaper article nor Canadian Jews in World War Two could have elaborated upon the impetus for Pvt. Smith’s anticipated return to Canada, for this information was unknown to the public.  However, with the passage of time, the advent of the internet, and the accessibility of World War II Records and Service Files of Canadian War Dead at Ancestry.com, more – much more, about a family during wartime – is revealed.

It turns out that Private Smith requested leave to visit his family, the result of a letter from his sister Polly of November 7, 1944.  The original letter – probably having been returned to Pvt. Smith – is absent from the File, a verbatim transcript taking its place.  Therein, Polly succinctly, frankly, and compellingly describes the effects of Leo’s absence upon his mother, daughter, and wife, notably (this is as revealing as it’s unsurprising, given the passage of almost five years of military service) intimating that her brother’s long absence had affected his marriage to Columba, suggesting that their marriage may have been under strain prior to his enlistment in the army.  The letter is persuasive, poignant (very poignant), and powerful, and seems to have been compelling enough for the Canadian military to grant leave to Private Smith.

In a war of innumerable tragedies and countless ironies (but is that not so of all wars?), his return to his wife and family – to have taken place in early in 1945 – would never happen.

Time has passed.  Private Smith’s parents, Abraham and Rose, passed away in 1991 and 1982, respectively; his wife Columba Smith in 2009.  His daughter Sylvia Susan, four years old when her aunt Polly composed the letter to her father, would now in the year 2023 be eighty-three years old.

Here’s an image of the letter, from his Service File, followed by a transcript:

Nov 7/44
     1610 – Scotland St.
          Calgary

Dear Leo:

     We received your air-mail letter to-day and I was sure happy to hear from you.

     Leo dear, you must come home, there’s so much you must know.  Mother is very ill and many a morning she can’t get out of bed.  The doctor’s in the city don’t know what is wrong with her.  She has been to every doctor and there is no cure, so we do not know how long she will hold out.  The only thing she wants now is to see you home again and if you were to try to come home, she would have something to live for.  But now she has nothing.  She says for you to try to come home as soon as you can.

     Sylvia does not quit talking about you every day and is waiting for the day her daddy is coming home.  Edna’s husband is coming home this week and Betty Anne doesn’t quit talking about him and Sylvia wants to know when her daddy is coming home.

     It is true of course that Columba has gone through very much but the only thing stopping her from telling you to come back is her pride.  But she’s told me she still loves you.  Leo, you just have to come back home and as soon as possible.  Mother won’t last much longer if she hasn’t get to see you soon. For Mother’s and Dad’s and Sylvia’s sake you must come home.  Leo dear, please try your hardest.

     You may think these are big words for a little girl but I’m more grown up than Mary.

     I am leaving for New York to the University June the end of June and hope to see you before I leave because I hardly know you.  Please try to come home soon as I can’t stand seeing Mother going to pieces.

Love,
          Polly

Mother sends all her love to you

Certified this is a true copy of a letter
dated 7 Nov 44 received by the petitioner
from his sister, Polly, 1610 Scotland St.,
Calgary Alta.

(R.R. Brown) Capt
Legal Officer
4 Cdn Rft Bn  1 CBRG

____________________

____________________

References

Books

Burkett, Prentice “Mick”, The Unofficial History of the 499th Bomb Group (VH), Historical Aviation Album, Temple City, Ca., 1981

Chorley, W.R., Royal Air Force Bomber Command Losses – Heavy Conversion Units and Miscellaneous Units, 1939-1947 (Volume 8), Midland Publishing, Hinckley, England, 2003

Dublin, Louis I., and Kohs, Samuel C., American Jews in World War II – The Story of 550,000 Fighters for Freedom, The Dial Press, New York, N.Y., 1947

Lundy, Will, 44th Bomb Group Roll of Honor and Casualties, 1987, 2004 (via Green Harbor Publications)

Mireles, Anthony J., Fatal Army Air Forces Aviation Accidents in the United States, 1941-1945 – Volume 3: August 1944 – December 1945, McFarland & Company Inc., Publishers, Jefferson, N.C., 2006

Morris, Henry, Edited by Gerald Smith, We Will Remember Them – A Record of the Jews Who Died in the Armed Forces of the Crown 1939 – 1945, Brassey’s, United Kingdom, London, 1989

Swanborough, Gordon, and Bowers, Peter M., United States Navy Aircraft Since 1911, Funk & Wagnals, New York, N.Y., 1968

Canadian Jews in World War II – Part II: Casualties, Canadian Jewish Congress, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, 1948

The Long Haul : The Story of the 497th Bomb Group (VH), Newsfoto Pub. Co., San Angelo, Tx., 1947

40th Bombardment Group: A pictorial record of events, places, and people in India, China and Tinian from April 1944 through October 1945. Included are a few aerial views of Nippon, Singapore, Formosa and other exotic, far-off places, Newsfoto Pub. Co., San Angelo, Tx., 1945 (via Bangor Public Library)

Acknowledgment

Special thanks to Ari Dale for her translation of the inscription on Captain Sanford S. Fineman’s matzeva: “Thanks, Ari!”

Websites

The B-26 Marauder in US Navy and Marine Corps Service, at B26.com

May 13, 2017 459

Soldiers from New York: Jewish Soldiers in The New York Times, in World War Two: 2 Lt. Maurice D. Kraus and Sgt. David Snider – February 6, 1945 (In the air…)

It’s time that I returned to the “Times”.  The New York Times, that is…

And so, here’s the latest post in my ongoing series covering the military service and participation of Jewish soldiers during the Second World War, based on news items published in The New York Times through the duration of that global conflict. 

As such, this is (~ about ~) my fortieth post in the series.

Otherwise, a different angle:  It’s my third post about Jewish-servicemen-in-The-New-York-Times – who, though they were the subjects of news articles published on different calendar days … in this case, Sgt. David Snider on March 4, 1945, and, Second Lieutenant Maurice David Kraus on March 8 of that same year … lost their lives on the same day: Tuesday, February 6, 1945.  (Shevat 23, 5705)  The prior two posts in this regard concerned Second Lieutenant Arthur Chasen and Sergeant Alfred R. Friedlander (December 23, 1944), and, Captain Paul Kamen, PFC Donald R. Lindheim, and PFC Arthur N. Sloan (April 20, 1945).  

This post is unusual from another angle:  Sergeant Snider was a Marine.  Thus far, my only posts concerning Jews in the Marine Corps pertain to WW II Captain Howard K. Goodman, and, PFC Richard E. Marks, who served in Vietnam.

As before, this retrospective follows the same general format of my other “Jewish-soldiers-in-The-New-York-Times” posts.  However, being that there’s such an abundance of information about the events of “this” day – February 6 of ’45 – I’m presenting information about these soldiers in two posts. 

“This” post covers aviators.

A second post pertains to soldiers who served in the ground forces of the Allied Armies.

________________________________________

For those who lost their lives on this date…

Tuesday, February 6, 1945 / Shevat 23, 5705
– .ת.נ.צ.ב.ה. –
…Tehé Nafshó Tzrurá Bitzrór Haḥayím

May his soul be bound up in the bond of everlasting life.

________________________________________

Second Lieutenant Maurice David Kraus

United States Army Air Force

5th Air Force

5th Air Service Area Command

On Thursday, March 8, 1945, the following news item appeared in The New York Times:

Bomber Navigator Dead After a Crash on Leyte

The War Department has notified Mrs. Mary Braunstein Kraus of 482 Fort Washington Avenue that her son, Second Lieut. Maurice D. Kraus, 22 years old, a bomber navigator in the Army Air Forces, was killed Feb. 6 on Leyte in an accidental airplane crash.  Lieutenant Kraus had flown thirty-one missions in the Southwest Pacific.

Born in New York City, Lieutenant Kraus was graduates from Townsend Harris High School and was a student at City College in 1942 when he joined the Army.  He had been overseas since 1943.

In addition to his mother he leaves his father, Abraham Kraus, who is in the millinery and novelty business, and a sister, Miss Jean Kraus, both of the Fort Washington Avenue address. Miss Kraus is a Barnard College student.

Lieutenant Maurice David Kraus, whose name appears on page 368 of American Jews in World War II, was awarded the Air Medal and Purple Heart. Born in New York City on July 18, 1922, he graduated in Selman Field Class 43-08 (August of 1943) with serial number 0-805172.

Oddly, an account of the incident on Tacloban even now – in 2023 – is more conjecture than conclusion.

How so?

The Missing Air Crew Report (MACR) index name card filed for Lt. Kraus’ bears no MACR number.

The AAIR (Aviation Archeological Investigation and Research) database for 1945 is absent of any record – assuming such even existed – pertaining to a February 6, 1945 plane crash at Tacloban, or, Leyte Island.

Lt. Kraus’ IDPF (Individual Deceased Personnel File), which records his father’s business address as “Kraus Import Company, 15 West 38th St., Room 907, New York, 18, N.Y.”) lists his military unit as the 5th Air Service Area Command of the 5th Air Force, but is devoid of specific information about the Tacloban incident.

The unit history of the 5th Air Service Area Command, on AFHRA Microfilm Reel A7368, is remarkably vague about the February 6, 1945 plane crash, the Command’s history for February of 1945 (on frame 620, to be specific) stating, “A Depot #2 C-47 airplane loaded with priority freight and one passenger, crashed on takeoff at Tacloban Airstrip.  All persons were killed and the plane was completely demolished.”

Thus, the mystery.

However, some rather circuitous research suggests that the plane’s pilot may (…may…) have been 2 Lt. Ralph C. Stava of Douglas, Nebraska, who was assigned to the 43rd Service Squadron of the 12th Air Depot Group.  Quoting the news article “Lt. RALPH STAVA REPORTED KILLED” at Lt. Stava’s FindAGrave biographical profile (based on articles in the Omaha World Herald and Plattsmouth Journal):

“Edward F. Stava, Douglas, has been advised that his son, Second Lieutenant RALPH C. STAVA, was killed in a plane crash in the Leyte area of the Philippines February 6, 1945.  This message was received here in the Plattsmouth Journal office Friday by the Kenneth McCarthy family.

“Born in Plattsmouth, Lieutenant Stava graduated from Plattsmouth High School in 1940 and attended Tarkio, Missouri College prior to going into the service.  He entered the military shortly after the outbreak of the war and received his training in the south until graduation.

“Lieutenant Stava received his silver wings and was commissioned a Second Lieutenant status at the Marfa, Texas, AAF advanced two-engine pilot school.  He was assigned to Gardner Field, Taft, California.

“Lieutenant Stava was sent to the Pacific area early last summer and has since been in action in that part of the war zone.  He had been overseas seven months.”

Much like the IDPF for Lt. Kraus’, the IDPF for Lt. Stava has no specifics about the accident of February 6, 1945, whether in terms of technical information about the C-47, a list of the plane’s crew and passengers, or extracts from a report about the accident.

And so, the mystery remains.

Lt. Kraus, whose name appeared in an official casualty list published on March 8, 1945, and in the “In Memoriam” Section of the Times on February 10, 1946, is buried at Mount Hope Cemetery, in Hastings, New York.

This series of Mapple Apps Apple Maps, of larger and larger scale as you scroll down the page, show the location of the current Daniel Z. Romualdez Airport (formerly Tacloban Airfield) on Leyte Island, in the Philippines.  

This first map shows Tacloban and Leyte Island in relation to other major islands of the Philippines.  

Moving in closer, we see Tacloban relative to Leyte Island on the west, Samar Island on the east (separated by San Juanico Strait), and San Pedro Bay to the South.  

Here’s the Daniel Z. Romualdez Airport in relation to Tacloban City.  

And, a closer map view of the airport itself.  Note that there is a single runway, oriented almost exactly north-south…

… which can be seen more clearly in this aerial (or satellite?) photo.

Approximately eighty years old, this photo (U.S. National Naval Aviation Museum photo 2001.294.006) show the Tacloban airfield in late 1944.  In this image, the view is looking directly south along the eastern coast of Leyte Island, with San Pablo Bay to the left (west).  

The man who may have been the pilot of the unidentified C-47: Lt. Ralph C. Stava.  This image, via FindAGrave contributor Loren Bender, is from Stava’s FindAGrave biographical profile.  The winged propeller cap insignia indicates that the photo was taken when he was an aviation cadet.  

______________________________

Sergeant David Snider

United States Marine Corps

Bombing Squadron VMB-613

(Here’s the (un)official insignia of VMB-613, as designed by First Lieutenant James R. Edmunds III.  As described at the squadron association’s website, “This … squadron insignia was set on a circular red background.  Centered on the background were Naval Aviator wings with a globe and anchor.  Above the wings were three maces.  The main feature was a 75mm cannon tube with a skull in the muzzle, proudly denoting VMB-613’s unique status as only Marine Bombing Squadron to utilize the cannon-armed PBJ-1H in combat.”)

Sergeant David Snider’s story is known definitively, primarily through PacificWrecks.com and VMB-613.com

Here’s his obituary, as published in the Times:

Marine Sergeant Killed in Central Pacific Theatre

Sgt. David Snider, Marine Corps, of 1981 Eightieth Street, Brooklyn, was killed Feb. 6 in the Central Pacific theatre, according to word received here yesterday.  His age was 20.

Born in New York, he was graduated from Erasmus Hall High School and entered the Marine Corps in 1942.

He leaves a widow, Lenore; his parents, Mr. and Mrs. Isidore Snider; two brothers, Corp. Samuel Snider, Marine Corps, and Leon Snider, and a sister, Mrs. Ruth Barst. 

Sgt. Snider was married, his wife, Lenore, residing at 1981 80th Street in Brooklyn.  Interestingly – well, this was the United States of nearly-eight decades ago! – Lenore’s family lived “just down the street” from the Sniders, who resided at 2019 80th Street.  David’s parents were Isidore (4/3/89-5/29/52) and Baseva (Sophia or Sophie) (Melamed / Blumberg) (9/10/89-9/21/71) Snider; his brothers Samuel and Leon, and his sister Ruth Barst.  He was reburied at Riverside Cemetery in Rochelle Park, New Jersey on July 6, 1949.  

His name appeared in a Casualty List published on 2/27/45, and can also be found on page 448 of American Jews in World War II, which notes that he was awarded the Purple Heart. 

A photographer in Marine Corps bomber squadron VMSB-613 (a unit of Marine Air Group 31 of the 4th Marine Air Wing), Sergeant Snider (805866) was one of six men aboard PBJ-1H Mitchell #35275 – plane-in-squadron number “6”, otherwise known as the LOVE BUG – which was shot down by anti-aircraft fire during a bombing mission to Airstrip #2 on Ponape (Pohnpei) Island, “…one of the Senyavin Islands which are part of the larger Caroline Islands group,” an archipelago of small islands in the western Pacific Ocean. 

Piloted by 1 Lt. William John Love (0-23765) from Vineland, Kansas (whose surname inspired the bomber’s nickname), the plane’s other crewmen comprised:

Co-Pilot: Stone, Thomas William, 1 Lt. – 0-27570 – Ringwood, Ok.
Navigator: Schwaller, John Richard, S/Sgt. – 292152 – Jefferson City, Mo.
Radio Operator / Gunner: Baumbach, Leland Edward, Sgt. – 819550 – Bryant, S.D.
Radio Operator / Gunner: Becker, John Anthony, Sgt. – 870393 – Boulder, Co.

Given the plethora of information about the LOVE BUG and her crew, rather than rewrite the crew’s entire story, I’ll instead present excerpts from PacificWrecks and VMB-613.  Of particular and ironic note is the fact that Lt. William J. Love’s brother, 1 Lt. Robert E. Love, was also a pilot in VMB-613, the brothers and their crews – William J. Love’s “Crew No. 2”, and Robert E. Love’s “Crew No. 1” – alternately flying the LOVE BUG.

First, from Pacific Wrecks, quoting VMB-613 veteran Robert Yanacek

“Here is an interesting story, told to me by one of Bob Love’s radio-gunners, Lloyd McDaniel.  Bill Love and his crew were not scheduled for the fateful raid.  Bob Love and his crew were supposed to have been on the raid. Lloyd told me that at about dusk on February 5th, a Japanese sub was sighted.  VMB-613 dispatched one aircraft to investigate.  That aircraft was the “Love Bug” flown by Bob Love and his crew.  The patrolled the area for a number of hours but couldn’t locate anything.  The headed back to Eniwetok and did not land until after midnight.  Because the arrived back so late, it was decided that they would not fly the strike on Ponape.  Bill Love and his crew were then assigned to the mission.  Bill Love and his crew left Eniwetok at 9AM in the “Love Bug” never to return.  As Bob Love and his crew awoke on Eniwetok about noon, word came over the radio that there had been some problems.

Wartime History

On February 6, 1945 at 9:00am took off from Enewetak Airfield (Stickell Field) piloted by 1st Lt. William J. Love with Crew No. 2 armed with four 500 pound bombs on a strike mission against Palikir Airfield (Airfield No. 2) on Ponape Island.  This formation included six PBJ Mitchells flying in three sections in pairs at an altitude of 8,000′.  This PBJ was flying as the lead plane in the third section.

Over Ponape Island were thunderstorms and the PBJs had to change their planned attack.  The first section found a hole in the weather and made a violent turn to get over the target but the second aircraft was not able to release its bombs.  The second section was able to make a better approach and flew the length of the target and claimed several bomb hits but the second plane had three bombs hang up.

When the third section attacked, it swung wide to the left then circled to the right to attack Palikir Airfield (Airfield No. 2) from another angle.  Over the target, medium and light anti-aircraft fire was intense.  During the bombing run, this PBJ was hit by anti-aircraft fire in the bottom of the fuselage that entered the nose section fire from “a small gun atop Dolen Pahniepw” (Dolen Palikir) and crashed and burned on impact at Palikir.  Soon after the crash one of the bombs still aboard exploded.

Second, VMB-613 has an extremely detailed account of the PBJ’s loss…

This comprises a transcript of the Aircraft Action Report, an account of exploration and research of the crash site in the early 2000s (two decades ago already…?!) by Stan Gajda, Richard D. Williams and Russell French, their efforts to definitively establish the fate and burial location of Sgt. Snider, and, a retrospective of the 60th anniversary memorial service (February 6, 2005) for the crew, in which the airmen were commemorated by Ambassador Suzanne K. Hale.  Particularly valuable and moving are the many (very many!) photographs of the crash location and surviving fragments of 35275 (at least, the little that still remained as of 2001 and 2005) by Stan Gajda and Dick Williams.

Third, here’s an excerpt of the Aircraft Action Report from the website of VMB-613’s Association website:

Bombing Airstrip #2, Ponape Island

“The tail gunner of the first plane of the last section saw the right wing of the last plane collapse immediately outboard of the engine nacelle just as the pilot completed a wide turn and leveled out for his approach.  The plane crashed just short of the runway exploding on impact with the ground and burning violently.  In the opinion of the tail gunner no bombs had been dropped by this plane and no heavy A/A fire was observed although light and medium flak was intense.  No cause for the collapse of the wing has been established.  It is believed that all personnel aboard were killed in the crash and also that classified material carried in the plane would have been destroyed by the fire preventing its compromise.”

It’s my understanding that the LOVE BUG was VMB-613’s only aircraft lost to enemy action during WW II.  The squadron’s only other combat fatality also occurred on the February 6 mission: Pvt. William M. Farley, serving as a navigator, was killed by a fragment from one of the 500-pound bombs dropped from his own aircraft, during the strike against airfield #2.  Unfortunately, the Bureau Number of his PBJ is not listed.

Relevant information and photos can be accessed at the following VMB-613 Association web pages:

Aircraft Action Report
PONAPE CRASH-SITE: PAGE 1 – 20 photos (map and 19 photos of crash site)
PONAPE CRASH-SITE: PAGE 2 – 20 photos (fragments of wreckage discovered in early 2000s)
PONAPE CRASH-SITE: PAGE 3 – 8 photos (fragments of aircraft wreckage, Sgt. Snider’s matzeva and dog-tag, collective grave marker for the bomber’s other five crew members, and, a contemporary (early 2000s) photo of Susan (Stone) Clare, Lt. Stone’s daughter, who was two months old at the time of her father’s death.) 

You can also view several images of Tory Mucaro’s 1/72 model of the LOVE BUG (web page from 2006) at Hyperscale.com.

Here’s the LOVE BUG in an image from the biographical profile of co-pilot 1 Lt. Thomas W. Stone, via FindAGrave contributor John T. Chiarella.  Note that the only personal marking is the nickname itself, nose art being absent.  Other VMB-613 Mitchell nicknames, all similarly painted along the muzzle port of the plane’s 75mm cannon, included, “…8-Ball, Betty Lou, Bung-Ho!, Fireball, Flaming Fury, Green Weenie, Ladders Up, Long Gone, Marlene, Miss-Carriage, and Pregnant Annie.”

This in-flight digital depiction of the LOVE BUG in flight is among five such images of the plane at WarThunder.com.  These images clearly illustrates the camouflage and markings of VMB-613’s Mitchells: “…the three-tone color scheme adopted by the U.S. Navy in March of 1944 – sea blue, intermediate sea blue, and white.  An unusual feature of this color scheme was that the sea blue on the upper surfaces was carried over onto the leading edges of the lower surfaces of the wing and horizontal stabilizer.  The squadron number for each aircraft was stenciled in large white numbers within a dark-colored rectangular box below the aircraft’s Bureau Number on the vertical stabilizer.  The purpose of this dark-colored rectangular box was simply to obliterate the original two-digit aircraft numbers used stateside while the squadron was training.” 

Though not actually visible at the scale of this map, Ponape Island, the site of the LOVE BUG’s loss in combat, as one of the Caroline islands, would be “within” the location designated by the red oval.

Oogling in much (much) closer onto Ponape (Pohnpei) Island, Airstrip #2 is located near Palikir, in the island’s northwest.  

Even closer: The LOVE BUG crashed at the location indicated by Oogle’s emblematic red pointer.  In this 2022 CNES air (or is it satellite?) photo, it can be seen that Airstrip #2 has been replaced by a road, and, what appears to be a cluster of houses.  

This topographic map of the LOVE BUG’s crash site, at a slightly larger scale than the preceding Oogle image, is via VMB-613 website.  It can be seen that Lt. Love’s bomber crashed into a hillside due north of the northeast corner of the airstrip.  

From the Voith Family Tree at Ancestry.com, this image, presumably from the late 20s or early 30s, shows David’s parents Isidor and Sophie, with (left to right) brother Leon, sister Ruth, Davey (David) himself, and brother Sam in front.

Another Voith Family Tree image.  This photo, evidently sent by Sgt. Snider to his family, is captioned: “A. L. Brasington Florida A. P. Petko : Penna. J. L. Packard – Calif R. L. Stehman, Penna. F. J. Dudzik Illinois & Your One & only Davy”.  Further research revealed that these men are:

Albert L. Brasington (Florida)
Andrew P. Petko (Pennsylvania)
James L. Packard (California)
Robert L. Stehman (Pennsylvania)
Frank J. Dudzik (Illinois)
… and … David Snider, having a bite in lower right.

David (right) and his brother Samuel.  I’m not certain of the source of this image; it may be VMB-613.com.

David married the (almost literally) “girl next door”…

This 2022 Oogle Street View shows the former Snider home, at 2019 80th Street in Brooklyn.

Some home, different perspective:  The view has been rotated to the left, showing the intersection of 80th Street and 20th Ave, with 1981 80th Street just to the right of the traffic light.  Not much of a walk between houses, eh?

And so, we arrive at 1981 80th St., the home of Lenore – David’s wife.  A “deep dive” into Ancestry.com revealed that Lenore – who may also have gone by the names Lenora or Leonora – was actually Lenore Ehrlich.  Born on December 25, 1923, her father was David Levine; her sister Mary; her brother Alvin.  She and David were married on May 9, 1944 in Brooklyn, their all-too-brief marriage spanning just a little over nine months.     

From VMB-613 (specifically, “TRANSFER TO MCAF NEWPORT: PAGE 1“), this Marine Corps photo (from the David Snider Collection, c/o the Manning Brothers) is captioned, “REMMEL PARK: First Lieutenant Francis S. Manning, Sergeant David Snider, and an unidentified VMB-613 member enjoy an outing at Remmel Park in Newport along with their wives.”  The obvious conclusion is that the lady to David’s left is his wife and at-one-time girl next door, Lenore.

Lt. Love and his four crew members were buried at Jefferson Barracks National Cemetery in Saint Louis, on June 10, 1949.  This photo of the crew’s collective grave, at the FindAGrave biographical profile of Sgt. John R. Schwaller, is via FindAGrave contributor Jami.

Sgt. David Snider’s dog-tag:  As described at VMB-613, “Immediately following the end of World War II, a number of squadron members went to Ponape in search of the crew of MB-6 that had been lost over the island on February 6, 1945.  One squadron member recovered a dog tag from the body of Sergeant David Snider and brought it back to Kwajalein where it was given to Dave’s friend, Corporal Herbert E. Schwartz.  [Served in Ordnance section of VMB-613.]  Corporal Schwartz had hoped to return the dog tag to Sergeant Snider’s wife upon his return to the United States, however he was unable to locate her.  Photograph: Marine Bombing Squadron Six-Thirteen (Courtesy of Herbert E. Schwartz)”

Here’s a last image from the Voith Family Tree: Sergeant David Snider’s matzeva, at Riverside Cemetery, in Rochelle Park, New Jersey.  

______________________________

Flight Officer Stanley Louis Dietel

8th Air Force

509th Bomb Squadron, 351st Bomb Group

(Here’s the insignia of the 509th Bomb Squadron, as embroidered upon an A-2 flight jacket once worn by John R. Bluford of the 351st Bomb Group.  The jacket was auctioned through invaluable.com on December 15, 2020.  As shown in images at invaluable’s website, the insignia seems (?!) to have been sewn upon the jacket in an incorrect orientation.  I’ve thus Photoshopped (rotated) the image to depict the insignia as designed, such that the bomb is pointing downwards to the left.) 

Thus for the Pacific Theatre. 

Now, on the world’s other side: The European Theater.

What’s striking on February 6, 1945, is that the majority of casualties this day, except for the men who were captured, occurred in incidents that did not involve direct and immediate contact with the enemy.      

In the case of the 351st Bomb Group, after a mission to Targets of Opportunity at Eisfelde, Germany, a mid-air collision occurred between two B-17s of the 509th Bomb Squadron, claiming the lives of nineteen airmen.  While circling the Group’s base at Polebrook, Northamptonshire, un-named B-17G 43-38080 (DS * Q), piloted by 1 Lt. Edward R. Ashton, was struck from underneath by B-17G 43-37595 (“RQ * O”) piloted by 2 Lt. Reinhold W. Vergen (thus that plane’s nickname: Vergen’s Virgins) while circling the base, tearing off the right wing of 38080.  (“Clouds were down to 200 feet over the base when the planes returned, making landing difficult.”)  Both aircraft crashed in a field near Lutton, east of Polebrook, with no survivors.  

Lists of the crews of 43-38080 and 43-37595 can be found here.

Among the nine men aboard Vergen’s Virgins was bombardier Flight Officer Stanley Louis Dietel (T-129652), from New Brunswick, New Jersey.  The son of Jacob (1885-1940) and Sarah (Ellenswig) Dietel (12/25/84-1958) of 191 Sanford Street – he also had six sisters – he was born in Highland Park on November 15, 1924. 

Though a Missing Air Crew Report name index file card was created for F/O Dietel, no MACR was actually compiled for this incident. 

F/O dietel’s name appeared in a Casualty List published on March 15, 1945, and can be found on pages 230 and 231 of American Jews in World War II.  He received the Purple Heart and Air Medal, the 351st Bomb Group website indicating that the sortie of February 6 was his tenth mission. 

F/O Dietel is buried in Grave 14, Row 7, Plot F, of the Cambridge American Cemetery. 

This composite image shows Stanley Dietel as he appeared in the 1943 (left) and 1945 editions of the Highland Park High School yearbook.  The 1945 image is available via the Barwick Family Tree at Ancestry.com, and, Stanley Dietel’s biographical profile at FindAGrave.

This was unexpected.  While reviewing F/O Dietel’s FindAGrave biographical profile, I discovered that his matzeva is a crucifix (as seen in this photograph by Skip Farrow) in accordance instructions in his Headstone Inscription and Interment Record, which lists his mother as his next of kin. 

Both of his National Jewish Welfare Board Bureau of War Records biographical information cards verify that he was a Jew, his name also appearing on pages 230 and 231 of American Jews in World War II

Though extraordinarily rare in terms of WW II casualties in the American military, this is not entirely unprecedented, as exemplified by the story of General Maurice Rose.  Though I have no plans to access F/O Dietel’s Individual Deceased Personnel File, perhaps the explanation could be found amidst correspondence in that document.

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Second Lieutenant Morton H. Feingold

8th Air Force

549th Bomb Squadron, 385th Bomb Group

(The insignia of the 549th Bomb Squadron, from the American Air Museum in Britain.)  

There’s a detailed and moving account concerning 2 Lt. Morton H. Feingold (0-838396), a co-pilot in the 549th Bomb Squadron of the 8th Air Force’s 385th Bomb Group, by Ron McInnis, his crew’s tail gunner, at IanMcinnis.com, under the title “Flying Backwards in ‘44”. 

Mr. McInnis’ story reveals that during the February 6 mission to Chemnitz, Germany, after having bombed the target, the 385th Bomb Group temporarily became lost due to a combination of headwinds and jamming of aircraft navigational gear by the Germans.  The formation leader thus decided to descend to 12,000’ while still over Germany, the squadron (and group?) eventually breaking into clear weather directly over the city of Cologne. 

The Luftwaffe anti-aircraft gunners were ready: Flak, visually aimed, was fired directly into the 385th’s formation. 

Struck by flak as Lt. Feingold piloted Miss Fortune (43-38118; XA * K) – he and aircraft commander Lt. Jerome Stiel alternated this task on combat missions – the aircraft suddenly went into a climb verging on a stall.  After Lt. Stiel recovered control of the aircraft, it was discovered that Morton had been struck in his right kidney by a large piece of flak.  No other crew members were injured.

Lt. Stiel immediately contacted Ninth Air Force Command, informing them of a medical emergency, and was directed to land at Florennes, Belgium.  Lt. Feingold was removed from his seat by Miss Fortune’s navigator and bombardier and then given morphine, the crew’s flight engineer taking over as co-pilot.  With a remarkable job of piloting Miss Fortune during an extremely challenging landing involving – which necessitated avoiding a parked B-17 and a bellied-in C-47 – Lt. Stiel brought his B-17 to a temporary and rapid halt as medics removed Lt. Feingold from the airplane, even as he avoided yet another B-17 making an emergency landing.

Taken to a hospital in Charleroi, Lt. Feingold passed away two days later.  His injuries were too severe for survival.

Like Flight Officer Dietel, a MACR name index cards exists for Lt. Feingold, albeit with the notation “No MACR #”. 

The son of Abraham and Rose Feingold and brother of Thelma, Lt. Feingold’s family resided at 3933 Gladys Street in Chicago, where he was born on April 15, 1924.  Buried at Glen Oak Cemetery, Hillside, Illinois, on May 31, 1949, his name appears on page 98 of American Jews in World War II, which records that he received the Air Medal and Purple Heart.  News about his death in combat appeared in The Chicagoan on July 11, 1946, while notice of his burial appeared in the Chicago Tribune on May 29, 1949. 

You can read Ron McInnis’ account of the February 6 mission here, and with links to all five sections of his writings here.

This image of Miss Fortune / XA * K, is from B17FlyingFortress.de, via 385th Bomb Group.com.  Given that the aircraft’s landing gear has been lowered and it’s dropping packages at minimal altitude, it would seem that it’s engaged in a food dropping mission over the Netherlands in late April of 1945, as described on page 230 of Roger Freeman’s The Mighty Eighth.  Particularly noticeable is the distinctive late-war red checkerboard tail marking of the 385th Bomb Group.

Here’s Miss Fortune on the nose of 43-38118.  This image is from the website of the 385th Bomb Group Association.  According to Roger Freeman’s The B-17 Flying Fortress Story, this aircraft survived the war and ended up at Kingman, Arizona, by late November of 1945.  

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Flight Officer Edwin London

8th Air Force

857th Bomb Squadron, 492nd Bomb Group

(Maurer and Maurer’s Combat Squadrons of the Air Force, World War II, states that the 857th Bomb Squadron had no squadron emblem.  However, Battlefield.Store on EBay, describes this insignia as the emblem of the 857th.)

A non-combat incident claimed the crew of B-24H Liberator Gunga Din (41-29505) of the 492nd Bomb Group’s 857th Bomb Squadron. 

The aircraft, manned by 2 Lt. Charles H. Edwards with his crew of eight, crashed during a night training mission at Lyon-Bron Airfield, France, during an attempted emergency landing on three engines. 

Among the plane’s crew was bombardier F/O Edwin London (T-128655).  Born in Manhattan on Oct. 9, 1923, he was the son of Louis and Sophia London, of 2483 Davidson Ave., in the Bronx.  (Also at 138 Remsen St., in Brooklyn?) 

Paralleling F/O Dietel, though a Missing Air Crew Report name index file card was created for F/O London, the card is absent of a MACR Number, implying that no such document was filed to report on Gunga-Din’s loss. 

F/O London’s name appears on page 383 of American Jews in World War II, but this entry is absent of a notation indicating the receipt of a Purple Heart or any other award, suggesting that the Edwards crew had flown fewer than five – or perhaps no? – actual combat missions prior to the accident February 6.

F/O London is buried at King Solomon Memorial Park in Clifton, New Jersey. 

Discovered via Sarah Jane Gabig’s comments in F/O Edwin London’s biographical profile at FindAGrave, this image of the Edwards’ crew – with F/O London standing second from right, rear – is from the U.S.A.A.F. Special Operations – 801 BG Carpetbaggers 492 BG website; specifically, the Edwards crew page.

The men in the photo are:

Rear, left to right

Edwards, Charles H. – 2 Lt. – Pilot – 0-719592
Burt, Merrill A. – 2 Lt. – Co-Pilot – 0-2062978
London, Edwin – F/O – Bombardier – T-128655
Roy, Gerard L. – 2 Lt. – Navigator – 0-2065189

Front, left to right

Matthews, James D. – Sgt. – Flight Engineer – 38506486
Mellotte, James O. – Sgt. – Radio Operator – 14136535
Stuckey, John T. – Sgt. – Gunner – 38389577
Boren, Mose C., Jr. – Sgt. – Gunner – 19106534
Cathers, Allan W. – Sgt. – Gunner – 42072365
Wolfersberger, R.G., Jr. – Sgt. – Gunner – 36466780

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Some Came Back

Among the Jewish airmen who were casualties during combat missions on February 6, 1945, six men were captured; all in Europe.  All returned to the United States after the war’s end in Europe.  Four of these men served in the 8th Air Force, and two in the Italian-based 12th Air Force.

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______________________________

Second Lieutetant Harold Brod

Sergeant Alexander Jacobs

8th Air Force

728th Bomb Squadron, 452nd Bomb Group

(The insignia of the 728th Bomb Squadron, from Flying Tiger Antiques.)

Starting from England…

On a mission to Weisbaden, Germany, Lady Satan, B-17G 42-97175 (9Z * C) of the 728th Bomb Squadron, 452nd Bomb Group, commanded by 2 Lt. James L. Bayless, was struck by flak, setting the plane’s right inboard (#3) engine afire.  As reported in Missing Air Crew Report 12240, “Shortly afterwards the engine fell off and the fire went out.  Four chutes were seen from the A/C at 49-52 N, 07-49 E (by Gee Fix) at 1248 hours and then the A/C, losing altitude in a glide, disappeared into the clouds still under control.” 

Eight of the bomber’s nine crew members survived as prisoners of war:  Four men parachuted, and four rode Lady Satan to a crash-landing. 

It turned out that the flak burst which destroyed the #3 engine also struck co-pilot 2 Lt. Harold E. McComb, almost severing his right leg below the knee.  Unable to bail out or assist in flying the aircraft, he placed a tourniquet around his leg and remained in Lady Satan’s nose compartment, while uninjured navigator Lt. Harold Brod and wounded togglier Sgt. John Young moved to the bomber’s waist.  From then on, Lt. Bayless alone piloted the badly damaged bomber. 

According to Luftgaukommando Report KU 3649, at 1310 hours, Lady Satan made an “emergency landing” near Simmern, “behind” Dhaun, 1 km north of Kirn-Soberheim Street. 

Placed in an ambulance and taken with Sgt. Young to a hospital in the city of Kirn, Lt. McComb was given a blood transfusion from the wounded togglier, his lower leg being amputated.  However, he died during the evening. 

As for those who parachuted from the B-17?  Postwar, radio operator Sgt. Hubert Salyer reported that, “We left formation almost immediately.  Shortly after leaving the formation (approximately 2-4 minutes) I bailed out of plane on orders from pilot.  I was captured when I hit the ground, a small village named Deutschild.  Two other crew members were also picked up here with me.  I understand from Alexander Jacobs, the waist gunner on our crew, that he was captured at Bad Kreuznach, Germany.”

Navigator 2 Lt. Harold Brod (0-2065036) was born in Manhattan on June 27, 1924.  His parents were Louis and Rose, of 718 Brunswick Ave. in Elizabeth, New Jersey, and (earlier?) 111 Benjamin Street, in Cranford, New Jersey. 

Like the other six survivors of Lady Satan, Lt. Brod and Sgt. Jacobs spent the rest of the war as POWs, though the camps in which they were interned are unknown.  Neither man’s name appears in American Jews in World War II, though Sgt. Jacobs’ name appeared in a list of liberated POWs in a Casualty List published on June 10, 1945.

This image of Lady Satan is via the American Air Museum in Britain.

The nose art of Lady Satan, from FindAGrave contributor and historian Jaap Vermeer.  

This image, also via Jaap Vermeer, is from the FindAGrave page for 2 Lt. James L. Bayless, Sr.  Though the image lacks a caption, one of the two doughnut-enjoying officers in the photo is presumably Lt. Bayless, who died in 1982.

The documents preserved in Luftgaukommando Reports can be as informative as they are striking.  In this case, Luftgaukommando Report KU 3649, which covers the identification of Lady Satan, and, the identification and “processing” of her crew, includes the crew roster shown below, which – being in English – was not compiled by German intelligence!  

I’d suggest two origins for this document.  1) It was created after the crew was formed, during training in the United States, 2) It was drafted just before the crew’s departure from the United States to England.  In either case, it probably represents the Bayless crew as originally formed.  The reason being, that Lieutenants John R. Jekutis and Maurice L. Waterson, Sr. were not aboard the aircraft when it was shot down, and Germans Intelligence was able to identity Lt. McComb and Sgt. Young as filling in for those two men’s crew positions, as evident in the notations in red in the left margin. 

In any event, though it’s my understanding that flight crews were never supposed to carry personal documents, family correspondence, photos, memorabilia, or trinkets – whether military or civilian – on combat missions, a perusal of Luftgaukommando Reports reveals that this rule was often honored in the breach.  Ironically, this can make a perusal of these documents surprising, moving, and (at times) haunting.     

As shown here.

The document below, from KU 3649, is an Angaben über Gefangennahme eines Angehörigen der feindlichen Luftwaffe (Information about the capture of a member of the enemy air force) form for Lt. Brod.

Note that Lady Satan is (correctly) recorded as having Notgelandet” (made an emergency landing), and Lt. Brod is stated to have Verweigert Aussage des Geburtsdatums und letzten Wohnortes” (Refused to state date of birth and last place of residence.)

Also note… The diminutive but not-necessarily-innocuousH penciled to the right of Lt. Brod’s name and serial number.

Here’s Lt. Brod’s Casualty Questionnaire from MACR 12240.  Note that Lt. Bayless landed the plane while alone in the cockpit, Lt. McComb (after having been given morphine) having been placed in the nose, while Sgt. Young (also wounded) and Lt. Brod remained in the waist.  

And, below is theAngaben über Gefangennahme eines Angehörigen der feindlichen Luftwaffe form for Sgt. Jacobs.

The document correctly records that the SergeantMit Fallschirm abgesprungen (Jumped out with a parachute.)

Unlike the form for Lt. Brod, that for Sgt. Jacobs – despite the fact that both men’s dog-tags were stamped with the letter “H” – lacks a notation about the Sergeant’s being a Jew.  However, comments about his physical description are penciled in the upper right corner.  

Ironically; sadly, Lt. Brod, once again “Harold Brod”, twelve years later encountered what is known in literature, myth, and legend as an “appointment in Samarra”.  To quote an example from the Talmud (Tractate Sukkah 53a):

Johanan stated,  A man’s feet are responsible for him; they lead him to the place where he is wanted.

There were once two Cushites who attended on Solomon, and these were Elihoreph and Ahyah, the sons of Shisha, scribes, of Solomon.  One day Solomon observed that the Angel of Death was sad.  ‘Why’, he said to him, ‘art thou sad?’ — ‘Because’, he answered him, ‘they have demanded from me the two Cushites who sit here’.  [Solomon thereupon] gave them in charge of the spirits and sent them to the district of Luz.  When, however, they reached the district of Luz they died.  On the following day, he observed that the Angel of Death was in cheerful spirits.  ‘Why’, he said to him, ‘art thou cheerful?’ — ‘To the place’, the other replied, ‘where they expected them from me, thither didst thou send them!’  Solomon thereupon uttered the saying, ‘A man’s feet are responsible for him; they lead him to the place where he is wanted.’

As an executive (import-export manager) of the United Stated Plywood Corporation of Los Angeles, he was killed in a plane crash at Bulog Village, Batangas Province, Luzon, on October 11, 1957, while aboard a civilian aircraft whose four other passengers included Carlos P. Romulo, Jr., eldest son of Brigadier General Carlos Romulo.  The aircraft was piloted by Paul Irving “Pappy” Gunn, famed WW II aviator and – at the time, as owner of the plane – General Manager of the Philippine Air Development Company.  Strangely, while the Wikipedia entry for Pappy Gunn indicates that the plane crashed in a storm, a United Press news story dated October 11 states that the unidentified twin-engine aircraft exploded in mid-air, while an Associated Press story filed on the same day states that the aircraft ran out of fuel.  (What?!  Very strange.)

Though I’ve not been able to find any images of Harold Brod, his FindAGrave biographical profile includes this newspaper photo – probably from 1957 or ’58 – showing Beth L. Brod, his widow, donating a check to Columbia University in honor of her late husband.  The text accompanying the image follows:

“ACCEPTING a check from Mrs. Harold Brod, center, for a scholarship in honor of her late husband, to be known as the Harold Brod Memorial Room at Columbia University, Grayson Kirk, president of Columbia, is pictured above, right, as Dean Lawrence H. Chamberlain looks on.  The endowed scholarship room in a Columbia dormitory will be awarded annually to a deserving student at the college, who must maintain regular scholarship standards.  The first award will be made in the fall.  Mrs. Brod is the former Beth Drexler [Beth L. Drexler] of Larchmont, whose husband was killed Oct. 11, 1957, when the plane in which he was returning home from a business trip to Mindanao exploded 50 miles south of the Philippines.  Mrs. Brod was awaiting him in Hong Kong and the couple, married in November, 1956, [Nov. 4, 1956] had planned a round-the-world trip.  The five passengers in the plane, including Carlos P. Romulo, Jr., were all killed.  Members of the class of 1947 at Columbia of which Mr. Brod was president, have also formed a Harold Brod Scholarship Committee to contribute to the scholarship established by Mrs. Brod.  The thirty-three-year-old Mr. Brod was import-export manager for U.S. Plywood at the time of his death.”

Sgt. Alexander Jacobs (12178235), the bomber’s waist gunner, was reported in Luftgaukommando Report KU 3649 (Luftgaukommando Reports can be rather detailed!)) as having been captured at 1257 hours on Bad Kreuznach-Hackenheim Street.  The son of Rubin (11/7/90-10/27/41) and Rose (Katz) (1887-4/6/75) Jacobs, his family’s residence was 2720 Grand Concourse, in the Bronx.  Born in Manhattan like Lt. Brod – on February 11, 1923 – he passed away at the young age of 45 in June of 1968.

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Sergeant Martin Howard Rubin

8th Air Force

330th Bomb Squadron, 93rd Bomb Group

(The emblem of the 330th Bomb Squadron, from abqmetal’s ebay store.)

Staff Sergeant Martin Howard Rubin (32896697) was also captured on February 6. 

A nose gunner in the 330th Bomb Squadron of the 8th Air Force’s 93rd Bomb Group, his B-24J Liberator 42-50505 (AG * E), Gremlin’s Roost, was shot down by flak during a mission to Magdeburg, Germany.  Piloted by 1 Lt. Howard E. Jennings, seven of the bomber’s nine crewmen survived the loss of their aircraft, with waist gunners S/Sgt. Arthur S. Humphreys, and S/Sgt. Vance K. Jeffers being killed in action. 

As reported in Missing Air Crew Report 12355, the aircraft left the 93rd’s formation 15 miles south of Alkmar, Holland. 

According to German records (specifically, Luftgaukommando Report AV 1908/45) Gremlin’s Roost crashed 2 km north of Akersloot.

S/Sgt. William R. Barton and 2 Lt. Billie J. Holmes, respectively, describe the bomber’s loss in these accounts from MACR 12355:

On mission 6 February 1945 I was flying tail gunner in ship #880/S.  After we had crossed the Dutch coast I heard over the interphone that #42-50505/E had been hit and was going down.  At this time I saw 505/E make a right turn away from the main formation.  The ship then straighten(ed) out and I saw three chutes come out.  After flying straight for a few moments the ship started a steep climb and about ten seconds before the ship turned over on its back I saw one man come out of the bomb-bay.  On the way down the ship blew up into three or four pieces all of which were on fire.  I then watch(ed) one chute hit the water about three or four hundred yards from the coast, and another two chutes I saw land on the beach.  I also saw the ship hit the ground about two minutes before the first chute hit.

On mission 6 February 1945 I was flying co-pilot in ship 880/S.  As we were crossing the Dutch coast I saw ship #42-50505/E receive a direct hit behind #2 engine, the ship must have received hits on the flight deck, for at the time flares started shooting out of the ship.  After the flares went off flames started coming out of the bomb-bay, then the ship turned away from the formation to the right.  After a few moments it started climbing and I saw three chutes come out.  After this we turned a little and this obstructed my view.  At the end of the ship’s steep climb I saw the ship roll over on its back and start down.  After 505/E had fallen about six thousand feet (approximately 10,000 feet off of the ground) it blew up into three or four pieces, all of which were on fire.  At this point the entire formation made a turn to the left and here I lost sight of the ship.

Sergeants Barton’s and Lt. Holmes’ statements report that only three to four crew members escaped the mortally damaged bomber.  However, Casualty Questionnaires in the Missing Air Crew Report suggest that S/Sgt. Vance K. Jeffers, left waist gunner, though mortally wounded by flak, was able to successfully parachute from the damaged plane.  After landing, he walked several yards to the home of a Dutch family, in whose presence he died.  S/Sgt. Arthur S. Humphrey, the right waist gunner, was killed aboard the aircraft and never left the plane. 

Luftgaukommando Report KU 3672 contains a small plethora of documents that were in Sgt. Rubin’s possession when he was captured.  As listed in the report, these include:

Booklet AAF Form No. 206
2 pages of immunization register
3 self-photos
2 receipts numbered 1993 and 1994
1 green card
1 N.C.O. Club card
1 identification card
Card 1 Bicycle Permit A-2323 and card authorizing transfer of bicycle
Slip of paper regarding spectacle prescription data
Calendar paper slips cut from newspaper

As for Sergeant Rubin, his mother Sarah lived at 68-35 Burns Street, in Forest Hills, New York.  MACR 12355 reports that he completed 27 missions.  His capture was reported in the Long Island Star Journal on April 19, 1945, while his name appeared in a list of liberated POWs published on June 22 of that year.  His name – like other names reported for February 6, 1945 – is absent from American Jews in World War II, while the POW camp in which he was interned is similarly unknown. 

Born in Brooklyn on September 26, 1924, he died on January 11, 1999. 

Three photographs as one:  This is a composite image of the three Escape and Evasion portraits carried by Sgt. Martin Rubin, found in Luftgaukommando Report KU 3672.  Though such pictures are present in many Luftgaukommando Reports (well, at least it seemed (?!) that way when I reviewed the original physical reports  at NARA, at least based on a cursory examination of the documents), only a miniscule number of these images bear an airman’s name.  In such cases, as in the center image of Sgt. Rubin, his name was presumably written by a German investigator.  

Among the many personal documents carried by Sgt. Rubin is this civilian personal identification card, from the Pioneer Suspender Company of Philadelphia.  

______________________________

Sergeant Jacob Zuckerman

8th Air Force

849th Bomb Squadron, 490th Bomb Group

(The colorful nose art of B-17G 43-37894, BIG POISON, of the 849th Bomb Squadron, via the American Air Museum in Britain.  According to InchHighGuy, the artist was Master Sergeant Jay D. Cowan and the photographer Captain Arnold Delmonico.  (Perhaps the original image was Kodachrome?)

Another mid-air collision during the Chemnitz mission … this incident involving aircraft of the 388th and 490th Bomb Groups.

B-17G 43-37806, Miss Fortune, of the 561st Bomb Squadron, 388th Bomb Group, piloted by Lt. George Thompson, collided over England with B-17G 43-37894, Big Poison, of the 849th Bomb Squadron, 490th Bomb Group, piloted by Lt. John W. Hedgecock. 

Miss Fortune crashed in the vicinity of Wicken, Cambridgeshire.  Of the bomber’s nine crewmen, 1 Lt. Robert A. Wettersten was killed. 

Big Poison crashed in the vicinity of Prickwillow, Suffolk, killing two civilians on the ground, along with ball turret gunner Sgt. Edward T. Tijan.  The rest of the bomber’s crew parachuted to safety. 

In Big Poison’s crew was Togglier Sergeant Jacob Zuckerman (32179227).  The son of Rose Zuckerman, of 3150 Rochambeau Ave. in Manhattan, his name appears on page 478 of American Jews in World War II.  He received the Air Medal. 

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Second Lieutenant William Stanley Schoenfeld

Sergeant Hymie Mehlman

8th Air Force

850th Bomb Squadron, 490th Bomb Group

(EBay seller spsw1967 offers remarkably realistic, detailed, hand-painted reproductions of the insignia of USAAF, AVG, and USMC WW II combat squadrons, among which is this nice example of the 850th Bomb Squadron’s flak-evading mutt.) 

Other combat losses not involving enemy action…

During the above-mentioned mission to Chemnitz, a mid-air collision occurred between two B-17G Flying Fortresses of the 490th Bomb Group’s 850th Bomb Squadron: Aircraft 43-38699, and 43-38167 (Lucky Strike), collided at an altitude of 17,000 feet, in the vicinity of Mittersheim, Moselle, France.

From B-17G 43-38699, piloted by 1 Lt. Marshall C. Dunn, there emerged three survivors: The bomber’s radio operator (S/Sgt. George A. Naifeh), and two gunners (S/Sgts. Dean R. Smith and Osvil F. Johnston).  The crew (list from France – Crashes 39-45) comprised:

Pilot: Dunn – KIA
Co-Pilot: 2 Lt. Jack O. Philley – KIA
Navigator: 2 Lt. Helmer O. Baland – KIA
Togglier: S/Sgt. Donald B. Mayew – KIA
Togglier: S/Sgt. Edward J. Mulvihill – KIA
Flight Engineer: T/Sgt. Clarence H. McKinney – KIA
Radio Operator: S/Sgt. Osvil F. Johnston – Survived
Gunner: S/Sgt. Fred H. Horton – KIA
Gunner: S/Sgt. Dean R. Smith – Survived
Gunner: S/Sgt. George A. Naifeh – Survived

From Lucky Strike, piloted by 1 Lt. William Seymour Schoenfeld, there emerged four survivors, who presumably survived by parachuting from their B-17: Lt. Schoenfeld himself, 2 Lt. Raymond D. Schar (one of two co-pilots aboard the plane), flight engineer (Sgt. Frank M. Alexander, Jr.), and a gunner (Sgt. Irwin H. Wrampe).  The crew (list also from France – Crashes 39-45) consisted of:

Pilot: Schoenfeld – Survived
Co-Pilot: Lt. Jack R. Owen – KIA
Co-Pilot: 2 Lt. Raymond D. Schar – Survived
Navigator: 2 Lt. Garry I. Leonard – KIA
Bombardier: F/O Bradell – KIA
Flight Engineer: Sgt. Frank M. Alexander, Jr. – Survived
Radio Operator: Mehlman – KIA
Gunner: Cpl. Drayton P. Mannies – KIA
Gunner: Sgt. Irwin H. Wrampe – Survived

Lt. Schoenfeld and his radio operator, Sgt. Hymie Mehlman, are most definitely listed in American Jews in World War II: The former on page 433, with the notation that he received the Air Medal and Purple Heart, and the latter on page 49, with the notation that he received the Purple Heart.

Lt. Schoenfeld (0-694266) was the husband of Charlotte Schoenfeld, and the son of Abraham and Antoinette (Weiss) Schoenfeld, of 4515 12th Ave., Brooklyn, where he was born on January 3, 1921 – just over a hundred and two years ago.  He passed away on November 27, 2002.  His name can be found on page 433 of American Jews in World War II, with the notation that he received the Air Medal and Purple Heart.

Cpl. Hymie Mehlman (19181734) was born in Manhattan on June 1, 1923.  His parents were Charles (8/15/96-3/26/66) and Dora (Appelbaum) (4/30/96-2/1/79) Mehlman, and his sister Shirley Ann (5/12/30-12/12/06), who resided at 3546 Whiteside Street in Los Angeles.  His brother Jacob (“Jack”) Bernard Mehlman (7/2/21-5/24/18) possibly lived at 2032 Palm Grove, also in L.A.

Cpl. Mehlman married Miriam Frances (Licker), of 801 North Mott Street, Los Angeles, on September 14, 1944 in California.  The couple had one child, Bruce Raymond, who was born on June 28, 1945, almost five months after his father’s death; Bruce Raymond passed away on January 1, 2009.  

Cpl. Mehlman, whose name appears on page 49 of American Jews in World War II, was awarded the Purple Heart, and is buried at Hollywood Forever Cemetery in Los Angeles.

In the image below, published on page 43 of Rank’n File – The Spirit of 44-D! (the class 44-D graduation album of the Rankin Aeronautical Academy at Tulare, California – via Army Air Forces Collection – Historical Documents from World War II), Cpl. Mehlman – at the time of the photo, Aviation Cadet Mehlman – stands at far left.  Given his status as an Cadet, it would seem that he became a radio operator after having “washed out” of pilot training.

The other men – all members are Squadron C – are, left to right:

H.A. Oliver
J.J. Mehlhoff
E.E. Mecker
W.A. Majors
R.H. McMillen
At rear center in cap and scarf stands Instructor Bertram

______________________________

Second Lieutenant David Kames (Kaminkowitz)

8th Air Force

860th Bomb Squadron, 493rd Bomb Group

(From “100 Missions” (1945), here’s the emblem of the 493rd Bomb Group.)

(Though Maurer and Maurer’s Combat Squadrons of the Air Force, World War II, indicates that the 860th Bomb Squadron had no squadron emblem, Battlefield.Store on EBay, describes this insignia as the emblem of the 860th Bomb Squadron.)

A few of my prior posts mentioning Jewish airmen in the 8th and 15th Air Forces recounted incidents in which their aircraft, on missions to Germany, landed behind Soviet lines in Eastern Europe, due to fuel exhaustion and / or combat damage, with their crews eventually returning American military control.  At least one such incident occurred on February 6, when un-nicknamed B-17G 43-38593 of the 493rd Bomb Group’s 860th Bomb Squadron, piloted by 2 Lt. Warren P. Whitson, Jr., with his eight crewmen, disappeared during the mission to Chemnitz.

As recorded in Missing Air Crew Report 12235, “Very little is known as to the whereabouts of A/C 593. At 1145 hours or approximately one half hour after target time, Lt. Whitson, pilot of A/C/ 593 radioed that he was proceeding to Russia. Later, at 1330, a message from 3D Air Division instructed Lt. Whitson to proceed to Motala (58 32 N, 15 02 E) in Sweden. Last position of A/X ascertained from radio message. – No further information on A/C 593 is available at this time.”

It turned out that 43-38593 landed behind Soviet lines at Oppeln, Germany, Lt. Whitson and his entire crew eventually returning to the 860th.  The crew was as follows:

Whitson, Warren P., Jr. – 2 Lt. – Pilot
Morrow, Charles H., Jr. – 2 Lt. – Co-Pilot
Kames, David – 2 Lt. – Navigator
Flesher, Robert A. – 2 Lt. – Bombardier
McClure, Ronald W. – Sgt. – Flight Engineer
Magee, Robert S. – Sgt. – Radio Operator
Justice, Ora G. – Sgt. – Gunner (Ball Turret)
Kelly, Robey J. – Sgt. – Gunner (Waist)
Dyrud, Kenneth M. – Sgt. – Gunner (Tail)

Lt. Whiton’s crew resumed flying combat missions, only to be shot down by an Me-109 in B-17G 43-39070 (S) on the April 7, 1945 mission to Gustrow, as reported in MACR 13890. They were fortunate once again, for the entire crew survived, all returning to military control from mid-April to early May.  With their date of return to American military control listed, they were:

Whitson, Warren P., Jr. – 2 Lt. – Pilot – 5/2/45
Morrow, Charles H., Jr. – 2 Lt. – Co-Pilot – 5/5/45
Kames, David – 2 Lt. – Navigator – 5/2/45
Flesher, Robert A. – 2 Lt. – Bombardier – 5/1/45
Rinaldi, Carmen C. – T/Sgt. – Flight Engineer – 5/2/45
Magee, Robert S. – Sgt. – Radio Operator – 4/15/45
Long, James C. – S/Sgt. – Gunner (Ball Turret) – 4/15/45
Belsinger, Robert H. – Sgt. – Gunner (Waist) – 4/15/45
Gardner, Thomas T. – S/Sgt. – Gunner (Tail) – 4/15/45
Meyers, James W. – Sgt. – Radio Countermeasures – 4/15/45

It can be seen that the officers (pilot, co-pilot, navigator, and bombardier), and radio operator (Magee), were identical on both missions.

Among Lt. Whitson’s crew was 2 Lt. David Kames (0-2060303), the bomber’s navigator.  The location of the POW camp (camps?) where he spent the European war’s final month is unknown, but based on postwar reports by fellow crewmen, it seems that the men – who returned to Allied control from one week to nearly a month after having been shot down – were never at any once location for a truly lengthy interval.

Research via Ancestry.com revealed that David Kames was born on Feb. 17, 1919 – as David Kaminkowitz – to Philip and Luba (Kartt) Kaminkowitz.  He retained that surname through October of 1940, when he signed his Draft Registration Card – and was thereafter known, in military and civilian life – as David Kames, under which name he married Martha Siegel (later his wife, “Molly”?) in 1941.  The couple’s wartime address was 5908 20th Ave., in a place called Brooklyn.

David Kames passed away on April 15, 1996.  Continuing with the theme of Jewish-soldiers’-names-not-present-in-the-1947-compilation-American Jews in World War II, his name is likewise absent from that volume.

As “David Kaminkowitz”, here’s David Kames’ portrait – via Ancestry.com – in the 1936 edition of the Erasmus Hall High School yearbook

Taken on January 4, 1945, here’s a portrait of the Whitson crew, with Lt. Whitson standing far left.  Going by his facial features in the portrait above, it looks as if Lt. Kames is standing at far right, in the rear row.  (USAAF photo B-62290AC – A10478)

This picture was taken on April 6, 1945, one day before the Whitson crew was shot down on the Gustrow mission.  Once again going by “looks”, I believe Lt. Kames is fourth from left.  The airman standing third from left is wearing a ushanka (ушанка) – the universally-recognized Russian fur cap – probably a souvenir of the crew’s sojourn in Soviet territory after the mission of February 6.  Lt. Warren P. Whitson stands at far right as the crew collectively contemplates someone’s “short snorter“.  (USAAF photo 62301AC – A10513)

From the American Air Museum in Britain, this image shows B-17s of the 860th Bomb Squadron, with 43-39070 – S – flown by the Whitson crew of April 7 – in foreground.  Nicely visible are the red wing and tail stripes of the 493rd.  (Photo UPL36820.)

In terms of information about this crew’s missions of February 6 and April 7, Missing Air Crew Reports 12235 and 13890 – which respectively cover those two dates – are confusing in organization, as most of the documentation for both MACRs pertain to the April 7 mission.  This includes transcripts of the Group Intelligence Officer’s interviews of Lieutenants Flesher and Morrow.  These accounts are fascinating in recounting the highly varied (extraordinarily dangerous and threatening, or, rather indifferent to ostensibly benign) attitudes of German military personnel and civilians towards Allied POWs just before the war’s end, and, the chaos and disorder prevailing in that country at the time.  One interesting facet of Lt. Flesher’s account: Knowledge about the 493rd Bomb Group (down to aircraft serial numbers!) available to the Germans.

Transcripts of these transcripts follow below:

Lieutenant Morrow:

INTERROGATION OF CHARLES H. MORROW, 2nd Lt, AC, 0-775970,
860th BOMB SQUADRON,
ESCAPED PRISONER OF WAR.

On the 7th of April I was flying as co-Pilot with Lt. Whitson and crew on a mission to Gustrov, Germany.  The formation was attacked by enemy fighters about three minutes before the I.P. I saw only one ME 109.  The bomb bay of our aircraft was set on fire after an attack from 6 o’clock high by this plane.  The A/C was flown out of formation and the bombs jettisoned.  Shortly after this, the oxygen system caught fire and the bail out order was given.  It is believed that the engineer, S/Sgt Carmen Rinaldi, was the first to jump.  There were 10 men on the plane.  However, only 9 chutes were seen and Rinaldi has not been accounted for at this date.

I landed in the vicinity of Neustadt.  A civilian farmer was waiting for me when I landed.  My left shoulder was fractured and I had a little difficulty in getting out of the harness.  The farmer did not help, but rather threatened me.  He started me off down a road, and about a mile along, I saw Lt Whitson who was in the custody of several civilian guards.  They took us to a farm house, where we met Lt David Kames.  A Luftwaffe captain came in and we were taken to an Airdrome at Neustadt where we were put in separate cells.  It was 36 hours before we were fed or given medical attention.  After this interval, we were given some bread and margarine.  We stayed at this base for seven days.  Since we were hungry, we asked the major in charge if we couldn’t be sent to a regular P/W camp.  He agreed, and shortly thereafter, we were sent to the railroad station, but no train arrived.  So we waited by the road for motor transport.  None came.  The two guards in charge agreed to send us to a nearby political camp where forty RAF and US flyers were being held.  Again there was little to eat. Staying overnight at Beuerline, we moved the next day to a small village.  For five days we were kept in a barn.  Here, Red Cross packages ware given to us.  After 5 days, the little group started on the road again, heading north toward Lubeck.  Marches were about 25 miles a day.  We finally wound up at Lebenz, about 40 miles southeast of Lubeck.  We were all in fairly bad physical condition.  The guards were rather brutal in urging the party along and appeared to be quite disgusted with the whole proceedings.  There were roughly three guards to each man.  The party, which started out composed of 43 men, arrived at Lebenz with some 60 officers and enlisted men; RAF, US and Canadians.

The evening of the arrival, the German major in charge of us, told Major Polleson, a US pilot of B-24s, that he was disgusted with us and was going to leave us where we were to be over run and picked up by the advancing British.  Four German guards, volunteers, were left with us.  The following morning, British tanks came in. Several British soldiers took over the German guards.

From there on in, the British took care of me as well as the other Allied P/Ws.

The Germans interrogated me the first night at Beuerline, asking for my name, rank, age and position on crew.  Also if I was married, number of children, what part of the US I was from, my wife’s address.  I refused to answer these latter questions, although my wallet which was taken from me, contained all the required information and also L 62.  The interrogator asked about my bomb group and our assigned target.  The interrogator was an officer and was not harsh or brutal during interrogation.  He did not threaten, although he couldn’t understand why I didn’t answer all of his questions.  No medical attention was given to me by the Germans who claimed facilities and attendants were not available because of many German wounded.

Lieutenant Flesher:

INTERROGATION OF ROBERT A. FLESHER, 2nd Lt., A.C.,
ESCAPED PRISONER OF WAR.

The assigned target for our Group was Gustrov, Germany, about; 85 miles Northwest of Berlin.  The data was April 7, 1945.

Just after leaving the I.P. and while on the bomb run an ME 109, attacked our aircraft from five o’clock high.  Our aircraft was hit in the bomb bay, probably by incendiary bullets; at any rate a fire was started in the bomb bay.  We dropped out of formation, jettisoned our bombs (incendiary and G.P.), and exhausted both of our fire extinguishers.  The fire continued to spread and it became evident that we could not put it out.  After it appeared that the plane would explode at any minute the pilot gave the signal to bail out.  I was the last one to bail out, and prior to leaving the plane I made an examination of the other positions to make sure that everyone had left.  When it came my turn to leave the plane, the escape hatch had developed a malfunction and I was unable to get it open.  My escape was made by diving through the bomb bay doors which were burning furiously; the metal was red hot.  My face, ears and nose were burned, which necessitated medical treatment later.

My landing was made near Rastow, a small German town.  Upon landing I was told that nine chutes had been observed coming from our plane.  I was immediately gathered in by four German civilians who searched me for a gun and then took me into town to get the burgomaster.  The burgomaster then marched me to the Wehrmacht headquarters, which was in a thick forest beautifully camouflaged.

S/Sgt. Thomas T. Gardner, tail gunner in our plane, and I were first taken before an officer who appeared to be the Commanding Officer and who became highly indignant at the burgomaster for bringing us there.  He took the position that we should have been shot upon reaching the ground, as it appeared that our jettisoned bombs had hit a German school house, killing a number of German children.  We were then stripped of our clothing and taken outside to be shot.  At this time some Nazi official put in his appearance, asked us if we were Canadians, and when it developed that we were Americans he ordered the other Germans to give us back our clothes.  We were than blindfolded, marched down the road a mile or so and put on a hay wagon where we were taken to a house which was used as a radio station.  After spending the night in separate cells, we were taker back to the Headquarters, and then taken to the Deutsche Luftwaffe on a bus where we were treated extremely well, being fed roast beef, lettuce and other palatable articles of food.  Some of the German airmen talked to me, were very friendly, in a low state of morale and ware extremely bitter against the Nazi party and against the S.S. troops.  Since this was not an interrogation center and since they made no effort to get any information from me, it was my own impression that this was no “come on” gag, but was sincere.

That night were taken by train to Stendal, which is a Stalag interrogation center for airmen.  I stayed there for four days and three nights in solitary confinement.  We were fed two cups of soup and a piece of black bread per day.

On the fourth day, I was taken before a German Major for interrogation.  He asked me my name, rank and serial number which I disclosed.  He then attempted to get other information, such as my Group number, my Mother’s name, what air force I belonged to, name of our assigned target with I.P., whether it was an all-out effort on the part of the air force.  I refused to answer these questions.  He then stated that this was a mere routine examination and that he already knew the answers to the questions which he had propounded.  He then reached in his desk and pulled out a paper with a picture of a B-17 with the 493rd Group markings, the number of our aircraft and our call number.  After this he pulled out a book, turned to the page that was for the 493rd Bomb Group and showed me the number of all of our planes with call numbers, the names of most of the pilots and the squadron commanders.  It is interesting to note that Major Sianis, former CO of the 862nd was not listed.  He also had the name of Lt. Col. Fitzgerald.  He then asked me how it was that Col. Helton was not with the 493rd Group any more.  The interrogator then indicated on the map the route which we had taken, giving timings of fighter rendezvous, time of takeoff etc.  He gave no indication as to where he obtained his Information, and the amount which he had at his finger tips was amazing.  The interrogator was very friendly, offered me cigarettes and was respectful at all times.

After interrogation I was taken back to the cell for more solitary confinement.  Colonel Crawford of the 446th Bomb Group made arrangements that night with a German Lieutenant interrogator for our escape.  The Interrogator gave Col. Crawford the key to our cells, and that night we took off, 29 Americans and one R.A.F. navigator from England.  The German Lieutenant and one German Sgt. went with us where we stayed at a barn for two days waiting on the approaching Americans.  During this time the two Germans guarded us and prevented other Germans from detecting us, the understanding being that when the Americans rescued us we would take care of these two Germans and see that they were decently taken care of.

On April 13th we saw an advancing column in the distance but were unable to determine whether it was friendly or enemy.  When an FW 190 flew overhead and was fired upon by these troops we knew that it was one of our columns.  We were them rescued by the 5th Armored Division and the two Germans were later turned over to American forces with instruction that they should receive fair treatment.

______________________________

Sergeant Isidore Ifshin

Sergeant Norman Babe Lubinsky

12th Air Force

447th Bomb Squadron, 321st Bomb Group

(Via the 57th Bomb Wing, here’s the insignia of the 447th Bomb Squadron, from Vintage Leather Jackets.)

Moving south to Italian latitudes, Sergeants Isidore “Sonny” Ifshin and Norman Babe Lubinsky, both members of the 321st Bomb Group’s 447th Bomb Squadron, were captured after their B-25 Mitchell bombers were shot down by anti-aircraft fire during a mission to the Roverto Railroad Station. 

Sergeant Ifshin (32821301), the flight engineer of B-25J 43-36240 (MAYBE) was among the bomber’s five survivors, all of whom escaped by parachuting from their damaged plane, which was piloted by 1 Lt. Earl H. Remmel (completed 67 missions) 2 Lt. Leslie J. Speer (completed 15 missions), neither of whom survived. 

The pilots managed to keep their damaged B-25 under control long enough to give their crew a chance to escape, but were unable to leave the spinning and broken aircraft before it crashed into mountains below.  Both men were killed when MAYBE crashed at Pannone, as reported in Luftgaukommando Report ME 2783. 

As described by S/Sgt. Robert Cubbage in Missing Air Crew Report 12134, “I saw a ship after his right engine was feathered and it was sliding off to the left losing altitude.  Four parachutes opened out of the ship.  The plane then went into an inverted spin, tail down, to crash about half way up the side of a mountain at north end of Lake Gorda.

One of the chutes floated over the mountain peak and into the valley toward Roverto.  The other three men went down on the side of the peak.”

2 Lt. John B. Allendorph reported, “I saw the ship go into a spin and almost immediately one chute opened behind it.  Then I very short order, two more left the plane.  It fell for a good length of time then two more chutes appeared, very close together.  I didn’t see the plane hit although I watched it until I lost it against the mountainside.  I am positive that there were five parachutes that came from the plane.”

Bombardier Lt. Darrel, in his postwar Casualty Questionnaires for Lieutenants Remmel and Speer, reported that, “Plane was very badly damaged by flak.  Lt. Remmel managed to keep it from going out of control as long as possible but as we were preparing to leave, tail section and left wing broke up and plane went into spin.”  “1st Lt. Harlan Tulley and T/Sgt. Isidore Ifshin [bailed out] from front hatch, T/Sgt. Bernard Guild and Sgt. Albert Barrett [bailed out] from rear hatch.  All men bailed out immediately upon receiving order from 1st Lt. Earl Remmel, pilot.”  Lt. Darrel also reported that Lt. Remmel, “Ordered all crew members to leave ship.  Said he would hold it as steady as possible.  … He told me he was not wounded just before I bailed out.”  At the same time, Lt. Speer, “Was helping pilot hold ship while crew members bailed out,” and, “climbing from co-pilot’s seat preparing to bail out.” 

Sgt. Ifshin was captured at 1500 hours, 3 kilometers north of Pannone, near Rovereto, by “3./SS Police-Regiment Schlanders”.  According to notes at the Ifshin Batterman Family Tree at Ancestry.com, “Sonny bailed out and landed in a tree.  …  The Italians spotted him in the tree & had him jump to the ground, then turned him over to the Germans.  He injured his ankle upon jumping from the tree, and was forced to march from Italy to Germany in the snow.  …  He had flown 60 missions.” 

Sgt. Ifshin was eventually interned at Stalag 7A (Moosburg). 

His parents were Morris (5/1/96-3/18/82) and Jacha “Yetta” (Kaplan) (9/15/00-6/25/82) Ifshin, his family residing at 500 Southern Boulevard.  Born in Manhattan on September 8, 1924, he passed away on December 15, 2017. 

His name – a repeating pattern here?! – is absent from American Jews in World War II.

A wedding portrait of Irving’s parents Jacha and Morris.  This image, and the related photos that follow, are all from the Ifshin Batterman Family Tree at Ancestry.com. 

Irving Ifshin, presumably photographed in the United States.  

In this composite image, the photo on the left shows Irving Ifshin during training at Miami Beach, while the right image shows Irving and his mother Yetta in front of the family’s candy shop … at 500 Southern Boulevard in the Bronx?  

MAYBE, at the 321st Bomb Group’s base in Corsica.  The plane is a natural-metal (un-camouflage-painted) aircraft.  Unfortunately, the plane’s individual identification letter – painted on the outer surface of its fins and rudders – isn’t visible in this picture.    

As the bomber’s flight engineer, one of Sgt. Ifshin’s responsibilities would have been to have manned the aircraft’s upper gun turret, next to which he’s sitting in this photo.   

Here’s most of the crew of MAYBE:  At least four of the men in this photo were aboard the aircraft on the mission of February 6.

Rear, left to right:

2 Lt. Leslie Thomas Speer (Co-Pilot) – Killed
1 Lt. Earl Howard “The Fox” Remmel (Pilot) – Killed
1 Lt. Franklin Lloyd Darrel, Jr. (Bombardier) – Survived

Front, left to right:

T/Sgt. Harold R. Bauer (not aboard MAYBE on the February 6 mission)
T/Sgt. Ifshin – Survived 
T/Sgt. Bernard Robert Guild? (Radio Operator) – Survived

This image, via FindAGrave contributor Patti Johnson, shows pilot Lt. Remmel as an Aviation Cadet.  His FindAGrave biographical profile is here.  Given that he’s listed in the Missing Air Crew Report as a Lieutenant, while his tombstone indicates his rank as Captain, I suppose the latter rank was a posthumous promotion.   

This composite image of Co-Pilot 2 Lt. Leslie Thomas Speer is comprised of photos via FindAGrave contributors patootie (left photo), and, PRINCESSBARBI (right photo).  The left image of Lt. Speer is from Army Air Forces Training Command 1943 Walnut Ridge, Arkansas – Class 43-E (May, 1943), while the newspaper article on the right, probably from March or April of 1945, reports on his (then) “Missing in Action” status.  There are actually two FindAGrave commemorative pages for Lt. Speer: Here, and here.  

______________________________

447th Bomb Squadron, 321st Bomb Group

A bombardier, Sgt. Norman Babe Lubinsky (39577232) and his crew in un-nicknamed B-25J 43-27730 – piloted by 1 Lt. Jackson R. Didson – had a more benign fate than the men of Maybe: 43-27730’s entire crew survived by parachuting. According to Luftgaukommando Report ME 2784, their bomber, shot down by Anti-Aircraft Battalion 454, crashed 3 kilometers west of Schio (south-east of Roverto … or … 7 ½ kilometers east of Roverto, at Piazza.

As one of three 447th Bomb Squadron B-25s lost on February 6, there was a degree of ambiguity in terms of a report of the planes’ loss, as reflected by Operations Officer Captain J. Maurice Wiginton in Missing Air Crew Report 12131. Namely, “Inasmuch as there were three aircraft involved (the entire lead element) and there occurred confusion and dispersion of the aircraft that followed, due to the loss of the lead element, it becomes difficult to disseminate all reports of returning crews. No one observer can give a complete sequence of happenings regarding each or all three aircraft in distress.

In light of the above, it is reasonable to conclude that the following did happen to plane 730: At approximately bomb-release point, the plane was hit by flak and immediately fell out of formation and dived to about 7000 feet. As the plane was in a dive two parachutes were seen to leave the plane. The plane leveled out and at about 7000 feet and one engine was feathered.

The last that anyone saw of it, it seemed to be under control and going west, just north of Lake Gorda. The formation tried to contact him by radio but failed.

The third 447th Bomb Squadron loss on February 6 was B-25J 43-27542, Superstitious Aloysius. Piloted by 1 Lt. Carl W. Cahoon, the plane’s entire crew of 6 survived, as reported in MACR 12133 and Luftgaukommando Report ME 2782.

The son of Paul I. (1/24/82-2/16/60) and Lena L. (Gordon) (12/15/85-1960) Lubinsky and brother of Louis and Sam, Norman Lubinsky and his family resided at 130 West Colton Ave., in Loma Linda, California. Born in Los Angeles on March 30, 1919, he passed away at the age of 93 on April 19, 2012.  Though his name appeared in a list of liberated POWs published on June 12, 1945, his POW camp is unknown, and his name is absent (once again) from American Jews in World War II.

About a month before becoming a prisoner of war (and having his name recorded in Missing Air Crew Report 12131), Sgt. Lubinsky’s statement concerning the loss of a B-25 was recorded in MACR 11713. 

Specifically, “On the mission on January 18th I was Bombardier on the plane flying on Lt. Murchland’s left wing. Just after coming off the target it was obvious that Lt. Murchland’s plane was in trouble. The first thing that I saw leave the ship looked like a bomb, but it was a delayed jump and the chute opened at about 1000 feet. In just a few seconds another came out and opened, and then two more blossomed out. Then it seemed a minute before the last man that I saw jump came out, and his chute opened immediately. While the last man that I saw jump was floating to the ground that the ship went into an 86 degree bank, made a right turn, and dived onto the bank of the river (Adige).”

There were four survivors from the six crewmen aboard this aircraft, B-25J 43-4069, piloted by 1 Lt. Robert K. Murchland.  The identification and recovery of the aircraft and crew is covered in Luftgaukommando Report ME 2735.  

______________________________

Leading Aircraftman Woolf “Willie” Nerden

England

Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve

Number 140 Wing

In the Royal Air Force, Leading Aircraftman Woolf “Willie” Nerden (1440455), of No. 140 Wing Royal Air Force, was killed in the crash of Dakota III (C-47) KG630, piloted by W/O Peter M. Oleinikoff. The aircraft struck a hill at South Downs Folkington, East Sussex, in bad weather, eventuating in the loss of all 23 crew and passengers.

Born in Poplar, London, in 1921, he was the son of John and Hannah (Hirsch) Nerden, and brother of Joseph and Phillip, all of 2 British Street, Bow, London, E3. Buried at East Ham (Marlow Road) Jewish Cemetery, Essex, England (at Block U, Grave 29), the inscription on his Matzeva states, “Deeply mourned by parents – Brothers and relatives – Remembered by all”.

Notice of his death appeared in The Jewish Chronicle on March 2, 1945, while his name is recorded on page 218 of Volume I of Henry Morris’ We Will Remember Them.

You can read much more about his life, and the accident that claimed the crew and passengers of KG630, at Cathie Hewitt’s magisterial website Remembering the Jews of WW2.  (Which incidentally features biographical records of Jews in the Merchant Navy and Royal Navy.)

This image of LAC Nerden’s matzeva is by FindAGrave contributor Mike Ganly.  

______________________________

Matelot Radio (Aerial Wireless Operator / Gunner) Sylvain Isaac Boucris

France

Aéronautique Navale en Grande-Bretagne (A.N.G.B.)

Forces Navales Françaises Libres (F.N.F.L.)

Number 4 Wireless School, Medley, England

To conclude, yet another non-combat accident.

Matelot Radio (Aerial Wireless Operator / Gunner) Sylvain Isaac Boucris, assigned to No. 4 Wireless School, Medley, England / F.N.F.L. (Forces Navales Françaises Libres) – (Aeronautique Navale), of the aéronautique navale en Grande-Bretagne (ANGB), was killed in the crash of a Percival Proctor III (LZ595) during flight training over England.  The aircraft – piloted by F/Sgt. Christian Henry Gerner – crashed at Oswestry, Shropshire. 

Born in Mahdia, Tunisia, on February 28, 1925, Matelot Radio Boucris’ place of burial is unknown.  His name appears on page 109 of the rare volume Livre d’Or et de Sang.

A detailed account of the loss of LZ595 can be found at BHAA (Borders Historical Aviation Archeology), in Ray and Rob’s moving 2004 essay “A Pair of Knitted Boots”. 

This image of Matelot Radio Sylvain Isaac Boucris is from page 109 of Livre d’Or et de Sang.  His family origins and place of burial are unknown.   

I was very (very!) fortunate to access and scan the first (and only) edition of Livre d’Or et de Sang.  This copy is from the University of Toronto.  

Exactly four months after the crash of Proctor LZ595, pilot F/Sgt. Christian Henry Gerner’s father, Chris H. Gerner, sent the following letter to Officer Commanding, Records, Department of Air, in Melbourne, requesting information about the accident that claimed the life of his son and Matelot Boucris…  The letter was found in F/Sgt. Gerner’s Casualty File, via the National Archives of Australia.

This image of box-art for the Dora Wings plastic model company’s 1/48 plastic model of the Percival Proctor depicts the aircraft in RAF colors, and is probably representative of LZ595 as it appeared in 1945.  

Here’s a nice video of a Proctor in flight – “Percival Proctor and Mew Gulls – Shuttleworth Vintage Airshow” – circa October of 2022, at the YouTube channel of Patrick Clear.

References

Four Books

Dublin, Louis I., and Kohs, Samuel C., American Jews in World War II – The Story of 550,000 Fighters for Freedom, The Dial Press, New York, N.Y., 1947

Freeman, Roger A., The Mighty Eighth – Units, Men and Machines (A History of the US 8th Army Air Force), Doubleday and Company, Inc., Garden City, N.Y., 1970

Freeman, Roger A., The B-17 Flying Fortress Story: Design – Production – History, Arms & Armour Press, London, England, 1998

Morris, Henry, Edited by Gerald Smith, We Will Remember Them – A Record of the Jews Who Died in the Armed Forces of the Crown 1939 – 1945, Brassey’s, United Kingdom, London, 1989

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – XI: A Still, Small Voice; A Still, Small Novel

C A T C H – 2 3 ?

Some works of literature present themselves to you as pure entertainment and,
once you are pulled into them, expand your mind with interesting and challenging ideas. 
There is more in them than initially meets the eye. 
Catch-22 proceeds in the opposite direction. 
It presents itself as dealing with great issues
– and has nothing interesting to say about them. 

Anyway, this book is so bad that the only real question it raises is,
how did it ever get to have the reputation it has?
Why is it on every “greatest novels of the twentieth century” list?
What the Hell?

I guess the answer is probably pretty simple.
It came out just before the Vietnam War (1961),
when a lot of people would soon start thinking that war is a very bad thing,
and that the military consists mostly of vicious idiots.
In other words,
Heller got a free ride
because he was telling a lot of people something they already believed
and already wanted to hear.

– Lester Hunt, May 27, 2007

__________

__________

But, to paraphrase Kingsley Amis’s line about breasts,
we know why the critics liked it, but why did they like it so much?

As if in a perverse Pied Piper story,
a host of elders followed their capering children toward willed ignorance.
And one of the more effective tunes in the piper’s repertoire was Catch-22.

Ironically, while Catch-22 has been lauded relentlessly as a picture of a lunatic world
where nothing makes sense,
“a swamp of absurdity,” as Frederick Karl termed it in 1965,
in fact everything in the novel makes sense—
the kind of sense contrived by the politically paranoid mind.

– Alec Solomita, March, 2008

__________

__________

Face of a Hero presents such situations [moments of irony and absurdity] again and again.
But what goes along with these descriptions is the powerful sense of human dignity.
We are left with Pop Isaacs, and he is a good man.
He has his limitations, as does the novel, which has some overwriting and flat spots.
But because the light Pop shines is ordinary, it is all the more powerful.

– M.T. Kelly, 1999

__________

“…and after the fire a still small sound.”

I Kings, Chapter 19, Verse 12

________________________________________

Sometimes, the only way to reach your destination is through a journey in an opposite direction. 

At least, for a while.  

In that sense, this exploration of Louis Falstein’s 1950 novel Face of a Hero has inevitably involved a comparison with the book’s accidental 1961 counterpart, Catch-22, in terms of the obscurity of the former and the enduring success and cultural impact of the latter.  Having presented the two book reviews (by Nelson Algren and Robert Brustein) which were central in catapulting Catch-22’s to enduring prominence, and, a statistical comparison of the novels’ history, this fourteenth (gad, that many?!!) and “last” post approaches Heller’s novel from a third perspective: The book’s meaning and message.

Below, you’ll find essays by Norman Podhoretz, Lester Hunt, and Alec Solomita that taken together, catch Catch-22 – its ethos and world-view – from standpoints moral and philosophical as much literary and cultural, and decisively counterweigh the novel’s entirely undeserved acclaim.  Likewise, equally substantive; equally penetrating perspectives on Heller’s novel can be found at GoodReads and Mr.BezosStore, though, for the sake of brevity (?!) I won’t include them here.  And, I wouldn’t be surprised if even during the 60s and 70s some in the worlds of academia, publishing, and entertainment had similarly critical views of Heller’s novel, but felt unable – for reasons of career security and social pressure – to have broached their opinions in the academic or popular press.  

Let’s start with Norman Podhoretz.

In 2000, five years after Louis Falstein’s death and one year after Joseph Heller’s passing, his essay “Looking Back at Catch-22” appeared in the February issue of Commentary, and – moving beyond the perspective of Catch-22 as a literary work – discussed the novel’s unarticulated message, and, its cultural and political significance.  Podhoretz was entirely correct in suggesting that the success and influence of Catch-22 had vastly less to do with the novel’s quality as a story; as literature, than it did with conforming to, reflecting, and validating currents of sociological and ideological fashion then (and now) prevailing in American society.  His article was followed three months later by six responses (only a few, I suppose, of many received), two of which offered criticism of Podhoretz’s thoughts from sensible but limited perspectives, while the other four affirmed – some staunchly; some with gratitude; all with appreciation – the validity of his opinions.  

Next came Lester Hunt’s pithy 2007 and still fortunately still-accessible blog post, “The Most Overrated Novel of the Twentieth Century”, which leaps right out ‘o the gate, hits the ground running, and goes full throttle to its conclusion.  

I can’t recommended his analysis of Catch-22 highly enough. 

(Completely off topic!  Though I’m certain not at all intended as such (!), Hunt’s use of the very word “overrated” suggests to me the category of the “Most Overrated Song Ever”, for which I unreservedly offer my own recommendation.)

At first, Hunt briefly addresses Heller’s novel in terms of its effectiveness (not much) as a work of humor and satire.  Moving to the meat of his argument, the bulk of his critique approaches the novel from standpoints of logic, ethics, and morality.  His thoughts about the novel’s fame segue from those of Podhoretz, in that he deems the success of Catch-22 as being attributable to an intersection between cultural coincidence and literary calculation.  While Podhoretz felt (correctly) that the novel reflected and found validation in avant-garde currents of thought in the worlds of poetry, literature, and the therapeutic culture, Hunt zeroes in on something more pragmatic: The novel, released just a few years before the height of the war in Vietnam, cast the military – and those who serve in it – as by definition and nature a force of malevolent incompetence (or, would it be incompetent malevolence?!), in that it was “…telling people what they already believed and already wanted to hear”.  In this (as aptly described by Robert Pickus, Judith Hirsch, Louis Lyons, and Larry Thornberry in their letters to Commentary) Heller’s novel was far less literature than it was a contrived, shallow, and (especially!) lengthy form of rationalization.  

Coming on the scene one year later was Alec Solomita’s New Criterion essay “Yossarian Section”. 

Unlike Podhoretz and Hunt, Solomita starts his discussion of Catch-22 on a personal level, for he read the book at the age of fifteen, when such things – anything, really! – do make an impact.  He pays particular attention to an aspect of the book’s message that made the novel so popular and appealing: “Crammed with allusions to scripture and mythology, to Synge, Sartre, T.S. Eliot, and Washington Irving, the novel simultaneously flattered and challenged bookish young baby boomers.”  There was also the novel’s message of anti-authoritarianism:  “We pubescent malcontents … were captivated by the cowering Yossarian’s “free, rebellious spirit in this explosive, bitter, subversive, brilliant book.” …  Yossarian felt the same way about fighting in World War II as we felt about gym class.”  But, this more than exaggerated equivalence could’ve only been arrived at through Heller’s use of comedy and word-play, the impact of which, however, eventually peters out:  “As astute critics have pointed out, Heller’s “anarchic” and “savage” humor cannot withstand the novel’s last-minute swerve toward ethical self-justification.”

Like Podhoretz and Hunt, Solomita peers into Heller’s novel from the vantage point of history, identically realizing that its success was attributable to its timing, which coincided with the war in Vietnam, dramatic changes in domestic politics, and a dramatic metamorphosis in social mores. 

My own “take” from Solomita’s words is that these events and transformations – “powerful stimuli” (visual media?; pop culture?; advertising?) – affected American society to such an unprecedented degree that, “…it was a formidable challenge to think as well as to feel.”  And here, we come to the illuminating core of Solomita’s argument, as relevant to 2022 as the 1960s: 

“Nor was it easy to look at the brutal war in Vietnam in a larger, geopolitical context – or to say “no” to drugs.  Not only did fifteen-year-olds fail to meet this challenge, but sober adults previously able to differentiate between Republicans and Nazis, between authority and authoritarianism, between tolerance and license, also lost their way.” 

“Like ideologues before them who simplified a variety of hypocritical politicians, greedy businessmen, and corrupt military men into a single evil entity – Catholicism, capitalism, Jewry – Heller and numberless other more or less talented malcontents invented out of a multiplicity of interests the shapeless monstrous entity known as the “military-industrial complex” or “mass society,” against which they can throw a perpetual tantrum.”  

A la 1961, Nelson Algren. 

A la doubly 1961, Robert Brustein, who, “…talked about American society as if it suffered under the benighted regimes of Hitler or Stalin and not the prosperity and hopes of the New Frontier, the Civil Rights movement, and, soon, the “Great” Society.”  A society, where, the reader, “…if he can’t attain to the elite class to which the reviewer belongs – one of “the few Americans who care” – feels compelled to ask, “Who is this masked man, this ‘mass society?’”  

A la thricely 1999, Sanford Pinsker, who, “…assail[ed] the sickness of the “contemporary world, in its shameless greed and thorough-going corruption.” 

A la 2008, where, “…it is a commonplace that fighting against this “system” is a virtue while, of course, fighting for it makes no sense at all.” 

A la, 2022, and beyond?

____________

“I Am the Bombardier!”

In her response to Norman Podhoretz’s February, 2002 Commentary article about Catch-22, Judith Hirsch observed,There was a murderous nation on the loose that had to be stopped, and all the sophistry in Heller’s arsenal could not lessen the evil of the Germans.  As a Jew, Heller should have been sensitive to the slaughter of his people.  Instead, he fashioned a novel about the war as if it involved no moral imperative.”  Given the importance of Sergeant Ben Isaacs’ identity as a Jew to the narrative of Face of a Hero, what of the intersection between the identity of Joseph Heller the author, and – if one can be so direct – Joseph Heller, the Jew, for Catch-22?      

There are two answers to Mrs. Hirsch’s critique, which call to mind overlapping topics of Jewish identity, Jewish solidarity, and Jewish assimilation.  These are perennial and seemingly inevitable aspects of the nature of Jewish existence are not only addressed in the Tanach, but have been an enduring focus of fiction, non-fiction, and both theological and secular commentary, ever since the halting beginning of Jewish political emancipation some centuries ago. 

The first answer to her question is from the year 1940.  

In that year, just nine months after the Second World War commenced, an article by Shlomo Katz was published in May, 1940 issue of the Jewish Frontier, entitled, “What Should We Write? – Present day dilemma of American Jewish writers“. 

Katz’s thoughts anticipated questions about the response of American Jewry to the Shoah that have persisted since the 1970s.  Though – ironically! – pertaining to specifically American Jewish w-r-i-t-e-r-s in terms of the centrality (or, uhhhh… the lack thereof) of the historical experience of the Jewish people as subject matter for their work, a key passage within Katz’s text can be extrapolated, in time as much as place (any time and any place) to a span incalculably wider. 

Here’s the passage that provides an answer to Mrs. Hirsch’s question.  (Italics are my own.)

…why doesn’t he choose Jewish themes for his work, in addition to the others that had been haunting him?  This, precisely, is his dilemma.  He frequently cannot.  Born or raised in this country, the process of cultural assimilation has progressed quite a distance.  The ties that bind the young Jewish writer to Jews are almost certainly entirely those with the immediate Jewish community with which he comes in contact, whose peculiarities he not only knows but also shares.  The concept of the Jewish people throughout the world as a unit may not be strange to him ideologically; he may even argue in favor of such a concept where political theories are concerned.  But personally he has already lost the feeling of unity with the larger whole to a great extent.  Only the slimmest cultural and psychic ties bind him to Jews of Poland, Palestine, Germany or Russia.  That is why he cannot feel about the tragic fate of the European Jews in the same distant and detached terms as he feels about the fate of the Chinese people, for example.  But at the same time he is too far removed from them to be able to identify himself with Polish or German Jews in a personal manner.  The immensity of the tragedy appalls him; he feels directly concerned, but not sufficiently to make him a living part of the drama.  Between him and the European scene there lie years, years that count in building up one’s personality, of life in America.  These years, with all the cultural baggage that was accumulated in them, he does not share with Europe’s Jews; and they stand between him and them.

To put it differently – given time, human nature, and absent of externally (* ahem *) imposed events and influences – as has happened throughout the history of the Jews, the sense of collective identity of each successive generation, and especially, the consciousness of each generation as being a living connection between past and future will contract and diminish inward upon itself.  First to memory.  Then to sentimentality.  Then to a mere genealogical fact.  And finally, to an invisible point beyond an inaccessible horizon.  

The second answer to Judith Hirsch’s question is from 1995, and comes by unintended and direct way of Joseph Heller himself, in the form of an essay in the May 7, 1995, edition of The New York Times Magazine, a special issue entitled “Untold War Stories”, the theme being the fiftieth anniversary of WW II’s end. 

Here’s the cover:

Among the magazine’s fifteen essays and stories, including contributions by Robert Kotlowitz (whose disconcerting and highly-praised memoir Before Their Time just may feature in a future post), Walter Sullivan, fabulist William Manchester, and Louis Begley, is Joseph Heller’s retrospective “I Am the Bombardier!”, which appears on page 61. 

Heres the essay:

Even granting the limitations on length imposed by a one-page magazine format, in the following passage – by what’s absent just as much as by what’s present – lies Heller’s unanticipated response to Judith Hirsch’s observation:

“I loved Denver.  It was winter, but it was a beautiful winter, the kind of winter you never see in New York.  This was my first time out of New York except for maybe one trip to New Jersey as a kid.  That was part of the excitement of it, the adventure.  Also there was a feeling that you were doing something that was socially approved and esteemed.  In Denver, and then wherever I went, there was always a list of families that wanted to have servicemen for dinner.  They didn’t care if you were from Coney Island.  They didn’t care if you were Jewish.  They might have cared if you were black.  Well, they might have cared if you were Jewish.  One of the things that surprised me was how courteous and generally warmhearted people are outside New York.  There’s an affection and optimism that New Yorkers are not accustomed to.  And there’s also very slow service in luncheonettes.” 

That’s it; that’s that.  

Here, being a Jew is understood in terms of one’s potential for acceptance by the surrounding society.  Any sense of identification with or connection to European Jewry in the context of the European war, let alone an appreciation of the scope of Jewish history – whether visceral or intellectual; whether political or historical; whether in a retrospective or contemporary context; whether far or near – is absent  (Well, the essay’s venue is The New York Times, after all!) 

That’s that; that’s it.  

But, to be fair to Heller, in this attitude he was neither unusual nor unique.  Perhaps the predicament and fate of the Jewish people during WW II, if irrelevant to him during the war itself, remained so nearly two decades later, during the writing of his first novel.  

Anyway, we know that Joseph Heller served as a bombardier, but in light of Shlomo Katz’s 1940 essay and Heller’s 1995 Times Magazine piece, what does this suggest about the creation and identity of the novel’s protagonist, Captain John Yossarian?

To this question my answer is equal parts conjecture and intuition, for – admittedly – I’ve not read any popular or academic biographies of Joseph Heller, his 1998 memoir Now and Then: From Coney Island to Here, academic studies of his work, or his novels subsequent to Catch-22.  (Okay, his biography at Cliff’s Notes is helpful!)

What I know of his literary oeuvre through the selection of articles, reviews, and essays appearing in this series of blog posts, and, resources on the web.  But:

Like every person, Joseph Heller lived amidst and was formed by a unique combination of influences.  Cliff’s Notes mentions that his father Isaac, “…was agnostic, (and) interested in socialist politics.”  His Wikipedia entry (okay, yeah, so it’s Wikipedia, but still!) mentions that postwar, Heller studied English at USC and NYU, graduating from the latter in 1948, and attaining an M.A. in English from Columbia in 1949.  This was followed by an interval as a Fulbright Scholar at St. Catharine’s College in Oxford, and then, teaching composition at Penn State.  Next came positions as an advertising copywriter for Time (1952–56) and Look (1956–58), and, promotion manager for McCall’s (1958–61).    

As far as Heller’s identity as a Jew – whether in terms of being a Jew, or instead being Jew”ish” (Major Major Major Major emphasis on the “ish“?) – this seems to have influenced the creation of (the disguised?) Bob Slocum in 1974’s Something Happened, and, the quite emphatically undisguised Bruce Gold (and extended family) in 1979’s Good as GoldBut – admittedly conjecture on my part – it essentially seems to have become (perhaps it always was; perhaps given his life circumstances it could never have been otherwise) simply a nominal sense of ethnicity. 

As for the good fictional Captain himself? 

The Wikipedia entry for Yossarian states that, “As to the origins of the name … later documented in his autobiography … Heller noted that he derived the name Yossarian from a wartime friend and fellow bombardier, Francis Yohannan.  Yohannan made the military his career, continuing to serve through the Vietnam War, placing him at odds with Yossarian’s feelings towards the military and as noted in his obituary (Yohannan) turned aside calls from reporters who asked if he was the real-life Yossarian. … The exotic name “Yossarian” was chosen by Heller to emphasize his protagonist’s detachment from mainstream military culture.  Yossarian’s name is described as “an odious, alien, distasteful name, that just did not inspire confidence. …  It was “…not at all like such clean, crisp, honest, American names as Cathcart, Peckem and Dreedle.””  And, in his 1998 memoir Now and Then, “Heller admitted in later years that the name ‘Yossarian’ was derived from the name of one of his Air Force buddies, Francis Yohannan – an Assyrian – but that the character of Yossarian himself was ‘the incarnation of a wish’.”  (Well, what was that wish?)

Of course, infinitely more central to the novel than the bombardier’s mere name are his beliefs, fears, and actions.  A possible source for the narrative of the Captain’s misadventures and his efforts to be relieved of combat duty may have been Lt. Julius Fish, another 488th Bomb Squadron bombardier and a wartime friend to both Yohannan and Heller, whose story is related here.  

However, David Margolick’s 2015 Wall Street Journal article “Inventing the War Novel” casts the creation of Yossarian in a very different light: “It surely signified something about the progress that American Jews had made that, when Heller wanted to make his hero an outsider, casting him as a Jew no longer worked.  So he turned him into an Assyrian, or Armenian, or something.  Only many years later did Heller admit that, whatever his official ethnicity, Yossarian was really “very Jewish.”  (Unfortunately, Mr. Margolick doesn’t list the source of Heller’s admission!)

I want to suggest another explanation.  

In light of Margolick’s quotation of Heller’s comment concerning Yossarian’s true background, perhaps Catch-22’s author created such an “alien, distasteful name” not because it was unlike surnames of European origin then prevalent in the United States, but, out of disguised familiarity:  The “sound” of of the name implies ethnic ancestry from the lands of Asia Minor or not-so-indirectly the Levant – the ancestral and enduring homeland of the Jews.  Yet at the same time, by its “Assyrian” (!?) (or Armenian) “ring”, it was ambiguous and unusual enough to avoid any definitively Jewish connotation.  In light of this, perhaps the protagonist, his name, and his identity represented Heller’s compromise between the “raw material” of life which which he was already deeply; immediately familiar – in terms of family, ethnicity, and culture – on one hand, and uncertainty about the acceptance and publication – whether in the literary world or by the general public – of a novel featuring an unambiguously Jewish hero (anti-hero?), on the other.  

I don’t know if this was so.  But if so, it would’ve been unwarranted, given the number and variety of works of fiction from the post-WW II decades which unapologetically featured matter-of-factly neutral or positive Jewish heroes and protagonists.  Examples include works by Irwin Shaw and James Jones, let alone Falstein’s Face of a Hero

And yet, an echo:  

Yossarian strikes me as being reminiscent of two characters from Rodger’s and Hammerstein’s Oklahoma! of 1943: Jud Fry, and especially (especially!) the “Persian Peddler” (seriously! – a P e r s i a n peddler?) Ali Hakim, who though certainly not explicitly Jews, as noted by Bruce Kirle, Derek Miller, Andrea Most, are certainly symbolic representations of Jews, in a play whose theme – quoting Miller – is “partially an examination of the place of Jews in American society”.  The difference of course being, that Yossarian is entirely central to Heller’s story.

And yet, an echo of an echo: 

Michael Igor Peschkowsky’s (Mike Nichols’) and Henry Zuckerman’s (Buck Henry’s) 1970 Catch-22 features Alan Arkin in the role of Captain Yossarian, while the 1943 stage production of Oklahoma! features Joseph Buloff in the role of Ali Hakim.  Again, is it by design, chance, or synchronicity or something stranger that in both cases Jewish actors are cast in the roles of characters who, while not explicitly Jews by name or description, conform to the larger society’s cultural template of Jews?

So, I wonder if Joseph Heller’s reasons for the conceptualization and creation of Captain Yossarian were as mundane as they were pragmatic, and really had little to do with the “progress” – whether real or ostensible – American Jews had made by the late 1950s that had transformed them to “insiders”, and, made them dramatically uninteresting.  

____________________

Anyway…  The deeper issue suggested by Judith Hirsch’s letter revolves around the degree to which the persecution of the Jews of Europe was a motivational factor in the military service of American Jews during the Second World War.

I really don’t know (though given the tenor of the times, I very seriously doubt) if any interviews were ever conducted among American Jewish soldiers in “real-time” during that conflict, concerning their knowledge about the dire plight of European Jewry, or, cognizance of the Shoah itself. 

However, if I were to venture a guess, I think the opinions of this vast group of men would’ve simply and inevitably reflected the spectrum of opinion of American Jewry at that time as a whole:  

At one end apathy, if not complete indifference. 

In the much larger center, a general awareness (with neither specific nor accurate knowledge) that an awful fate had befallen the Jews of Europe, which nonetheless – among a myriad of immediate personal concerns, whether mundane, pressing, or dire – never was the real center of one’s attention. 

At the opposite and far distant end, among a committed and vanishingly small minority, a focused consciousness and steeled urgency which, alas, only on very rare and exceptional occasions (the United States having entered the European land war (the invasion of Italy commencing on September 3, 1943, well after the majority of the Jews killed in the Shoah had already been murdered – and primarily in Eastern Europe) could be translated into physical action.   

In terms of the military service of American Jews, I think this was reflected in wartime news coverage in both the Jewish and general press.  Though innumerable articles and stories about the experiences of American Jewish servicemen were published in both venues during the war, within in the American English-language news media (I really don’t know about the perception and coverage of this topic in the American Yiddish press), only in a vanishingly small number – less than a mere statistical “blip’ – have I found expressions of a soldier perceiving his military service in the context of the survival of European Jewry. 

As in two.

As in the number “2“.

As follows below.

One item, published in the New York Post, pertains to Milton Teltser, a B-24 pilot shot down over Ploesti on August 1, 1943, during Operation Tidal Wave. 

Another, from Chicago’s Jewish Criterion, relates to 8th Air Force B-24 co-pilot Ruby Mass.

These articles are preceded by the trailer for Hulu’s 2019 production of Catch-22.  Very nicely done from a cinematic point of view, the trailer is set to start at the point where Captain Yossarian (Christopher Abbott) exclaims, “It doesn’t make a difference who wins the war to someone who’s dead!” 

While this is only a single sentence in a min-series of over 4 1/2 hours duration, this line of dialogue (written by Luke Davies and David Michôd?), despite its undeniable and appealing logic, somehow stands against the words and thoughts of Mass and Teltser (and how many others, whose names and thoughts remain unknown?).  Taken to its logical conclusion – and understood in the light of Roger Scruton’s discussion of the nature of citizenship in The West and The Rest – more than posing a nominally legitimate question about courage and cowardice, survival and death, it espouses a philosophy that severs all links between past and present, and present and future, without which a people, society, nation, and civilization cannot survive. 

In light of the state of the United States in particular and the “West” in general, in this closing month of 2022, perhaps this is intentional.    

As to why, that’s another essay.

____________________

So, we’ve come (for now?!) to the end to my series of posts about Face of a Hero.

And so, in literature; as in the arts; as in any and all measures of “life” – in general, “…the race does not belong to the swift, nor the war to the mighty; neither do the wise have bread, nor do the understanding have riches, nor the knowledgeable, favor; for time and fate will overtake them all.” 

And so, two novels.  One ostensibly simple, but of in reality of profound depth and meaning.  Another superficially sophisticated and supposedly clever, but in actuality entirely one-dimensional and extraordinarily shallow.  That the former soon fell into obscurity, while the latter rose to fame (and remains so) is little more than a testimony to the “way of the world”; to the ephemeral currents of academic and cultural fashion. 

To conclude, we’ll leave Catch-22 deservedly behind (far behind!), and circle back to Face of a Hero, via M.T. Kelly’s 1999 book review “The Teachings of Warfare”, from the National Post.    

Even with the passage of a half-century since the book’s 1950 publication, Kelly perceives the same strengths as did several reviewers upon its first publication.  He sees Falstein’s novel as having three principle themes, these being an exploration of courage – and the ability to master fear; the nature of comradeship – despite the very faults of one’s comrades; and, hope – in the face of disillusionment and cynicism.

Though some reviewers, in the 1950s and even more in the late 1990s, opined that the story was unnecessarily direct and conventional, Kelly (rightly) sees that the book’s, “…plain style, seeming only to swim on the surface of situations, reveals truths in the way of the best literature.”  At the core, the novel’s ostensible simplicity is the foundation for a tale of how a man maintained his belief, sense of self-worth, and, connection to other men (many of whom were in the same predicament), despite challenges that otherwise might have seemed insurmountable. 

This is stuff of literature, for this is the stuff of life.  

________________________________________

On to the articles, letters, and retrospectives.

February, 2000, Commentary, Norman Podhoretz, “Looking Back at Catch-22

May, 2000, Commentary, “Letters from Readers, “Catch-22”

Catch 22 (1970) Trailer, via Blazing Trailers YouTube channel

May 27, 2007, Lester Hunt’s Blog, “The Most Overrated Novel of the Twentieth Century”  (I also suggest Mr. Hunt’s excellent posts Avatar, and, Nazism or Communism: Which is More Evil?  Among others!)

May, 2008, The New Criterion, Alec Solomita, “Yossarian Section (A review of Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 (Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations, by Sterling Professor Of The Humanities Harold Bloom.)

Catch 22 (2019 Hulu Miniseries) Trailer, via Hulu YouTube channel

(— the final article —)

March 13, 1999, National Post [National Edition] Don Mills, Ontario, Canada, M.T. Kelly, “The Teachings of Warfare

____________________

LOOKING BACK AT “CATCH-22”

… until the novel begins winding down to its conclusion,
there is scarcely a mention of Nazism and fascism as evils that might be worth fighting against,
or of anything about America that might be worth fighting – never mind dying – for.
If Heller had raised any of these considerations earlier,
his point of view would have been put under more pressure and a greater degree of resistance
than he actually allows it to encounter throughout most of the book.

*****

Heller’s novel played perfectly into the conviction of the radical movement of the 60’s that this country,
and its armed forces above all, were ruled by an “establishment” made up of madmen and criminals.
Moreover, in identifying sanity with an unwillingness to serve the purposes of this insane society,
Heller was also perfectly in tune with a doctrine that was being preached by most of the major gurus of the era,
including writers like Allen Ginsberg and Ken Kesey, and psychiatrists like R.D. Laing.
As Heller himself, speaking directly in his own voice,
once put it in summarizing what he had been getting at in Catch-22:
“Frankly, I think the whole society is nuts – and the question is: what does a sane man do in an insane society?”

Norman Podhoretz
Commentary
February 2000

(Volume 109, Issue 2)

THIS PAST December, upon hearing that Joseph Heller had just died at the age of seventy-six, James Webb took to the op-ed page of the Wall Street Journal, where he delivered himself of a fervent tribute to Catch-22, Heller’s first, best (by far), and still most famous novel.  There was nothing peculiar or remarkable in itself about Webb’s gesture; tributes to Heller were appearing everywhere at the same time.  And like Webb’s, almost all of them dwelled entirely on Catch-22, which came out in 1961 and which subjected World War II to a satirical treatment whose hilarity was matched only by its savagery.  Scarcely a mention was made by anyone of the five lesser novels Heller published in the following thirty-eight years of his life–his seventh is scheduled for posthumous publication in the fall–or of the two plays and the two works of nonfiction he also wrote.  (The only exception I came across was a little obituary by David Remnick in the New Yorker that entered a plea for Heller’s second novel, Something Happened.)

No doubt many other pieces about Catch-22 will have been produced by the time this one gets into print.  No doubt, too, most of them will be as effusive as Webb’s.  Indeed, the day before he pronounced it a “masterpiece” and a “great novel,” an appreciation in the Washington Post, run as a sidebar to Heller’s obituary, ended with the similarly confident assertion that Catch-22 would “live forever.” 

For all that, however, Webb’s piece was special–and what made it special was that it came from a graduate of the Naval Academy who went on to fight with great bravery as a marine in Vietnam, where he was wounded and much decorated, and who later was appointed Secretary of the Navy by Ronald Reagan.  One might have thought that such a person with such a background would have a reservation or two about a book that ridicules war and the military with a relentlessness that must surely have inspired the envy of many a pacifist. 

Not a bit of it.  So far as Webb is concerned, Catch-22 is without sin of any kind, and its “lasting greatness is beyond dispute.”  It is a greatness that lies in the truths Heller reveals about war:

His message…was that all wars dehumanize.  That few soldiers march happily to their fate.  And that once the bullets start to fly, all battlefields become apolitical.  For while there may be few atheists in a foxhole, there are even fewer politicians. 

This, as we shall soon see, is actually a rather toothless paraphrase of Heller’s far more brutal “message.”  Slightly more biting, but still misleading, is Webb’s praise of Catch-22 for having “stripped away cant and hypocrisy from the telling of how difficult it is to serve” in war.  In Webb’s judgment, Heller thereby performed a salutary exorcism on the’ “national mindset that was nothing short of adamant in its insistence on the fatalistic bravado with which our soldiers had faced death” in World War II. 

Webb, like Heller, is convinced that this mindset was delusory.  But was it?  I would concede that it may well have been romantically one-sided, but was it any more unbalanced than Heller’s own mindset, or Webb’s?

To CST some notion of what is omitted from Catch-22, let alone from Webb’s sanitized rendering of Heller’s “message,” one need only glance at the work of literature that Heller himself said had exerted (in the words of one obituary notice) “perhaps the longest-lasting impression on him.”  This was a prose translation of Homer’s Iliad that he read as a boy, and that inspired in him the ambition to be a writer.  

Now it is certainly the case that the side of war upon which Catch-22 dwells exclusively and obsessively–its grisly horrors, and the human pettiness it can elicit–are vividly recorded in the Iliad.  (Remember Achilles sulking in his tent and refusing to join in battle because one of his concubines has been taken from him by the commanding general Agamemnon?)  But in Homer’s epic, all this is intermingled with the great virtues that war also elicits, and of which the poem sings even more melodiously.  These virtues–courage, honor, sacrifice, nobility–also make an occasional appearance in Catch-22, but mainly in order to be given as ferocious a beating by Heller as the one he administers to war itself. 

So ferocious, indeed, that no one deeply influenced by this novel would ever be able to understand why a self-professed American pacifist like the philosopher William James could come to believe in the great need for a “moral equivalent of war” in addressing the problems of a society at peace.  Furthermore, James insisted, “One cannot meet [the arguments of the militarists] effectively by mere counter-insistency on war’s horror.  The horror makes the thrill; and…the question is of getting the extremest and supremest out of human nature ….  The military party denies neither the bestiality nor the horror…; it only says that these things tell but half the story.” 

Even more puzzling to a reader entirely under the sway of Catch-22 would be the remark made by another pacifist philosopher, Bertrand Russell.  Sitting in a British jail for having agitated against conscription in World War I, Russell later wrote, “I was tormented by patriotism.  The successes of the Germans…were horrible to me.  I desired the defeat of Germany as ardently as any retired colonel.” 

And yet, bewildering as such sentiments might seem to anyone caught up in the worldview of Catch-22, they nevertheless mainly account for the less than enthusiastic reception of the novel when it was first published in 1961.  Having become embroiled in the debate over it then, I can testify that one of the reasons for this lack of enthusiasm was precisely the uneasiness caused by its portrayal of World War II. 

This was to be expected.  In 1961, there were very few people around who took a negative view of the war against Hitler and Nazism; or to state it more strongly, practically everyone thought it had been a just and necessary war and that we as a nation had every reason to be proud of our part in it.  To be sure, admitting that they were denigrating Catch-22 because they were offended by its “message” would have violated the literary canons of the day, according to which a work of art was supposed to be judged strictly on aesthetic grounds.  Consequently, many of the early reviewers pounced instead on Catch-22’s literary weaknesses of structure and narrative.  The New York Times Book Review, for example, gave it only a short notice on page 50 complaining of its “want of craft and sensibility.” 

What kept the novel from getting lost as a result of this largely dismissive reception was that a few critics sprang to its defense.  I was one of them.  But the line of argument we tended to follow did not focus on war in general or World War II in particular.  Forgetting the critical rule that Moby-Dick, whatever symbolic meaning it may have, is first of all about the hunt for a whale, I even claimed that Catch-22 was only “ostensibly” about an air-force squadron in World War II.  Its real subject, I maintained, was the nature of American society in the mid-20th century. 

Nor was I the only defender of Catch-22 who advanced this interpretation.  As participants in a nascent new radicalism, some of us took our cue from an essay by Heller’s younger contemporary and fellow novelist Philip Roth, which lamented that this country sometimes seemed like a gigantic insane asylum that was virtually impossible for the writer of fiction to describe “and then make credible.”[1]  Heller’s achievement, we argued, was that he had found a way to do just that.  And that he should have done it through a portrayal of what was then almost universally regarded as America at its best–here was where World War II came in–rather than firing easy shots at the obvious shortcomings and faults of the country, seemed to us veritably heroic. 

This was why my own main criticism of Heller was not that he had defamed World War II but that, instead of carrying this breathtakingly brazen enterprise to its logical conclusion, he had suffered a loss of nerve at the end that did serious damage to the integrity of his novel as a satire.[2]

AS ALL the world knows by now, the hero of Catch-22 is a bombardier named Yossarian who is convinced that everyone is trying to kill him.  This makes various people angry, especially his friend Clevinger, who is serving in the same squadron.  Clevinger is a man who believes passionately in many principles and who is also a great patriot:

“No one is trying to kill you,” Clevinger said. 
“Then why are they shooting at me?” Yossarian asked. 
“They’re shooting at everyone,” Clevinger answered.  “They’re trying to kill everyone.” 
“And what difference does that make?”

Clevinger and Yossarian are each certain that the other is crazy.  In fact, so far as Yossarian is concerned, everyone is crazy who thinks that any sense can be made out of getting killed.  When Yossarian is told that people are dying for their country, he retorts that as far as he can see, the only reason he has to fly more combat missions is that his commanding officer, Colonel Cathcart, wants to become a general.  Colonel Cathcart is therefore his enemy just as surely as the German gunner shooting at him when he drops his bombs. 

Everywhere, Yossarian reflects in contemplating the war, men went mad and were rewarded with flying medals.  Boys on every side of the bomb line were laying down their lives for what they had been told was their country, and no one seemed to mind, least of all the boys who were laying down their young lives. 

But Yossarian minds so powerfully that he himself is carried to what might seem the point of madness.  Not, however, in Heller’s eyes.  There is not the slightest doubt that he means us to regard Yossarian’s paranoia (even though it extends to a nurse in the field hospital who dislikes him and to bus drivers everywhere, all of whom are trying to do him in) not as a disease but as a sensible response to real dangers.  For example, we are shown that his diagnosis of Colonel Cathcart–and all the other senior officers whom he also dismisses as insane–is accurate.  The madness lies not in him but in them and the system over which they preside. 

This system is governed by “Catch-22,” which contains many clauses.  The most impressive we learn about when the flight surgeon Doc Daneeka explains to Yossarian why he cannot ground a crazy man, despite the fact that the rules require him to ground anyone who is crazy.  The reason is that the crazy man must ask to be grounded, but as soon as he asks he can no longer be considered crazy–because, according to Catch-22, “a concern for one’s own safety in the face of dangers that are real and immediate is the process of a rational mind.” 

Doc Daneeka’s terror of death is almost as great as Yossarian’s, and his attitude toward the world is correspondingly similar: “Oh I’m not complaining.  I know there’s a war on.  I know a lot of people are going to suffer for us to win.  But why must I be one of them?”

WHAT IS the war in Catch-22 all about?  For approximately the first three-quarters of this 442-page novel, the only answer anyone ever seems able to offer is that, in an armed conflict between nations, it is a noble thing to give your life for your own.  This proposition Heller takes considerable pleasure in ridiculing. 

“There are now 50 or 60 countries fighting in this war,” an ancient Italian who has learned the arts of survival tells the idealistic and patriotic nineteen-year-old Lieutenant Nately.  “Surely so many countries can’t all be worth dying for.”  Nately is shocked by such cynicism and tries to argue, but the old man shakes his head wearily.  “They’re going to kill you if you don’t watch out, and I can see now that you are not going to watch out.”  (As though to nail down his acceptance of the ancient Italian’s perspective, Heller makes sure that this prophecy later comes true.)  And in response to Nately’s declaration that “it’s better to die on one’s feet than to live on one’s knees,” the old man tells him that the saying makes more sense if it is turned around to read, “It is better to live on one’s feet than die on one’s knees.” 

The interesting thing, as I noted at the time in my own review, is that until the novel begins winding down to its conclusion, there is scarcely a mention of Nazism and fascism as evils that might be worth fighting against, or of anything about America that might be worth fighting–never mind dying–for.  If Heller had raised any of these considerations earlier, his point of view would have been put under more pressure and a greater degree of resistance than he actually allows it to encounter throughout most of the book. 

That he was aware of this evasion becomes obvious from a dialogue between Yossarian and Major Danby (“a gentle, moral, middle-aged idealist”) that takes place in the closing pages.  Danby reminds Yossarian that the Cathcarts are not the whole story.  “This is not World War I.  You must never forget that we’re at war with aggressors who would not let either one of us live if they won.”  To which Yossarian replies:

I know that….  Christ, Danby,…  I’ve flown 70 goddam combat missions.  Don’t talk to me about fighting to save my country.  I’ve been fighting all along to save my country.  Now I’m going to fight a little to save myself….  From now on I’m thinking only of me. 

This statement comes as a great shock, since Heller had given the reader every reason to believe that Yossarian had been thinking only of himself throughout the novel.  In fact, if we take seriously what this new Yossarian is saying, then the whole novel is trivialized.  Its remorselessly uncompromising picture of the world, written under the aegis of the idea that survival is the overriding value and that all else is pretense, lying, cant, and hypocrisy, now becomes little more than the story of a mismanaged outfit and an attack on the people who (as Yossarian so incongruously puts it with a rhetoric not his own) always cash in “on every decent impulse and every human tragedy.” 

Catch-22, then, was not as heroic as it seemed at first sight.  On closer examination, it became clear that Heller simply did not have the full courage of his own convictions–a courage that would have enabled him to go all the way with the premise that lay at the basis of his novel.  When it came right down to it, he felt a great need to seek conventional moral cover, and could not bring himself to represent World War II itself as a fraud, having nothing whatever to do with ideals or principles. 

Yet, for the aesthetic purposes of this novel, it would have been better if he had so represented it.  For in shrinking from the ultimate implication of the vision adumbrated by Catch-22–the conviction that nothing on earth is worth dying for, especially not a country–he weakened the impact of his book.  And when, suddenly and out of nowhere, he went on to endow Yossarian with a sense of honor in refusing to cooperate to his own advantage with the Cathcarts of this world, Heller also weakened the credibility of his protagonist. 

NONE OF this, however, seemed to bother any of Catch-22’s new crop of admirers, whose numbers swelled as the involvement of the United States in Vietnam escalated.  It is easy to see why.  Heller’s novel played perfectly into the conviction of the radical movement of the 60’s that this country, and its armed forces above all, were ruled by an “establishment” made up of madmen and criminals.  Moreover, in identifying sanity with an unwillingness to serve the purposes of this insane society, Heller was also perfectly in tune with a doctrine that was being preached by most of the major gurus of the era, including writers like Allen Ginsberg and Ken Kesey, and psychiatrists like R.D. Laing.  As Heller himself, speaking directly in his own voice, once put it in summarizing what he had been getting at in Catch-22: “Frankly, I think the whole society is nuts–and the question is: what does a sane man do in an insane society?”

But perhaps most important of all, Catch-22 also justified draft evasion and even desertion as morally superior to military service.  After all, if the hero of Catch-22, fighting in the best of all possible wars, was right to desert and run off to Sweden (as Yossarian does in the end), how much more justified were his Vietnam-era disciples in following the trail he had so prophetically blazed?

Unlike most of them, James Webb was actually in Vietnam when he read Catch-22 in 1969.  “From that lonely place of blood and misery and disease,” he now recalls, “I found a soul mate who helped me face the next day and all the days and months that followed.”  Well, as one who served in the army but never saw combat, I have no desire–or any right–to begrudge a war hero like Webb the solace he derived from Heller.  I can also imagine why and how, discovering Catch-22 while fighting in so mismanaged a war as Vietnam, Webb could feel that deep was calling unto deep. 

Even so, I fear that both this feeling and the solace Catch-22 brought him were based on a sanitized misreading of the book’s “message,” which, as I hope has become obvious by now, has nothing whatsoever to do with the difference between soldiers and “politicians,” or with the “apolitical” nature of battlefields.  I also have to say that when a professional military man adopts so worshipful an attitude toward a book that is as nihilistic in its conception of war as Catch-22, a certain lack of self-respect is surely being exposed: should he not be defending his own when it comes under attack?

True, Webb happens to be a published author, with five novels under his belt, so this might be a case of one part of his own trumping the other, with the writer in him, not content with a fair share of respect, hogging the half that should rightly go to the soldier.  Anyhow, where the failure of self-respect is concerned, Webb’s encomium to Catch-22 is as nothing compared to what happened at the Air Force Academy in Colorado Springs in 1986, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the novel’s publication. 

When I first heard back then that the Academy was planning a conference to celebrate this event, I thought it must surely be playing some kind of joke, to get even with Heller’s cruel satire of its own branch of the service.  But as it turned out, the only joke the Academy was playing was on itself, and on the profession it presumably exists to serve. 

For Catch-22 is perhaps even rougher on the air force (then a part of the army rather than the independent branch it later became) than it is on war.  To stress it yet again, the air force as portrayed in this novel is an organization headed by idiots and lunatics like Colonel Cathcart who send countless young boys to their deaths for no reason–none whatsoever–other than the furthering of their own personal ambitions.  Even more bizarre (and lest we forget about the evils of American capitalism), Heller gives us Milo Minderbinder, who, from his position as mess officer, runs a huge business in which the enemy has a share; from this enemy, Minderbinder actually accepts a contract to bomb his own outfit.  And so it goes, up and down the chain of command. 

It was to ponder and applaud the book in which this portrait is painted of their branch of the service that 900 future air-force officers were brought together for an entire weekend in 1986.  In the course of that weekend, the cadets were also subjected to learned disquisitions from a troupe of literary scholars who repeatedly assured them–as did Heller himself, making a triumphal appearance, and relying on the prudential retreat he had executed from his true convictions at the end of the novel–that Catch-22 was neither anti-military nor opposed to World War II. 

Admittedly, the novel was not totally absolved of fault by the Air Force Academy.  One member of its faculty criticized Heller’s attitudes toward women as lacking in proper sympathy and respect. 

Asked by a not unreasonably puzzled reporter why the Air Force Academy should have singled out Catch-22, of all books, for such reverential attention, the head of its English department explained that you “don’t want dumb officers out there protecting your country.”  A dumb officer, it seems, was one who failed to understand that “the historical distinctions between good guy and bad guy” had been hopelessly blurred, and who had not yet learned that “the enemy is everywhere and nowhere.” 

By then I stood in a very different place from the one I had occupied in 1961; and from that place it struck me as an even greater lunacy than any Heller himself attributed to the air corps that a man with a head full of notions like this should have been entrusted with the education of young people who were being trained to lead their fellow good guys into battle against their country’s enemies.  But even more absurd and more disheartening were the cheers that greeted Heller’s appearance at the celebration. 

If the cadets were cheering him because they were fooled by his disingenuous interpretation of the novel as a “story of military bureaucracy run amok,” then they were showing themselves incapable of recognizing a savage attack on everything they were supposed to stand for, even when it hit them smack in the face.  If, on the other hand, the cadets were cheering because they understood what Heller was really saying, then they were endorsing a set of notions that made a mockery of their future profession: that love of country is a naive delusion, that the military is both evil and demented, and that for a soldier to desert is morally superior–more honorable-than to go on serving in the face of mortal danger. 

SINCE 1986, the anti-military ethos of which Catch-22 is the locus classicus for our time has grown weaker and less pervasive, and the original “mindset” about World War II, so sharply criticized by Webb, has returned with great force.  Tom Brokaw of NBC has made a small fortune with a book hailing the men who fought that war as “the greatest generation” we have ever produced in this country (the very accolade formerly bestowed on the draft dodgers of the Vietnam era).  Steven Spielberg’s film, Saving Private Ryan, while stressing (as though in deference to what we might call the Heller version) the gruesomeness of the war, gives equal-well, almost equal–weight to the determination of the soldiers to do their duty and the heroism they sometimes exhibited in the course of it.  And out of the Vietnam era itself has come Senator John McCain, whose wonderfully honorable behavior as a prisoner of war has made him a viable challenger to George W.  Bush for the Republican presidential nomination and has attracted the admiration even of people who disagree with many of his policies. 

Nevertheless, the influence of the Heller version lingers on in a gutted American military and in a culture that puts the avoidance of casualties above all other considerations.  (How often have we been told that the only military engagements the American people will tolerate are those that do not result in the shipping-home of any “body bags”?)  Of course, Heller cannot be given all the “credit” for this situation.  But there is no denying that through the brilliance of his comic gifts, and the gusto and exuberance with which he deployed them, he made a mighty contribution to it.  More specifically, he did as much as anyone to resurrect the pacifist ideas that had become prevalent after World War I and had then been discredited by World War II: that war is simply a means by which cynical people commit legalized murder in pursuit of power and profits; that patriotism is a fraud; and that nothing is worth dying for (this last sentiment, according to Nietzsche, being a mark of the slave). 

I do not often agree with the novelist E.L. Doctorow, but I think he was entirely right in his comment upon learning of the death of his friend Joseph Heller:

When Catch-22 came out, people were saying, “Well, World War II wasn’t like this.”  But when we got tangled up in Vietnam, it became a sort of text for the consciousness of that time.  They say fiction can’t change anything, but it can certainly organize a generation’s consciousness. 

The success of Catch-22 in accomplishing this feat was undoubtedly a measure of its power as a work of art, about which I have never changed my mind (though not even when I joined in its defense in 1961-2 did I think its “greatness was beyond dispute” or that it “would live forever”).  What I have come to question, however, is whether the literary achievement was worth the harm–the moral, spiritual, and intellectual harm–Catch-22 has also undoubtedly managed to do, and to the “consciousness” of, by now, more generations than one. 

[1] “Writing American Fiction,” Commentary, March, 1961.

[2] I wrote a long review of Catch-22 soon after it was published, and another, much briefer piece on Heller in 1996.  In what follows, I draw in part on both of them. 

NORMAN PODHORETZ, editor-at-large of COMMENTARY and a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, is the author, most recently, of Ex-Friends.  His new book, My Love Affair with America, will be published by the Free Press this summer.

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Catch-22
Letters from Readers

There was a murderous nation on the loose that had to be stopped,
and all the sophistry in Heller’s arsenal could not lessen the evil of the Germans.
As a Jew, Heller should have been sensitive to the slaughter of his people.
Instead, he fashioned a novel about the war as if it involved no moral imperative. – Judith Hirsch, Boca Raton, Fl.

____________________

____________________

“That’s some catch, that catch twenty-two!”
“It’s the best there is.”
Catch-22 (Paramount, 1970)

____________________

____________________

Commentary
May 2000

(Volume 109, Issue 5)

TO THE EDITOR:

Norman Podhoretz wonders why James Webb–a graduate of the Naval Academy, a decorated hero of the Vietnam war, and a former Secretary of the Navy–and the cadets at the Air Force Academy admire Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 [“Looking Back at “Catch-22“”, February]. The explanation is quite simple. Like Mr. Podhoretz himself, they appreciate the truth. The fact that the truth about military life is often ludicrously comical–as Heller shows with his hyperbolic, satirical prose–diminishes not one whit the courage and patriotism of either Heller or his enthusiasts among our military officers. Nor should we be surprised that radical leftists misuse Catch-22. Do they not deconstruct and disfigure everything virtuous?

I first read Catch-22 shortly after graduating from the Naval Academy in 1962, and, like James Webb, I discovered in Heller a soulmate–an evaluation unchanged by a recent rereading of his book. The service academies train future officers to function amid the foibles, ambiguities, and contradictions of war. This is necessary not only because the military has its share of latent and actual asses, fools, psychos, and egoists, but because war itself often requires men to act in ways opposed to their primal instinct for survival and their most elevated sense of morality.

These are paradoxes with which an officer must cope, and Heller learned them, presumably, on the battlefields of World War II. In Catch-22, he provided a magnificent textbook for trainee patriots, a ready reference work for experienced patriots, and an eternal memorial to the self-abnegation of fallen patriots. Let us praise him for it.

Charles W. Clardy
Decherd, Tennessee

TO THE EDITOR:

Norman Podhoretz is determined to condemn Catch-22 as an attack on the altruistic effort to destroy the Third Reich and, more broadly, as a damnable deterrent to legitimate patriotism in the event that war again poses a threat to our way of life.

But Mr. Podhoretz is mistaken to assume that the American troops who fought on European soil were imbued with the belief that fascism had to be destroyed. Those who were in the killing fields were rarely, if ever, told why, or where they were, or where they were going. To conscripted soldiers in combat, the war was a succession of rain, snow, shelling, ambush, fear, and death; it did not look the same to them as it did to ambitious generals, the purveyors of materiel, or wives and mothers divested of their precious kin. To see their war, I would highly recommend Catch-22.

Aaron Jacobson
Cleveland, Ohio

TO THE EDITOR:

Norman Podhoretz’s cogent clarification of Catch-22’s message and his challenge to Joseph Heller’s view of World War II were overdue. During many years of counseling conscientious objectors and war-resisters, I experienced the change of “consciousness” that Catch-22 helped produce. The “pacifists” among them had just begun to sort out the moral and political choices involved in participation in war. Many had no sense of what could be lost in a refusal to go to war. Even fewer understood war’s utility: it settles an argument until the groundwork can be laid for institutions that make a shared political community a feasible alternative to conflict.

More thoughtful pacifists–among whom I count myself–understand why democratic governance in America is an important milestone in human history, and that simplistic opposition to American militarism is no road to peace. Absent America, we would have to forget about progress toward an end to war.

Robert Pickus
Berkeley, California

TO THE EDITOR:

In 1967, when my son was sixteen years old, I was desperate to get him involved in books, so I offered him Catch-22, a novel I had read a few years earlier and laughed uproariously over. Magically, my prescription worked. He loved the book. Those were the Vietnam years, and one of my thoughts was to keep my son safe: Heller’s cynicism had great appeal.

As the years passed and I grew older and wiser, I was nagged by Heller’s insouciant message. World War II was not Vietnam, nor was it like any prior conflict.

There was a murderous nation on the loose that had to be stopped, and all the sophistry in Heller’s arsenal could not lessen the evil of the Germans. As a Jew, Heller should have been sensitive to the slaughter of his people. Instead, he fashioned a novel about the war as if it involved no moral imperative.

Judith Hirsch
Boca Raton, Florida

TO THE EDITOR:

I was startled and delighted finally to run across someone who agrees with me about Catch-22. I thought I stood alone in my distaste. As a combat veteran who served in Europe (as a gunner on a B-24), I get no pleasure from those who use World War II for low comedy or to air their grievances.

My daughter was entranced by Catch-22, so I had to explain to her that there have been all sorts of wars, most of them deserving of our contempt. World War II was not among them.

Louis S. Lyons
Woodland Hills, California

TO THE EDITOR:

Hurrah to Norman Podhoretz for pinning the tail on Joseph Heller. If most American fighting men in World War II had had the advanced sensibilities of Heller’s “hero” Yossarian, forces far meaner and more real than Colonel Cathcart would have prevailed.

Larry Thornberry
Tampa, Florida

TO THE EDITOR:

Norman Podhoretz has written a brilliant essay on Joseph Heller. But while I would like to agree that “the anti-military ethos . . . has grown weaker and less pervasive,” I suspect that it will return in force as soon as an American military adventure requires more from the public than high television ratings. As President Clinton has demonstrated, the Left has no objections to the use of force, even if it is used clumsily and indiscriminately as in Sudan or Kosovo, so long as the other side does all the bleeding. Lord help us if we ever have to fight, instead of kill.

Thomas F. Berner
New York City

NORMAN PODHORETZ writes:

Instead of replying to the arguments of Charles W. Clardy myself, I would rather refer him to the excellent letters following his from Robert Pickus, Judith Hirsch, Larry Thornberry, and Thomas F. Berner.

I will add only this: having served in the army for two years as an enlisted man, I know very well (perhaps even better than an officer might) how absurd military life can be. But as I tried to point out in my article, that is far from the whole story.

Never having been sent into combat, though, let me suggest that Aaron Jacobson turn to Louis S. Lyons, who had first-hand experience, for a more authoritative answer than I could supply. Like Mr. Clardy, Mr. Jacobson is not wrong in what he says, but he too gives us an incomplete picture. (By the way, some of the writings of Stephen Ambrose do much to fill out the picture without denying or obscuring the partial truth of the Jacobson account of how conscripted soldiers felt on the front lines in World War II.)  

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The Most Overrated Novel of the Twentieth Century

It requires that one be able to think in conceptual terms as well as narrative terms. 
It also requires that you show characters as undergoing a development
as a result of their dynamic interaction with their environment. 
But these are capacities that Joseph Heller either didn’t have or couldn’t be bothered to use in writing Catch-22.

Some works of literature present themselves to you as pure entertainment and,
once you are pulled into them, expand your mind with interesting and challenging ideas. 
There is more in them than initially meets the eye. 
Catch-22 proceeds in the opposite direction. 
It presents itself as dealing with great issues
– and has nothing interesting to say about them. 

Anyway, this book is so bad that the only real question it raises is,
how did it ever get to have the reputation it has?
Why is it on every “greatest novels of the twentieth century” list?
What the Hell?
I guess the answer is probably pretty simple.
It came out just before the Vietnam War (1961),
when a lot of people would soon start thinking that war is a very bad thing,
and that the military consists mostly of vicious idiots.
In other words,
Heller got a free ride
because he was telling a lot of people something they already believed
and already wanted to hear.

Lester Hunt
May 27, 2007

You may remember a rap hit of 2005, “My Humps,” (see also here) by a group calling themselves Blackeyed Peas.  One thing that distinguished this thing from all the other obvious candidates for the the office of Worst Song Ever was that it managed to be both artistically and morally bad.  It was offensive in about every way it could be.  I have been thinking about “My Humps,” because I have been reading a book that achieves something of this negative sort of greatness, but in the realm of literature rather than music.

This is Joseph Heller’s Catch-22.  A student in my course on philosophical ideas in literature wanted to write his term paper on it, though I had not read it myself.  I figured, what the heck, I really ought to read it – students keep bringing it up as an example of a work that offers a challenging critique of war and the military ethos.  So I’ll read it.  I am still staggering from the shock of its amazing badness.

Here are some of the things that I think are bad about it:

1.  It is a one-trick pony.  This is by intention a humorous book, a work of social satire.  But it consists of basically the same joke over and over again: military people are evil and stupid.  They are also stupid and evil.  (Did I mention that they are evil?  Also stupid?)  I found this pretty clever and amusing for about the first twenty pages.  But by that time I still had about 450 pages more to go, and the rest of it wasn’t any fun at all.

2.  It’s a bad argument.  Satire always has an intellectual point.  The point here seems to be that war is a bad thing.  The book makes that point by depicting the people who make war as stupid and evil.  It does so by presenting all the characters who are regarded as sane by the standards of the military world as doing things that are actually insane, while the one character who is actually sane is regarded by everyone else as being crazy. 

3.  The tone is wrong.  The events he describes in this book are great moral evils.  The tone of voice in which he describes them is one of arch irony and smug sneering.  Such a tone is simply inappropriate to the subject matter.  The wrinkled lip is not the gesture of moral indignation.  It leaves the reader with the impression that the author, who is so ready to find other people evil and stupid, is actually some sort of moral moron himself.  At one point in the book, one of the unsympathetic characters tells the narrator about a fun prank he and his fraternity brothers used to pull in college.  They would lure high school girls into the frat house, and then they would gang rape them all night long.  Then they would steal the pennies out of their pockets.  Finally they would blackmail them by threatening to tell their parents that they had consensual sex with them, and let them go.  Does Heller realize how evil this sort of behavior is?  I doubt it.  If he did, he wouldn’t expect us to chuckle about it.  

4.  There is less than meets the eye.  Some works of literature present themselves to you as pure entertainment and, once you are pulled into them, expand your mind with interesting and challenging ideas.  There is more in them than initially meets the eye.  Catch-22 proceeds in the opposite direction.  It presents itself as dealing with great issues – and has nothing interesting to say about them.  Take the title for instance.  Bomber pilots have a a good reason to not want to fly any more missions – after all, the people you are trying to kill are shooting at you! And you don’t have to fly any more missions if it so happens that the pressures of combat have destroyed your sanity.  However, if you ask to be excused from flying more missions on the grounds that you are insane, this exception does not apply to you, because not wanting to fly more missions is evidence of sanity.  That’s the “catch.” Pretty clever, huh?  Really tells you something about the twisted workings of the military mind, doesn’t it?  Well, no, it doesn’t.  

5.  It is ignoble.  I’m sure there are any number of reasons to dislike war.  It is a moral horror.  In my own view, the main reason is that it inevitably kills, injures, and destroys the property of innocent people.  Surely the most ignoble, morally lowest reason to hate war is that you hate military people.  But that is the reason that this book offers, as its main argument.

Anyway, this book is so bad that the only real question it raises is, how did it ever get to have the reputation it has? Why is it on every “greatest novels of the twentieth century” list?* What the Hell?  I guess the answer is probably pretty simple.  It came out just before the Vietnam War (1961), when a lot of people would soon start thinking that war is a very bad thing, and that the military consists mostly of vicious idiots.  In other words, Heller got a free ride because he was telling a lot of people something they already believed and already wanted to hear.  But this of course does not speak in his favor, nor does it reflect well on the many readers who admired the book for that particular reason (especially the learned fools who compile “greatest novels” lists).
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* By the way, this might be the only book (other than To Kill a Mockingbird — a genuinely good novel) that regularly shows up on both critic-generated lists and reader-generated lists.  Overrating this book is a disease that seems to infect humans of all classes, races, and creeds.

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Yossarian Section
A review of Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 (Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations (Hardcover))

by Sterling Professor Of The Humanities Harold Bloom.

But, to paraphrase Kingsley Amis’s line about breasts,
we know why the critics liked it, but why did they like it so much?
The question opens a window onto not only how we thought then but also the perils attending how we think now.

*****

Perhaps as important as Catch-22’s stylistic felicity was the timing of its publication.
The “American hymn to cowardice,” as Philip Larkin called it, came along at just the right cultural moment.
In the decade after the novel’s release,
peacefully protesting Southern blacks shot backwards across America’s television screens
powered by lawmen’s hoses,
and women and children ran burning down roads in Southeast Asia.
At the same time, marijuana’s singular,
seductive logic trivialized the more pacific endeavors of the “straight” world.
Under these powerful stimuli, it was a formidable challenge to think as well as to feel.
It was not easy to refrain from conflating “Bull” Connor and his thugs with all peace officers.
Nor was it easy to look at the brutal war in Vietnam in a larger, geopolitical context—or to say “no” to drugs.

*****

… sober adults previously able to differentiate between Republicans and Nazis,
between authority and authoritarianism, between tolerance and license, also lost their way.
As if in a perverse Pied Piper story, a host of elders followed their capering children toward willed ignorance.
And one of the more effective tunes in the piper’s repertoire was Catch-22.

*****

The novel is an eloquent argument for the American radical’s primitive certainty that no evil is random.
Leftists (much like the Azande of North Africa,
who when a roof collapses look not for structural deficiencies but witchcraft)
cannot see an accident without blaming an automaker,
a beggar without blaming a banker,
or a hurricane without blaming a president.
And, a fortiori, they cannot see a war without blaming the United States of America.
Ironically, while Catch-22 has been lauded relentlessly as a picture of a lunatic world where nothing makes sense,
“a swamp of absurdity,” as Frederick Karl termed it in 1965,
in fact everything in the novel makes sense—
the kind of sense contrived by the politically paranoid mind.
All the poverty, misery, squalor, violence, and sexual exploitation in the world can be traced to the malevolent appetite of the usual suspects:
big business, big military, and big politics.

Alec Solomita
The New Criterion
March 2008

Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 was published in 1961.  After an initial smattering of mostly negative notices, the novel—helped by a canonizing New Republic piece by Robert Brustein, a fawning review by Nelson Algren in The Nation, and an expensive advertising campaign—became a success and then a phenomenon, eventually selling millions of copies around the world.  These reviews and others, such as Norman Podhoretz’s sober reassessment of the novel in 2000, make for lively reading in the latest (and much improved) edition of Catch-22 in Harold Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations series.  A mix of reviews, memoir, literary gossip, and scholarly analysis, the volume offers a feast of follies—the puerile adoration that greeted the novel, the ensuing orgy of congratulation and self-congratulation indulged in by Heller and his admirers, the reverence subsequently bestowed on the work by some of the academy’s most Casaubon-like commentators, and the inevitable vicious attacks on the ill and elderly novelist when, in 1994, he had the audacity to write a sequel to his early triumph.

Despite its cringing protagonist, the novel speaks with an old-fashioned muscular conviction pulsing with testosterone.

Reading through almost fifty years of commentary on Heller, one is less surprised by the literati’s savaging of a vulnerable pack member in the 1990s than by their ecstatic reception of Catch-22 in the 1960s.  Yes, the novel has its share of literary virtues.  And yes, it is a rebel’s amusement park.  But, to paraphrase Kingsley Amis’s line about breasts, we know why the critics liked it, but why did they like it so much? The question opens a window onto not only how we thought then but also the perils attending how we think now.

When, at fifteen, my friends and I read Catch-22, it was love at first sight.  Despite its cringing protagonist, the novel speaks with an old-fashioned muscular conviction pulsing with testosterone.  It was the authorial voice—bellicose, caustic, and knowing—that we fell for first.  And what vivid battle scenes in this pacifist manifesto! Echoing “boom-boom-boom-booms” of flak and the “sharp, piercing crack! of a single shell,” the bombardier shrieking “Turn right hard!” and “Climb, you bastard! Climb, climb, climb, climb!” thrilled us like the inky panels of a comic book.  And even more thrilling to us were the recurring scenes of languid, grumpy whores consorting in a Roman brothel with hero John Yossarian and his fellow flyboys.

But Catch-22 is not a comic book any more than Yossarian is a traditional war hero.  This smug, anti-war jeremiad about a World War II bombardier who doesn’t want to fly any more missions is also a literary novel with a vengeance.  Crammed with allusions to scripture and mythology, to Synge, Sartre, T.S. Eliot, and Washington Irving, the novel simultaneously flattered and challenged bookish young baby boomers.  Endless queues of exotic adjectives and busy verbs beguiled us, too: “that patriotic Texan with his infundibuliform jowls and his lumpy, rumpleheaded, indestructible smile.” “Hungry Joe ate voraciously, gnawed incessantly … stammered, choked, itched, sweated, salivated, and sprang from spot to spot fanatically.”

The novel’s oft-touted “courageous” anti-authoritarianism was also a potent lure.  We pubescent malcontents, like the puer eternus Brustein (whose New Republic review came to be seen as “definitive”), were captivated by the cowering Yossarian’s “free, rebellious spirit in this explosive, bitter, subversive, brilliant book.” We identified.  Yossarian felt the same way about fighting in World War II as we felt about gym class.

How could we arrive so easily at this grotesque equivalence? That’s where the sine qua non of the novel’s allure comes in: its comedy.  An inspired hybrid of introductory logic and advanced Marx Brothers, the humor of Catch-22 is like a manic, dissolute, indefatigably inventive friend.  For much of the book, Heller’s comic touch is so delicately tuned that he can say just about anything and the result is delight.  Heller is a master of the elliptical, cumulative, deliberately frustrating internal illogic of certain kinds of vaudeville patter.  It’s a comedy based mainly on wordplay and misapprehension—and, more often than not in Catch-22, a generous dose of sadism.

“Precisely what did you mean, Cadet Clevinger, when you said we couldn’t find you guilty?”
“I didn’t say you couldn’t find me guilty, sir.”
“When?”
“When what, sir?” …
“[A]nswer the question.  When didn’t you say we couldn’t find you guilty?”
“Late last night in the latrine, sir.”
“Is that the only time you didn’t say it?”
“No, sir.  I always didn’t say you couldn’t find me guilty, sir.  What I did say to Yossarian was—”
“Nobody asked you what you did say to Yossarian.  We asked you what you didn’t say to him.  We’re not at all interested in what you did say to Yossarian.  Is that clear?”
“Yes, sir.”
“Then we’ll go on.  What did you say to Yossarian?”

One of the miracles of the book is that this comic technique—a string of seemingly endless variations on “Who’s on first”—remains so effective for so long.

Yossarian found Luciana sitting alone at a table in the Allied officers’ night club:
“All right.  I’ll dance with you,” she said, before Yossarian could even speak.  “But I won’t let you sleep with me.”
“Who asked you?” Yossarian asked her.
“You don’t want to sleep with me?” she exclaimed with surprise.
“I don’t want to dance with you.”

The routine does eventually fall flat, especially in the interminable scenes featuring the arch-capitalist Milo Minderbinder.  Milo, an affable profiteer and one of Yossarian’s close friends, is a socialist’s paranoid nightmare of bloated, mercantile self-interest.  Like many of Catch-22’s caricature villains, Milo is hard to credit, especially in the novel’s unsatisfying last third when he and Yossarian are lassoed by Heller into increasingly lugubrious moralizing (an escalation as alarming as Colonel Cathcart’s raising of the number of required missions).  As astute critics have pointed out, Heller’s “anarchic” and “savage” humor cannot withstand the novel’s last-minute swerve toward ethical self-justification.

Perhaps as important as Catch-22’s stylistic felicity was the timing of its publication.  The “American hymn to cowardice,” as Philip Larkin called it, came along at just the right cultural moment.  In the decade after the novel’s release, peacefully protesting Southern blacks shot backwards across America’s television screens powered by lawmen’s hoses, and women and children ran burning down roads in Southeast Asia.  At the same time, marijuana’s singular, seductive logic trivialized the more pacific endeavors of the “straight” world.  Under these powerful stimuli, it was a formidable challenge to think as well as to feel.  It was not easy to refrain from conflating “Bull” Connor and his thugs with all peace officers.  Nor was it easy to look at the brutal war in Vietnam in a larger, geopolitical context—or to say “no” to drugs.  Not only did fifteen-year-olds fail to meet this challenge, but sober adults previously able to differentiate between Republicans and Nazis, between authority and authoritarianism, between tolerance and license, also lost their way.  As if in a perverse Pied Piper story, a host of elders followed their capering children toward willed ignorance.  And one of the more effective tunes in the piper’s repertoire was Catch-22.

The novel is an eloquent argument for the American radical’s primitive certainty that no evil is random.  Leftists (much like the Azande of North Africa, who when a roof collapses look not for structural deficiencies but witchcraft) cannot see an accident without blaming an automaker, a beggar without blaming a banker, or a hurricane without blaming a president.  And, a fortiori, they cannot see a war without blaming the United States of America.  Ironically, while Catch-22 has been lauded relentlessly as a picture of a lunatic world where nothing makes sense, “a swamp of absurdity,” as Frederick Karl termed it in 1965, in fact everything in the novel makes sense—the kind of sense contrived by the politically paranoid mind.  All the poverty, misery, squalor, violence, and sexual exploitation in the world can be traced to the malevolent appetite of the usual suspects: big business, big military, and big politics.

Crammed with allusions to scripture and mythology, to Synge, Sartre, T.S. Eliot, and Washington Irving, the novel simultaneously flattered and challenged bookish young baby boomers.

Accordingly, contemporary celebrations of Catch-22 talked about American society as if it suffered under the benighted regimes of Hitler or Stalin and not the prosperity and hopes of the New Frontier, the Civil Rights movement, and, soon, the “Great” Society.  Brustein in 1961: “Through the agency of grotesque comedy, Heller has found a way to confront the humbug, hypocrisy, cruelty, and sheer stupidity of our mass society— qualities which have made the few other Americans who care almost speechless with baffled rage.” The reader, if he can’t attain to the elite class to which the reviewer belongs—one of “the few Americans who care”—feels compelled to ask, “Who is this masked man, this ‘mass society?’”

Nelson Algren’s febrile prose ferrets out an even greater villain.  The novel is a repudiation of “the horror and the hypocrisy, the greed and the complacency, the endless cunning and the endless stupidity which now go to constitute what we term Christianity.”

Like ideologues before them who simplified a variety of hypocritical politicians, greedy businessmen, and corrupt military men into a single evil entity—Catholicism, capitalism, Jewry—Heller and numberless other more or less talented malcontents invented out of a multiplicity of interests the shapeless monstrous entity known as the “military-industrial complex” or “mass society,” against which they can throw a perpetual tantrum.

Sadly, the “horrors” of American society continue to feature in assessments of Catch-22.  “[T]he novel’s absurdities,” wrote Leon Seltzer in 1979, “operate almost always to expose the alarming inhumanities which pollute our political, social, and economic system.” And in 2000, Sanford Pinsker assails the sickness of the “contemporary world, in its shameless greed and thorough-going corruption.” And now, in 2008, it is a commonplace that fighting against this “system” is a virtue while, of course, fighting for it makes no sense at all.

One of the cleverest of the many clever logical twists in Catch-22 comes when the rather decent Major Major challenges Yossarian’s choice to avoid battle:

“Would you like to see our country lose?” Major Major asked.
“We won’t lose [answers Yossarian].  We’ve got more men, more money and more material.  There are ten million men in uniform who could replace me.  Some people are getting killed and a lot more are making money and having fun.  Let somebody else get killed.”
“But suppose everybody on our side felt that way.”
“Then I’d certainly be a damned fool to feel any other way.  Wouldn’t I?”

How we boys laughed at this little piece of sophistry.  Now, of course, when we again face real, earnest enemies, and when so many Americans do “feel that way,” it isn’t so funny, after all.

Alec Solomita’s chapbook, Do Not Forsake Me, was published by Finishing Line Press in 2017.  His first full-length book of poetry, Hard To Be a Hero, will be published by Kelsay Books in the spring.

____________________

____________________

“It doesn’t make a difference who wins the war to someone who’s dead!”
Catch-22 (Hulu, 2019)

____________________

____________________

“May you live unenvied,
and pass many pleasant years unknown to fame;
and also have congenial friends.”

– Ovid

__________

“A tribute which bears full truth and honesty
will refuse to apply the conventional words of courage,
gallantry, heroism and bravery to the acts
which every fallen soldier was performing at the time of his death.
Some of our beloved comrades died embittered, scared and lonely deaths.
None ever “gladly” died because they were inspired by patriotism.
But they all died in the fulfillment of their duty.”

– Garrett R. Middlebrook
Air Combat at Twenty Feet – Selected Missions From a Strafer Pilot’s Diary, 1989

____________________

____________________

Second Lieutenant Milton Teltser

“Also let me point out that 2,000,000 Jews have died since the war began
and they never had a chance to fight.
You know how easily that could have been us.”

__________

Milton Teltser, at his Springfield, New Jersey home on September 23, 1991.

__________

Among the many B-24 Liberators lost during “Operation Tidal Wave” – the Army Air Force’s mission to Ploesti, Rumania, on August 1, 1943 – was an aircraft that went by the nickname of “Pudgy”.  Assigned to the 330th Bomb Squadron of the 8th Air Force’s 93rd Bomb Group (“Ted Timberlake’s Traveling Circus”), the bomber, B-24D 42-40613, squadron identification letter “E”, carried a crew of eleven, from which there would emerge five survivors.

One of the five was the bomber’s pilot, First Lieutenant Milton Teltser (0-792653). The son of Wolf and Ida Teltser of 128 North Essex Ave., in Orange, New Jersey, Milton was born in Manhattan on March 23, 1920. Captured with Pudgy’s other survivors, he was imprisoned at Lagarule Prizoiniero 802 (“Camp 14”), in Rumania, and liberated in September of 1944.

There are two different account of Pudgy’s fate.  In Ploesti (1962), James Dugan and Carroll Stewart’s describe the aircraft’s loss this way:

Potts and his wingmen, “Jersey Bounce” and “Lucky”, passed over as Hanfland lined up on the furniture vans and tramped the trigger of the four-barreled 20-mm. gun, loaded with armor-piercing and incendiary shells.  The first fifty rounds nearly sheared the tail off a Liberator in Pott’s second rank.  It crashed 200 feet past the battery in a cornfield and began to burn.  It was “Pudgy”, piloted by Milton W. Teltser and Wilmer H.C. Bassett.  They brought the crumpled, burning ship into a crash-landing, from which they and three others – observer Willard R. Beaumont and waist gunners Robert Locky and Francis Doll – got away before it exploded.  A mob of peasants closed in, thinking the men were Russians.  A man in a horse cart rode into the crowd and drove the farmers away with a whip.

The seared and blistered survivors walked to a shuttered village.  A middle-aged inhabitant ventured out and said, “Are you chaps Americans by any chance?”  Bassett said, “That is correct.”  The man cried, “How nice to see you!  I was witht the Royal Flying Corps in England in the last war.”  The village poured out in gay Sunday dress, led by the burgomaster wearing a red embroidered shirt.  Through the crowd came a beautiful young woman, who looked at the burned men and made way for them to a spotless infirmary.  She was the village doctor.  The villagers watched her strip their smoldering rags and dress the burns.  She laid the shocked men on straw in the village pub, and the burgomaster admitted orderly queues of people to look at the Americans.

__________

Missing Air Crew Report 333 is indefinite about the aircraft’s loss, stating, “32 A/C of this group took part in this mission. On interrogation, returned crew stated that this A/C was last seen as they left the target area. One engine was smoking. The aircraft was under control. The pilot seemed to be looking for a place to land.” 

At the same time, MACR 333 is very unusual in terms of the answers that Sgt. Francis William Doll, one of the survivors, provided to the Army Air Force concerning some crewmen who didn’t survive the mission.  As in all MACRs, the report’s “Individual Casualty Questionnaires” present the question: “Any explanation of his fate based in part of wholly supposition,” for casualties, intending any answer to be dryly factual.  Instead, Sgt. Doll’s one-sentence answers are personal and philosophical.  They’re given below, in the crew list:  

Co-Pilot: Bassett, Wilmer H.C., 2 Lt. – POW
Navigator: Reback, Sanford A., 2 Lt. – KIA (“Never knew as he usually kept it to his self.”)
Bombardier: Ward, Robert G., 2 Lt. – KIA
Observer: Beaumont, Willard R., 2 Lt. – POW
Flight Engineer: Higgins, Bernard A., T/Sgt. – KIA (“He just didn’t believe he would make it home.  It was his attitude.”)
Radio Operator: Milligan, Wallace Dexter (“Bud”), T/Sgt. – KIA (“High morale in hope to marry girl in Georgia by the name of Yvonne Byrd.”)
Gunner (Upper Turret): Taylor, Vance, S/Sgt. – KIA
Gunner (Waist): Locky, Robert T., S/Sgt. – POW
Gunner (Waist): Doll, Francis W., Sgt. – POW
Gunner (Tail): Murray, Richard R., S/Sgt. – KIA (“Morale low nerves very bad more or less fatigue.  Never slept too much smoke[d] too much.”)

__________

At his home in Springfield, New Jersey in 1991, Milton himself related the actual story of his final mission, which is entirely unlike the account in Ploesti.  His account (part of much longer interview) follows:

I flew with my regular crew, but I had one extra pilot with me. A fellow by the name of Willard Beaumont, from Pennsylvania. Something was wrong with his ship, and he wanted to be on the mission. So, he got permission to come as an observer / co-pilot.

The lead navigator in our group made a wrong turn. He turned too soon over the target. The other groups ahead of us had turned too soon; they came in from a different point and different direction before we got there. We were supposed to go in one right after the other, but they turned off, and our group went to the target where they were supposed to go.

So, when we got there, they were waiting for us, and we got slaughtered.

The sent three photographers on the Ploesti mission. Only one of them came back. Coming back from the Ploesti mission, we lost two planes over Yugoslavia. They went into clouds, and nobody came out.

I don’t know… My navigator, may he rest in peace, said, “Wait a minute! Look, they’re turning off too soon up there! They’re turning off too soon! They’re turning off too soon!” He realized it. I said, “Well, I’ll just follow our leader!”

We followed our squadron commander, Major Ramsey D. Potts. (As a matter of fact, he worked in Washington afterwards.) We followed him over the target, and we flew in at smokestack level. He made it through. We were about two or three hundred feet off the ground. We could see the artillery firing at us. The flashes coming up from the machine guns firing at us.

As we came over the target and dropped our bombs… Right as we dropped our bombs, the right inboard nacelle got hit and lost its oil. In order to feather the prop, the feather button used oil and not electricity, like in a B-17. So, we had no oil to feather the prop. The prop was windmilling. It was like a giant hand out there, stopping that side of the plane. So, I increased power on the other three engines.

We had to leave the formation. In case we got hit, we were supposed to go to Turkey. We made a big, wide turn, and started to head south to Bulgaria or Turkey.

We were flying along, flying south towards Turkey, and nobody was hurt at this point that I was aware of. My flight engineer had to transfer the gas out of the bomb bay tanks, which were low. Now, I wish he hadn’t, but things were kind of hectic up in the cockpit. The fumes… You could smell them.

I was struggling to stay up in the air without feathering the prop. The airplane flew well on two engines, but not if the fourth engine was windmilling, and slowing you up like an air brake.

Right as we passed Ploesti on the south, we got jumped by fighters. I don’t remember the type; they were in back of us. They started to shoot at us. The tail gunner was shooting away back there. My top turret started to shoot at them, and I got scared, because I knew that the flashes could ignite the fumes. You could feel the vibrations.

The fighters hit the outside engine on the right wing. When that failed, we started to bank. The left engines were raising us in the air, and the right engines were pulling us down. We were still just a few hundred feet off the ground. Going into a vertical bank. In fact, we were all set to crash.

The only way you could pick up speed was to dive. I pushed the nose straight down at the ground to pick up speed as fast as I could. To get the wing up. As we approached the ground, the dead wing started to come up. As I picked up flying speed, the wing started to come up. I levelled off just at the moment before we hit the cornfield. Just barely got the wing up, and we hit the cornfield. We were probably going ninety; one hundred and ten miles an hour.

As we hit the cornfield, the fumes in the front exploded. Like a flash fire. And, I blacked out. Then, I remember just taking off my seat belt. I jumped out, and I passed out.

While flying formation, your hands would sweat. I used to hold the throttle with my right hand and the wheel with my left, and my left hand would sweat. I had taken some rope and wrapped it around the control wheel, so that my hand wouldn’t slip. Then, it got too rough, so I wore a glove on my left hand; it was difficult work.

It seems that after we hit… I found out what I did afterwards, because my co-pilot told me. He told me what happened: The airplane broke up after we hit. The left side of the cockpit broke open. So much, that I walked out of it. I walked through the break, and he followed me out. He said that the left wing had turned around upside down, and the wheel was up. He said he burnt his hand when he touched the tire; when he jumped off the wing.

I regained consciousness, and I was walking on the ground. I was walking, and I didn’t know it. I was in a daze.

Six men died in the plane. [Sanford A. Reback, navigator; Robert G. Ward, bombardier; Bernard A. Higgins, flight engineer; Wallace D. Milligan, radio operator; Vance Taylor, waist gunner; Richard H. Murray, tail gunner.] Two of them [Higgins and Milligan] were killed by the enemy fighters’ bullets. The survivors walked out of the wreck.

A farmer came up to us with a pitchfork. He said to us, “Russky?! Russky??” They had briefed us in Rumanian. I said, “Ya sam Americani.” It saved my life, because we just burnt up his whole field of corn. If we were Russian, I don’t know what he would have done! They were scared to death of the Russians. I guess they were indoctrinated with hatred.

They took us to a first aid station and they dressed our wounds. While I was there, this Rumanian officer came in. He was the fighter pilot who shot us down. He came there to talk to me. He couldn’t converse in Rumanian, but he could converse a little bit in Hungarian. I spoke a little bit of Hungarian. I wasn’t fluent in it, but he asked me if I had a wife. He didn’t give me his name, but I wouldn’t remember it, anyway.

A pretty husky fellow. He was very happy about shooting down a bomber. You could see the joy in his face. This was part of his pride; to come up and talk to us. That was his attitude. A little bit on the jaunty side. I couldn’t tell if he was bothered by our wounds, because I was so uncomfortable at the time. My whole head was bandaged. All you could see was my eyes.

The nurses carried cyanide in case they were raped by the Russians. They were deathly afraid of them.

I was interrogated by a German officer who spoke English with a British accent. Like an upper-class Briton. He probably went to school in Britain. He dressed like he just got off a horse. He had the crop; he had the britches on. He had the monocle. He looked like one of these German Hollywood directors. Like Otto Preminger. In his thirties. He had a strap across his chest.

He interviewed me soon after I could talk, because they wanted military information about the planes. I told him that I couldn’t tell him any answers, and that’s when he looked at me and said he knew I was Jewish. He said, “What’s your religion?” I said, “Jewish; Hebrew.” After we had this interrogation, and I didn’t answer his questions the way he liked me to, he told me, “You know, we don’t like your kind around here.”

He knew the answers to his questions. He told me about 93rd Bomb Group; he told me the plans. He knew all that.

The possibility of being a Jewish POW wasn’t on my mind. I didn’t think about it. I just put it out of my mind. I went there to fight. That’s all I wanted to do; was to fight. I didn’t think that personally I would be captured. Never thought about being captured. No. I thought I’d live, or die.

Milton’s name appeared in the new media on August 30, October 24, and November 17, 1943, and in the Press-Focus of May 22, 1991 (!). His name can also be found on page 257 of American Jews in World War II. Operation Tidal Wave was his – and his crew’s – ninth mission. He was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, Air Medal, one Oak Leaf Cluster, and Purple Heart.

The New York Post, March 24, 1943

__________

A whale of an insignia: The emblem of the 330th Bomb Squadron, from abqmetal’s ebay store:

Here’s “Pudgy“, presumably photographed in North Africa, in image UPL14115 via the American Air Museum in Britain.  

“Pudgy’s” four officers pose in front of her nose, in this photograph from the May 22, 1991 issue of Press-Focus.  They are, left to right, 1 Lt. Milton Teltser, 1 Lt. Wilmer H.C. Basset (co-pilot; survived as POW), 2 Lt. Robert G. Ward (bombardier; KIA), the inspiration for the aircraft’s nickname, and 2 Lt. Sanford A. “Sandy” Reback (navigator; KIA). 

__________

On August 19, 1943, a little over two weeks after the Ploesti mission, Milton’s missing in action status – which Milton’s parents had received on August 16 – was announced in a newspaper (title unknown) serving northern New Jersey.  “I have a feeling that Milton is alive somewhere, but I know he feels badly that his usefulness to his country is done.  He wanted to fight,” said his mother, trying to keep back the tears.

______________________________

______________________________

Second Lieutenant Rubie (or Ruby) R. Mass (Reuven ben Shalom ha Cohane)

– .ת.נ.צ.ב.ה. –

“I died for my country so that all of you can live in a free world. 
Also remember that it’s for the freedom of us Jews. 
We have been persecuted for a long time now. 
It’s time it should stop, and it will with this war.”

__________

This image, from FindAGrave contributor Johanna, shows Rubie Mass as he appeared in the 1939 Manley High School Yearbook.  

__________

During a mission to Misburg, Germany, on June 20, 1944, B-24H Liberator 42-95217, an aircraft assigned to the 838th Bomb Squadron of the 8th Air Force’s 487th Bomb Group, was shot down by anti-aircraft fire. Piloted by 2 Lt. Arthur D. Erwin, the bomber – its tail broken away from a direct flak hit – fell to earth at the town of Hannover-Langeforth, 5 kilometers north of the city of Hannover. Of the plane’s crew of nine there emerged only one survivor: S/Sgt. Albert L. Ross, the plane’s tail gunner.

The plane’s crew comprised:

Pilot: Erwin, Arthur Dale, 2 Lt.
Bombardier: Mackie, Thomas Scott, 2 Lt.
Navigator: none
Flight Engineer: Musser, Elmer George, S/Sgt.
Radio Operator: Boyd, Leslie L., S/Sgt.
Gunner (Nose): Lumpkin, Claude Lindsey, S/Sgt.
Gunner (Dorsal Turret): Kussy, Leroy Segar, Jr., Sgt.
Gunner (Ball Turret): Rosenberger, Jearold Francis, S/Sgt.
Gunner (Tail): Ross, Albert Louis, S/Sgt. – Sole Survivor

As recorded in Missing Air Crew Report 5935, “Bombs were away at 0905 over the Primary target. Immediately afterwards this plane received a direct flak hit; the tail was torn off and the A/C spun to the ground in flames. Reports vary as to the number of parachutes seen. The highest number reported is three (3); some observers, however, state that they saw two (2), others say there were none. One reported a parachute in flames, another that one was seen completely free of the plane.”

The ninth man in the plane’s crew was Second Lieutenant Rubie (or, Ruby) R. Mass (Reuven ben Shalom ha Cohane) (0-814932), the bomber’s co-pilot, who was born on May 29, 1920 in Chicago. His parents, Sam (1883-12/8/45) and Rose (Cohen) Mass (1894-4/27/57), resided at 3328 West Roosevelt Road, in that same city. The recipient of the Purple Heart (and possibly the Silver Star?), Lt. Mass was buried in 1949 at Waldheim Jewish Cemetery, at Forest Park, Illinois.

His name appears on page 109 of American Jews in World War II, and in articles in the Chicago Herald American (7/18/44) and Jewish Criterion (7/21/44).

Thirty-five years later, on May 8, 1979, Albert Ross died off the coast of Mendocino in a commercial fishing accident.

__________

Typical of many Luftgaukommando Reports, report KU 2259, covering the combat loss, examination, identification, and salvage of B-24H 42-95217, includes one-page reports pertaining to each of the aircraft’s crewmen, which include tabulations of their personnel possessions.  As such, given that there was only one survivor from Lt. Mass’ Liberator, KU 2259 is as stark as it is poignant.  

The document pertaining to Lt. Mass appears below, followed by a transcription and translation of the German text.  Notice that the report mentions Lt. Mass was wearing an “Amulett”, which is otherwise undescribed.  As such, I believe (it’s impossible to prove, but I think) this indicates that Lt. Mass was wearing either a necklace with a Magen David, or – far more likely – a mezuzah.  (I’ve found such a talisman, worn by an 8th Air Force B-17 co-pilot, in another Luftgaukommando Report.  Given that that man survived the war as a POW, maybe I’ll make a post about the discovery of his mezuzah in the future.)  In any event, as for both Lt. Mass and the other eight crewmen of his Liberator, no personal items for any crewmen are actually present within the Luftgaukommando Report, which simply comprises documents and dog-tags.

Here’s the document about Lt. Mass…

…German transcript…

Fl.H.Kdtr. A (o) 23/XI                                        Hannover, den 20/6/1944
Pl.Kdo.Vahrenwald

Verzeichnis über beschlagnahmte Gegenstände des toten amerikanischen Luftwaffengehörigen Rubie R. MASS.

Erk. Marke: 0-814932

Abschuss: Liberator, 20.6.1944 um 0.09 Uhr in Hannover-Laggenforth, 5 km nördl. Hannover.

1 Erkennungsmarke
1 Amulett
1 Fluchtproviantpackung
1 Abzeichen
1 Feuerzeug
1 Spange
6 Passbilder

Sachlich richtig:
Major u.Kdo.-Führer.

____________________

…English translation…

Fl.H.Kdtr. A (o) 23/XI                                        Hannover, 20/6/1944
Pl.Kdo.Vahrenwald

Directory of confiscated items from dead American Air Force man Rubie R. MASS.

Identification Tag: 0-814932

Shot down: Liberator, June 20, 1944 at 12:09 a.m. in Hannover-Laggenforth, 5 km north of Hannover.

1 identification tag
1 amulet
1 escape kit
1 badge
1 lighter
1 clip
6 passport [escape] photos

Factual and accurate:
[Signed]
Major and Commander-in-Chief.

__________

This photo of Ruby’s matzeva is by FindAGrave contributor Jim Craig.  As seems to have been not uncommon on matzevot from the mid-twentieth-centuty, this matzeva originally featured a ceramic image of Lt. Mass, which in the intervening decades has been lost to weather or vandalism.  

__________

The Jewish Criterion (Chicago), from July 21, 1944.  The brief article about Lt. Mass’ last letter appears at the lower-right-corner of the page…

…and, here’s the article: “It’s time it should stop, and it will end with this war.”

The Teachings of Warfare

But it quickly becomes apparent that this narrator has some affecting insights into an old, old subject. 
And the plain style, seeming only to swim on the surface of situations,
reveals truths in the way of the best literature. 
In a strange way, it is a far less romantic, less extreme book than Heller’s.

*****

“There is no such thing as `getting used to combat’ … 
Each moment of combat imposes a strain so great
that men will break down in direct relation to the intensity and duration of their exposure.”

*****

Face of a Hero presents such situations again and again. 
But what goes along with these descriptions is the powerful sense of human dignity. 
We are left with Pop Isaacs, and he is a good man. 
He has his limitations, as does the novel, which has some overwriting and flat spots. 
But because the light Pop shines is ordinary, it is all the more powerful.

M.T. Kelly.
National Post [National Edition]
Don Mills, Ontario, Canada
March 13, 1999
(pg. 10)
(Copyright National Post 1999)

M.T. Kelly is the author of Save Me, Joe Louis.

FACE OF A HERO
By Louis Falstein
253 pp.
Steerforth Press, $21.95

A letter to the London Times in 1998 pointed out that Joseph Heller’s best-selling Catch 22 bears an “amazing similarity” to Louis Falstein’s 1950 novel Face of a Hero.  At the time, Face of a Hero was a long-forgotten novel, but now that it has been republished by Steerforth Press, the two can be compared.  Although both novels are set on Southern Italian air bases in the Second World War, and deal with the absurdities of war, their authors have strikingly different visions.

Face of a Hero is an autobiographical story of a middle-aged Jewish schoolteacher who enlists in the armed forces to “fight Hitler.”  At first glance the book seems naive.  The narrator, Ben “Pop” Isaacs, is a “decent,” painfully honest man who won’t quite own up to being an idealist, but whose childhood memories of pogroms in the Ukraine make him enlist as a gunner on U.S. Air Force bombers.  He seems especially unsuited to this job: He has bad eyesight (and hides glasses in his flight suit), thin, tiny fingers, is mechanically clumsy, and intolerant of cold.  But it quickly becomes apparent that this narrator has some affecting insights into an old, old subject.  And the plain style, seeming only to swim on the surface of situations, reveals truths in the way of the best literature.  In a strange way, it is a far less romantic, less extreme book than Heller’s.

Fear and courage, and the exploitation of courage, are themes that have intrigued many fine writers.  In war, strangers become bound together by fear; they become a “crew.”  And the idea of a “crew” powerfully reveals one of the most ancient of ways to make men fight.  They hold together in the face of danger because of the eyes of their comrades, or “buddies”– and can then be unscrupulously manipulated.  “The faces of my comrades were with me all the time,” Pop says.  “They were even in my dreams.  I was certain these nine faces had been with me since the day of my birth and would be there until the hour of my death.”

Falstein also shows how cynicism about corruption in the army becomes a drug.  The only way he can combat the fact that his commanding officer is a pornographer and thief who literally steals food out of the mouths of fighting men is to chant that there are things “bigger than” men like Sawyer.  Yet even as he performs his sad incantation, Pop is well aware he is being swept along by cynicism and fatalism.  Even his devotion to the “crew” becomes terribly damaged.  What is Pop to do when one of the men he gets so attached to is revealed as a rapist, bully, and anti-Semite (as well as incompetent, causing a plane to crash)?  A comrade dies, the pilot loses his legs.  Everything seems drab hopelessness and death.  One of the most telling passages in the book shows what it is like to simply give up:

“I vomited into my oxygen mask and closed my eyes and dropped my face on the gun handles.  A lump squeezed upwards from my diaphragm …  I sucked on the oxygen, sucked on it greedily, but the lump continued squeezing …  I was alone in the vast death-sky, without comrades, without mother, alone and swaying briefly with only a turret hinge to grab for support.  It no longer mattered what happened to me …  “And yet, in spite of the monstrous absurdities it delineates, in spite of its revelations of human depravity, Face of a Hero is somehow free of despair.

In Men Against Fire, a groundbreaking examination of stresses men endure in battle written after the Second World War, Gen. S.L. Marshal makes clear that after a certain point, “a man cannot simply choose” to be brave.  Combat Exhaustion, a report from the U.S.  Army, reiterates: “There is no such thing as `getting used to combat’ …  Each moment of combat imposes a strain so great that men will break down in direct relation to the intensity and duration of their exposure.”

Face of a Hero presents such situations again and again.  But what goes along with these descriptions is the powerful sense of human dignity.  We are left with Pop Isaacs, and he is a good man.  He has his limitations, as does the novel, which has some overwriting and flat spots.  But because the light Pop shines is ordinary, it is all the more powerful.

Some Things to Keep You Busy…

A Bunch o’ Books…

Arad, Gulie Ne’eman, America, Its Jews, and the rise of Nazism, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, In., 2000   

Dugan, James, and Stewart, Carroll, Ploesti, Random House, June, 1963 (Bantam Books Paperback Edition)

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Gitelman, Zvi, Why They Fought: What Soviet Jewish Soldiers Saw and How It Is Remembered, National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, University of Washington, Seattle, Wa., September 21, 2011

Heller, Joseph, Catch-22, Dell Publishing, New York, N.Y., 1968

Middlebrook, Garrett, Air Combat at 20 Feet – Selected Missions From A Strafer Pilot’s Diary, Garrett Middlebrook, Forth Worth, Tx., 1989

Scruton, Roger, The West and The Rest – Globalization and the Terrorist Threat, Intercollegiate Studies Institute, Wilmington, De., 2002

Some Magazines and Journals…

Heller, Joseph, “‘I Am the Bombardier!'”, The New York Times Magazine, May 7, 1995

Katz, Shlomo, “What Should We Write? – Present day dilemma of American Jewish writers”, Jewish Frontier, May, 1940  (I learned about this essay via Gulie Ne’eman Arad’s America, its Jews, and the rise of Nazism, which, while I suppose nowhere near as well known as David Wyman’s The Abandonment of the Jews, recounts the reaction of the Jews of the United States to the rise of the Third Reich specifically before America’s entry into WW II.  Dr. Arad explores this topic in terms of the totality of the historical experience the Jews of the United States, particularly focusing on the early decades of the twentieth century.)

Kirle, Bruce, “Reconciliation, Resolution, and the Political Role of Oklahoma! in American Consciousness”, Theatre Journal, May, 2003, V 55, N 2, 251-274.

Miller, Derek, “Underneath the Ground: Jud and the Community in Oklahoma!“, Studies in Musical Theatre, V 2, N 2, 2008, 163-174

Most, Andrea, “We Know We Belong to the Land: The Theatricality of Assimilation in Rodgers and Hammerstein’s Oklahoma!“, PMLA, V 113, N 1 (Special Topic: Ethnicity), January, 1998, 77-89

Catch-22, “the movie!”…

… 1970 film, at Internet Movie Database

… 2019 Hulu miniseries, at Internet Movie Database

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – X: “Catch-22” In The Perspective of History

Some opinions; some beliefs, just beg for an explanation, such as the following two comments.  They’re from the pair of book reviews that taken together were the impetus for the eventual literary success and continuing cultural influence of Joseph Heller’s 1961 novel Catch-22:

Catch-22 is the strongest repudiation of our civilization, in fiction, to come out of World War II.

this novel is not merely the best American novel to come out of World War II;
it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years.

– Nelson Algren

__________

Yossarian’s obsessive concern for survival makes him not only not morally dead,
but one of the most morally vibrant figures in recent literature –
and a giant of the will beside those weary, wise and wistful prodigals in contemporary novels
who always accommodate sadly to American life.

– Robert S. Brustein

Catch-22’s “fate” was in stark contrast to the that of its inadvertent and earlier counterpart, Louis Falstein’s Face of a Hero, which largely vanished from the literary and cultural limelight subsequent to its 1950 publication until its reissue by Steerforth Press 1999 Steerforth Press. 

Having touched upon that topic previously, I want to delve into it a little more deeply. 

First, though we’re talking about words, the disparity in the fates of the two novels can be better understood through math.  Let’s run some numbers, and then run by those numbers.  (Don’t worry, I’ll be light with the math!)  

First, we’ll look at ratings and reviews for Catch-22

At GoodReads as of August 31, 2022, Catch-22 had received 786,151 ratings and 20,930 reviews, the latter ranging from 1-star (lowest) to 5-stars (highest).  The totals for the ratings are:

5 stars – 40% – 316,266 ratings
4 stars – 31% – 249,301 ratings
3 stars – 17% – 141,240 ratings
2 stars – 6% – 51,171 ratings
1 star – 3% – 28,173 ratings

At Mr.Bezos’Store (a.k.a. Amazon.com) on the same date, the 50th Anniversary Edition Paperback (April 5, 2011) edition of Catch 22 had received 7,733 reviews, again using a 1-star to 5-star system.  The totals for ratings, and reviews within ratings, are:

5 stars – 72% – 5,148 ratings (1,429 with reviews)
4 stars – 14% 1,277 ratings (410 with reviews)
3 stars – 6% – 564 ratings (184 with reviews)
2 stars – 3% – 303 ratings (139 with reviews)
1 star – 5% – 404 ratings (236 with reviews)

Notice especially the marked difference in 5-star reviews between the two platforms, with GoodReads at 40% to Mr.Bezos’Store at 72% (nearly twice as many) while 1- and 2-star reviews are roughly similar, at 3% to 5%, and 6% to 3%, respectively.  Well, the purpose and ethos of the two sites is (I suppose?) a little antithetical.  One wants to tell you about stuff (as an impetus for getting you to buy or borrow stuff), and the other wants you just to buy.  (Stuff.)  I think explains the huge disparity in positive ratings between these two sites.  

Next, we’ll look at the ratings and reviews for Face of a Hero.

At GoodReads as of August 31, 2022, Face of a Hero had received 16 (yeah, sixteen) ratings and 4 (yep, four) reviews, ranging from 2-star (lowest) to 5-stars (highest).  The totals for the ratings are:

5 stars – 18% – 3 ratings
4 stars – 43% – 7 ratings
3 stars – 31% – 5 ratings
2 stars – 6% – 1 rating

At Mr.Bezos-land on the same date, the Steerforth edition of Face of a Hero had received 7 (uh-huh, seven) 1-star to 5-star ratings, with a parallel number of reviews.  The totals are:

5 stars – 44% – 3 ratings (3 reviews)
4 stars – 24% – 2 ratings (2 reviews)
3 stars – 22% – 1 rating (1 review)
1 star – 10% – 1 rating (1 review)

The difference in the total number of ratings and reviews for the two books – by four to five orders of magnitude – is staggering.

__________

Next, we’ll look at the number of Oogle “hits” on August 11, 2022, for phrases relevant for the two authors and their books.  In each case, I’ll list the text phrase with the smaller number of hits at the bottom of each pair.  As you can see, in each case, that smaller number pertains to Louis Falstein or Face of a Hero.  Here are the numbers:    

__________

First, title of book and author’s surname:

““Catch-22” Heller”: 5,640,000
“”Face of a Hero” Falstein”: 79,000

That’s a ratio of 71 to 1, in favor of ““Catch-22” Heller” (Oh my!)

__________

Second, “author” and authors’ names:

Author “Joseph Heller””: 2,920,000
Author “Louis Falstein””: 39,400

Another ultra-lopsided ratio: 74 to 1, in favor of Author “Joseph Heller”” (What gives?!)

__________

Third, “novelist” and authors’ names:

Novelist “Joseph Heller””: 5,840,000
Novelist “Louis Falstein””: 54,800

A ratio of 100 to 1, in favor or “Novelist “Joseph Heller”” (Gadzooks!!)

__________

Next, let’s use Oogle’s n-gram viewer, which “…charts the frequencies of any set of search strings using a yearly count of n-grams found in printed sources published between 1500 and 2019 in Google’s text corpora in English, Chinese (simplified), French, German, Hebrew, Italian, Russian, or Spanish.”

For this, I used the phrases “catch-22” and “face of a hero”

Here’s the ngram for “catch-22”.  The viewer doesn’t distinguish between the phrase as used as the book title, or, the phrase as a figure of speech or writing entirely unrelated to the novel.  Here’s the graph:

Taking a look, some things here just “pop out”.  

First, keep in mind that though Heller’s novel was published on November 10, 1961, the ngram curve for catch-22, already stable and “flat” as far back as 1950, remains stable, until it rises commencing in 1967. 

It remains at a small plateau until 1970.  Then, the curve shows a steeper rise, which I think reflects the release of Mike Nichols’ film Catch-22 on June 24 of that year. 

The curve rose at this same rate until 1974. 

Then, a year or more before the Vietnam War’s end on April 30, 1975, the curve absolutely skyrockets.  It continues at the same rate for about a decade, plateauing from 1984 through 1985, after which – starting in 1986 – it jumps even higher. 

The curve fluctuates from that year through 2015, but it’s nevertheless remained at the same general level.  I think this post-1985 part of the curve shows how the phrase “catch-22”, whether as a book title or phrase, or both (but probably simply the phrase) had by then become irrevocably cemented into the English language as a concept derived from but now separate from the novel.  

By 2020, the curve had levelled off at about 0.0000070.  And there we are.  

What about “face of a hero”? 

The ngram curve, commencing in 1945, sharply peaks in 1950 at about 0.000000120, and by 1952 or 1953 drops just as abruptly.  There appears to be a plateau in 1999, but this is probably a random fluctuation, and as such, is unrelated to the book’s reissue by Steerforth.

If we’re comparing numbers, mimicking the ratios in the above three Oogle text searches, the ratio of the high values in the two ngram curves, 0.00000800 (“catch-22”) to 0.000000120 (“face of a hero”), is about 66 to 1, in favor of “catch-22”  (Yoiks!)

Stepping back from this melange of mathematics, what these ratios and graphs do is validate a conclusion that’s as intuitive as it is obvious; apparent from the fleeting Catch-22 / Face of a Hero “controversy” of 1998, and even the most cursory observations of literature, film, and popular culture: Catch-22 had an absolutely enormous impact, one which has persisted since the mid-1970s, while Face of a Hero faded into literary obscurity (as do the overwhelming majority of books) all too quickly. 

What Catch-22 was, then, was not simply “a book”, though it is a book. 

It was; it represented, an idea.

But, what first catapulted Heller’s novel into literary, and then cultural, fame?  The answer to that question can be found in the opening paragraph of Alec Solomita’s March, 2008 article in The New Criterion (“Yossarian Section“).  Namely, “…after an initial smattering of mostly negative notices, the novel – helped by a canonizing New Republic piece by Robert Brustein, a fawning review by Nelson Algren in The Nation, and an expensive advertising campaign – became a success and then a phenomenon, eventually selling millions of copies around the world.” 

In that light, here are the full texts of Algren’s and Brustein’s reviews, the former published just before, and the latter appearing only a few days after, the novel’s 1961 release.  

You can “jump” to them directly via:

November 4, 1961, The Nation, Nelson Algren, “The Catch

November 13, 1961, The New Republic, Robert Brustein, “The Logic of Survival in a Lunatic World

________________________________________

Algren’s review – if one can deem it such – follows.  What’s more startling than its brevity, lack of substance, and absence of any genuine criticism of the novel as literature, is the nature of his endorsement of the book:  For Algren, Heller’s novel is to be praised not for its merits as a written work, but for purely ideological purposes: It serves as “the strongest repudiation of our civilization,” to emerge from the Second World War, concluding with the astonishing assertion that, “…it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years.”  

For the purposes of this post, my familiarity with Nelson Algren (actually, Nelson A. Abraham) is limited to his biography in Wikipedia, and, contemporary newspaper articles available via FultonHistory.  From these sources, I can’t help but wonder how much the turbulent nature of the man’s life, given his general affinity for outcasts, the downtrodden (regardless of the origin of their situation), and transgressors of conventionality (the demimonde) – with his effectively lifelong near-adolescent opposition to most any prevailing political and social norm – affected his judgement of Catch-22, even as it molded his own works of fiction, and, the course of his life.  In this, one is reminded of Émile Augier’s phrase “nostalgie de la boue“, roughly translating as “yearning for the mud” … a drive not unprecedented in human nature to deliberately subject oneself to a degree of self-degradation and transgression, characteristic of the protagonists of Algren’s novels.  Intentionally or not, Catch-22, because of its unconventionality and very opposition to the conventional, may have simply been a literary prism through which Algren perceived and found validation for his way of seeing and living in the world

____________________

The Catch

There was only one catch and that was Catch-22, which specified that a concern for one’s own safety in the face of dangers that were real and immediate was the process of a rational mind.

*****

Below its hilarity, so wild that it hurts,
Catch-22 is the strongest repudiation of our civilization, in fiction, to come out of World War II.
The Naked and the Dead and From Here to Eternity are lost within it.
That the horror and the hypocrisy, the greed and the complacency,
the endless cunning and the endless stupidity which now go to constitute what we term Christianity
are dealt with here in absolutes,
does not lessen the truth of its repudiation.

*****

To compare Catch-22 favorably with The Good Soldier Schweik would be an injustice,
because this novel is not merely the best American novel to come out of World War II;
it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years.

The Nation
Nelson Algren

November 4, 1961

(MARCH 30, 2010)

There was only one catch and that was Catch-22, which specified that a concern for one’s own safety in the face of dangers that were real and immediate was the process of a rational mind.  Orr was crazy and could be grounded.  All he had to do was ask; and as soon as he did, he would no longer be crazy and would have to fly more missions.  He would be crazy to fly more missions and sane if he didn’t, but if he was sane he had to fly them.  Yossarian was moved very deeply by the absolute simplicity of this clause and let out a respectful whistle:

“That’s some catch, that Catch-22,” he observed.
“It’s the best there is,” Doc Daneeka agreed.

Yossarian was moved deeply day and night and what moved him more deeply than anything else was the fact that they were trying to murder him.

“Who’s ‘they’?” Clevenger wanted to know.  “Who, specifically, is trying to murder you?”
“Every one of them,” Yossarian told him.
“Every one of whom?”
“Every one of whom do you think?”
“I haven’t any idea.”
“Then how do you know they aren’t?”

Yossarian had proof, because strangers he didn’t know shot at him with cannons every time he flew up into the air to drop bombs on them, so it was of no use for Clevenger to say “No one is trying to kill you.”

“Then why are they shooting at me?”
“They’re shooting at everyone.”
“And what difference does that make?”
“I’m not going to argue with you,” Clevenger decided, “you don’t know who you hate.”
“Whoever is trying to poison me.”
“Nobody is trying to poison you.”
“They poisoned my food twice, didn’t they? Didn’t they put poison in my food at Ferrara and during the Great Big Siege of Bologna?”
“They put poison in everybody’s food,” Clevenger explained.
“And what difference does that make?”

There was no established procedure for evasive action.  All you needed was fear, and Yossarian had plenty of that.  He bolted wildly for his life on each mission the instant his bombs were away.  When he fufilled the thirty-five missions required of each man of his group, he asked to be sent home.

Colonel Cathcart had by then raised the missions required to forty.  When Yossarian had flown forty he asked to be sent home.  Colonel Cathcart had raised the missions required to forty-five – there did seem to be a catch somewhere.  Yossarian went into the hospital with a pain in his liver that fell just short of being jaundice.  If it became jaundice the doctors could treat it.  If it didn’t become jaundice and went away they could discharge him.  Yossarian decided to spend the rest of the war in bed by running a daily temperature of 101.  He had found a catch of his own.

To preserve his sanity against the formalized lunacy of the military mind in action, Yossarian had to turn madman.  Yet even Yossarian is more the patriot than Sgt. Minderbinder, the business mind in action.  Even Yossarian has to protest when Minderbinder arranges with the Germans to let them knock American planes down at a thousand dollars per plane.  Minderbinder is horrified – “Have you no respect for the sanctity of a business contract?” he demands of Yossarian, and Yossarian feels ashamed of himself.

Below its hilarity, so wild that it hurts, Catch-22 is the strongest repudiation of our civilization, in fiction, to come out of World War II.  The Naked and the Dead and From Here to Eternity are lost within it.  That the horror and the hypocrisy, the greed and the complacency, the endless cunning and the endless stupidity which now go to constitute what we term Christianity are dealt with here in absolutes, does not lessen the truth of its repudiation.  Those happy few who hit upon Terry Southern’s The Magic Christian will find that, what Southern said with some self-doubt, Heller says with no doubt whatsoever.  To compare Catch-22 favorably with The Good Soldier Schweik would be an injustice, because this novel is not merely the best American novel to come out of World War II; it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years. – Nelson Algren

Nelson Algren (1909-1981) won the first National Book Award for fiction in 1950 for The Man With the Golden Arm.

________________________________________

Well, you’ve got to hand it to The New Republic:  Whatever was lacking – in terms of length and substance – in Nelson Algren’s Nation review is more than abundant in that of Robert Brustein.  This comprises laying down the novel’s plot, thoroughly recapitulating the events of the story, presenting the characters therein, and, making a comparison of Heller’s work to luminaries in the worlds of entertainment, cinema, and literature such as the Marx Brothers, Max Schulman, Kingsley Amis, Al Capp, S.J. Perelman, and Nathanael West.  Brustein concludes by juxtaposing Heller’s literary skill against that of his contemporaries – Norman Mailer, Saul Bellow, and J.D. Salinger – albeit the reviewer illustrates how Heller’s work manifests the very best of each of that trio’s talents, even while transcending lacuna in the skills of Mailer and Salinger.  Here, Alec Solomita is correct in deeming Brustein’s review as “canonizing”, for it is entirely, unreservedly, uniformly – nay, eagerly; nay, exultantly? – positive, reveling in more than reviewing Catch-22.  

As you read Brustein’s review, one passage here; another there; even another elsewhere and so on throughout, it becomes apparent that his review of Heller’s book is as ideologically loaded and divorced from contemplating Heller’s novel as literature, per se, than is Algren’s.  Taking all aspects of his review into consideration (there’s lots of sycophancy running around here!) it seems that the animating aspects of Catch-22 most admired by Brustein are the novel’s indictment and condemnation of the accepted norms of conventionality, logic, and moral discernment that undergird society (any society), and, the book’s corresponding exaltation of irrationality in the service of moral solipsism, cutely deemed “Falstaffian irresponsibility.”  This is best exemplified by the following quotes:

“… the most lunatic are the most logical …”  

“… Yossarian is surrounded on all sides by hostile forces: his enemies are distinguished less by their nationality than by their ability to get him killed.”

Certainly I can’t venture as to specifically why Brustein would have viewed Heller’s novel so positively, unless he saw (and rightly so) that it reflected currents of dionysian thought that had by then – the early 1960s, if not in reality many decades earlier – come to permeate, be accepted in, and promulgated by the worlds of academia, publishing, media, and entertainment.  (Why?  I have an idea, but that answer’s beyond the scope of this post.)  Again, quoting Brustein, “For the author … has been nourishing his grudges for so long that they have expanded to include the post-war American world.  Through the agency of grotesque comedy, Heller has found a way to confront the humbug, hypocrisy, cruelty, and sheer stupidity of our mass society.”  Through this, and the remark about the, “…whole mystique of corporation capitalism,” one gets the impression that his review reveals far less about the novel then it does about his view of contemporary society, if not any society.  

And so:

____________________

The Logic of Survival in a Lunatic World

For the author (apparently sharing the Italian belief that vengeance is a dish which tastes best cold)
has been nourishing his grudges for so long that they have expanded to include the post-war American world.

*****

Considering his indifference to surface reality,
it is absurd to judge Heller by standards of psychological realism
(or, for that matter, by conventional artistic standards at all, since his book is as formless as any picaresque epic).
He is concerned entirely with that thin boundary of the surreal, the borderline between hilarity and horror,
which, much like the apparent formlessness of the unconscious, has its own special integrity and coherence.
Thus, Heller will never use comedy for its own sake;
each joke has a wider significance in the intricate pattern,
so that laughter becomes a prologue for some grotesque revelation.
This gives the reader an effect of surrealistic dislocation,
intensified by a weird, rather flat, impersonal style,
full of complicated reversals, swift transitions, abrupt shifts in chronological time, and manipulated identities
(e.g. if a private named Major Major Major is promoted to Major by a faulty IBM machine,
or if a malingerer, sitting out a doomed mission, is declared dead through a bureaucratic error,
then this remains their permanent fate),
as if all mankind was determined by a mad and merciless mechanism.

*****

Yossarian’s expedient is not very flattering to our national ideals, being defeatist, selfish, cowardly, and unheroic.
On the other hand, it is one of those sublime expressions of anarchic individualism
without which all national ideals are pretty hollow anyway.
Since the mass State, whether totalitarian or democratic,
has grown increasingly hostile to Falstaffian irresponsibility,
Yossarian’s anti-heroism is, in fact, a kind of inverted heroism which we would do well to ponder.
For, contrary to the armchair pronouncements of patriotic ideologues,
Yossarian’s obsessive concern for survival makes him not only not morally dead,
but one of the most morally vibrant figures in recent literature—
and a giant of the will beside those weary, wise and wistful prodigals in contemporary novels
who always accommodate sadly to American life.

The New Republic
Robert Brustein

November 13, 1961

(September 23, 2013)

(In honor of Banned Books Week, we’ll be publishing our original reviews of frequently banned books.  First up is Robert Brustein on Joseph Heller’s Catch 22, “a bitter, brilliant, subversive book.”)

Like all superlative works of comedy—and I am ready to argue that this is one of the most bitterly funny works in the language—Catch-22 is based on an unconventional but utterly convincing internal logic.  In the very opening pages, when we come upon a number of Air Force officers malingering in a hospital—one censoring all the modifiers out of enlisted men’s letters and signing the censor’s name “Washington Irving,” another pursuing tedious conversations with boring Texans in order to increase his life span by making time pass slowly, still another storing horse chestnuts in his cheeks to give himself a look of innocence—it seems obvious that an inordinate number of Joseph Heller’s characters are, by all conventional standards, mad.  It is a triumph of Mr.  Heller’s skill that he is so quickly able to persuade us 1) that the most lunatic are the most logical, and 2) that it is our conventional standards which lack any logical consistency.  The sanest looney of them all is the apparently harebrained central character, an American bombardier of Syrian extraction named Captain John Yossarian, who is based on a mythical Italian island (Pianosa) during World War II.  For while many of his fellow officers seem indifferent to their own survival, and most of his superior officers are overtly hostile to his, Yossarian is animated solely by a desperate determination to stay alive:

“It was a vile and muddy war, and Yossarian could have lived without it—lived forever, perhaps.  Only a fraction of his countrymen would give up their lives to win it, and it was not his ambition to be among them…That men would die was a matter of necessity; which men would die, though, was a matter of circumstance, and Yossarian was willing to be the victim of anything but circumstance.”

The single narrative thread in this crazy patchwork of anecdotes, episodes, and character portraits traces Yossarian’s herculean efforts—through caution, cowardice, defiance, subterfuge, strategem, and subversion, through feigning illness, goofing off, and poisoning the company’s food with laundry soap—to avoid being victimized by circumstance, a force represented in the book as Catch-22.  For Catch-22 is the unwritten loophole in every written law which empowers the authorities to revoke your rights whenever it suits their cruel whims; it is, in short, the principle of absolute evil in a malevolent, mechanical, and incompetent world.  Because of Catch-22, justice is mocked, the innocent are victimized, and Yossarian’s squadron is forced to fly more than double the number of missions prescribed by Air Force code.  Dogged by Catch-22, Yossarian becomes the anguished witness to the ghoulish slaughter of his crew members and the destruction of all his closest friends, until finally his fear of death becomes so intense that he refuses to wear a uniform, after his own has been besplattered with the guts of his dying gunner, and receives a medal standing naked in formation.  From this point on, Yossarian’s logic becomes so pure that everyone thinks him mad, for it is the logic of sheer survival, dedicated to keeping him alive in a world noisily clamoring for his annihilation.

According to this logic, Yossarian is surrounded on all sides by hostile forces: his enemies are distinguished less by their nationality than by their ability to get him killed.  Thus, Yossarian feels a blind, electric rage against the Germans whenever they hurl flak at his easily penetrated plane; but he feels an equally profound hatred for those of his own countrymen who exercise an arbitrary power over his life and well-being.  Heller’s huge cast of characters, therefore, is dominated by a large number of comic malignities, genus Americanus, drawn with a grotesqueness so audacious that they somehow transcend caricature entirely and become vividly authentic.  These include: Colonel Cathcart, Yossarian’s commanding officer, whose consuming ambition to get his picture in the Saturday Evening Post motivates him to volunteer his command for every dangerous command, and to initiate prayers during briefing sessions (“I don’t want any of this Kingdom of God or Valley of Death stuff.  That’s all too negative… Couldn’t we pray for a tighter bomb pattern?”), an idea he abandons only when he learns enlisted men pray to the same God; General Peckem, head of Special Services, whose strategic objective is to replace General Dreedle, the wing commander, capturing every bomber group in the US Air Force (“If dropping bombs on the enemy isn’t a special service, I wonder what in the world is”); Captain Black, the squadron intelligence officer, who inaugurates the Glorious Loyalty Oath Crusade in order to discomfort a rival, forcing all officers (except the rival, who is thereupon declared a Communist) to sign a new oath whenever they get their flak suits, their pay checks, or their haircuts; Lieutenant Scheisskopf, paragon of the parade ground, whose admiration for efficient formations makes him scheme to screw nickel-alloy swivels into every cadet’s back for perfect ninety degree turns; and cadres of sadistic officers, club-happy MPs, and muddleheaded agents of the CID, two of whom, popping in and out of rooms like farcical private eyes, look for Washington Irving throughout the action, finally pinning the rap on the innocent chaplain.

These are Yossarian’s antagonists, all of them reduced to a single exaggerated humor, and all identified by their totally mechanical attitude toward human life.  Heller has a profound hatred for this kind of military mind, further anatomized in a wacky scene before the Action Board which displays his (and their) animosity in a manner both hilarious and scarifying.  But Heller, at war with much larger forces than the army, has provided his book with much wider implications than a war novel.  For the author (apparently sharing the Italian belief that vengeance is a dish which tastes best cold) has been nourishing his grudges for so long that they have expanded to include the post-war American world.  Through the agency of grotesque comedy, Heller has found a way to confront the humbug, hypocrisy, cruelty, and sheer stupidity of our mass society—qualities which have made the few other Americans who care almost speechless with baffled rage and through some miracle of prestidigitation, Pianosa has become a satirical microcosm for many of the macrocosmic idiocies of our time.  Thus, the author flourishes his Juvenalian scourge at government-subsidized agriculture (and farmers, one of whom “spent every penny he didn’t earn on new land to increase the amount of alfalfa he did not grow”); at the exploitation of American Indians, evicted from their oil-rich land; at smug psychiatrists; at bureaucrats and patriots; at acquisitive war widows; at high-spirited American boys; and especially, and most vindictively, at war profiteers.

This last satirical flourish, aimed at the whole mystique of corporation capitalism, is embodied in the fantastic adventures of Milo Minderbinder, the company mess officer, and a paradigm of good natured Jonsonian cupidity.  Anxious to put the war on a business-like basis, Milo has formed a syndicate designed to corner the world market on all available foodstuffs, which he then sells to army mess halls at huge profits.  Heady with success (his deals have made him Mayor of every town in Sicily, Vice-Shah of Oran, Caliph of Baghdad, Imam of Damascus, and the Sheik of Araby), Milo soon expands his activities, forming a private army which he hires out to the highest bidder.  The climax of Milo’s career comes when he fulfills a contract with the Germans to bomb and strafe his own outfit, directing his planes from the Pianosa control tower and justifying the action with the stirring war cry: “What’s good for the syndicate is good for the country.” Milo has almost succeeded in his ambition to pre-empt the field of war for private enterprise when he makes a fatal mistake: he has cornered the entire Egyptian cotton market and is unable to unload it anywhere.  Having failed to pass it off to his own mess hall in the form of chocolate-covered cotton, Milo is finally persuaded by Yossarian to bribe the American government to take it off his hands: “If you run into trouble, just tell everybody that the security of the country requires a strong domestic Egyptian cotton speculating industry.” The Minderbinder sections—in showing the basic incompatibility of idealism and economics by satirizing the patriotic cant which usually accompanies American greed—illustrate the procedure of the entire book: the ruthless ridicule of hypocrisy through a technique of farce-fantasy, beneath which the demon of satire lurks, prodding fat behinds with a red-hot pitchfork.

It should be abundantly clear, then, that Catch-22, despite some of the most outrageous sequences since A Night at the Opera, is an intensely serious work.  Heller has certain technical similarities to the Marx Brothers, Max Schulman, Kingsley Amis, Al Capp, and S.J. Perelman, but his mordant intelligence, closer to that of Nathanael West, penetrates the surface of the merely funny to expose a world of ruthless self-advancement, gruesome cruelty, and flagrant disregard for human life—a world, in short, very much like our own as seen through a magnifying glass, distorted for more perfect accuracy.  Considering his indifference to surface reality, it is absurd to judge Heller by standards of psychological realism (or, for that matter, by conventional artistic standards at all, since his book is as formless as any picaresque epic).  He is concerned entirely with that thin boundary of the surreal, the borderline between hilarity and horror, which, much like the apparent formlessness of the unconscious, has its own special integrity and coherence.  Thus, Heller will never use comedy for its own sake; each joke has a wider significance in the intricate pattern, so that laughter becomes a prologue for some grotesque revelation.  This gives the reader an effect of surrealistic dislocation, intensified by a weird, rather flat, impersonal style, full of complicated reversals, swift transitions, abrupt shifts in chronological time, and manipulated identities (e.g.  if a private named Major Major Major is promoted to Major by a faulty IBM machine, or if a malingerer, sitting out a doomed mission, is declared dead through a bureaucratic error, then this remains their permanent fate), as if all mankind was determined by a mad and merciless mechanism.

Thus, Heller often manages to heighten the macabre obscenity of total war much more effectively through its gruesome comic aspects than if he had written realistic descriptions.  And thus, the most delicate pressure is enough to send us over the line from farce into phantasmagoria.  In the climactic chapter, in fact, the book leaves comedy altogether and becomes an eerie nightmare of terror.  Here, Yossarian, walking through the streets of Rome as though through an Inferno, observes soldiers molesting drunken women, fathers beating ragged children, policemen clubbing innocent bystanders until the whole world seems swallowed up in the maw of evil:

“The night was filled with horrors, and he thought he knew how Christ must have felt as he walked through the world, like a psychiatrist through a ward of nuts, like a victim through a prison of thieves… Mobs… mobs of policemen… Mobs with clubs were in control everywhere.”

Here, as the book leaves the war behind, it is finally apparent that Heller’s comedy is his artistic response to his vision of transcendent evil, as if the escape route of laughter were the only recourse from a malignant world.

It is this world, which cannot be divided into boundaries or ideologies, that Yossarian has determined to resist.  And so when his fear and disgust have reached the breaking point, he simply refuses to fly another mission.  Asked by a superior what would happen if everybody felt the same way, Yossarian exercises his definitive logic, and answers, “Then I’d be a damned fool to feel any other way.” Having concluded a separate peace, Yossarian maintains it in the face of derision, ostracism, psychological pressure, and the threat of court martial.  When he is finally permitted to go home if he will only agree to a shabby deal white- washing Colonel Cathcart, however, he finds himself impaled on two impossible alternatives.  But his unique logic, helped along by the precedent of an even more logical friend, makes him conclude that desertion is the better part of valor; and so (after an inspirational sequence which is the weakest thing in the book) he takes off for neutral Sweden – the only place left in the world, outside of England, where “mobs with clubs” are not in control.

Yossarian’s expedient is not very flattering to our national ideals, being defeatist, selfish, cowardly, and unheroic.  On the other hand, it is one of those sublime expressions of anarchic individualism without which all national ideals are pretty hollow anyway.  Since the mass State, whether totalitarian or democratic, has grown increasingly hostile to Falstaffian irresponsibility, Yossarian’s anti-heroism is, in fact, a kind of inverted heroism which we would do well to ponder.  For, contrary to the armchair pronouncements of patriotic ideologues, Yossarian’s obsessive concern for survival makes him not only not morally dead, but one of the most morally vibrant figures in recent literature—and a giant of the will beside those weary, wise and wistful prodigals in contemporary novels who always accommodate sadly to American life.  I believe that Joseph Heller is one of the most extraordinary talents now among us.  He has Mailer’s combustible radicalism without his passion for violence and self-glorification; he has Bellow’s gusto with his compulsion to affirm the unaffirmable; and he has Salinger’s wit without his coquettish self-consciousness.  Finding his absolutes in the freedom to be, in a world dominated by cruelty, carnage, inhumanity, and a rage to destroy itself, Heller has come upon a new morality based on an old ideal, the morality of refusal.  Perhaps—now that Catch-22 has found its most deadly nuclear form—we have reached the point where even the logic of survival is unworkable.  But at least we can still contemplate the influence of its liberating honesty on a free, rebellious spirit in this explosive, bitter, subversive, brilliant book.

For Further Thought

Books

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Heller, Joseph, Catch-22, Dell Publishing, New York, N.Y., 1968

Articles

Hollander, Paul, The Resilience of the Adversary Culture, The National Interest, Summer, 2002, 101-112

Iannone, Carol, Lionel Trilling and the Barbarians at the Gate, Academic Questions, Winter, 2001-2002, 7-17

Kersten, Katherine, Adversary Culture in 2020, First Things, February, 2021, 41-46

Magnet, Myron, Defounding America, The New Criterion, May, 2021, 4-12

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – IX: When Parallels Diverge – “Catch 22” and “Face of a Hero”

In late April of 1998, Face of a Hero became an object of literary attention as a result of an inquiry to the London Times by Lewis Pollock, concerning the provenance of Catch-22, Pollock correctly noting parallels between the main protagonist, secondary characters, setting, plot, and events of both novels.  His letter became the impetus for articles in the Washington Post and New York Times which, accompanied by comments by Joseph Heller himself, delineated these similarities in detail, yet highlighted the marked difference between the two novels in terms of style, structure, and especially – if I can use the word in a literary sense? – the books’ very ethos.

As discussed by Michael Mewshaw and Mel Gussow, there was a genuine commonality of historical and life experience between Falstein and Heller.  However, regardless of one’s opinion of the two works as literature, I believe that Joseph Heller was entirely honest in his description of the influences upon and originality of his novel, specifically mentioning being influenced by Louis-Ferdinand Céline (Ironically, “…His bigotry is not incidental to his writing but explicit within it…” an unrepentant Jew-hater.  So I ask: Was Joseph Heller aware of this?; So, I also ask: If he had known, would it have mattered?), Evelyn Waugh and Vladimir Nabokov.  Even if he had read Face of a Hero in the early 1950s; even if that novel was a spark for the eventual creation of Catch-22, any such spark would only have been as incipient as it was tiny, given what emerged from Heller’s desk eleven years later.  In the end, all the parallels between the two novels are far more superficial than structural, just as were the parallels in the lives of their two authors.  Though there were parallels in the worlds of Falstein, I believe looked upon “the world” – the world of history; the world of fiction – through vastly different understandings, and thus emerged with literary visions perhaps irreconcilable.

Ten months after the appearance of Mewshaw and Gussow’s articles, The Forward published an essay by Dr. Sanford Pinsker, Professor of English at Franklin and Marshall College, delving into the similarities and differences between the two novels in an effort to establish why Face of a Hero, “…quickly slid down the memory hole.”, in light of the novel’s, “…reissue in paperback by the Steerforth Press.” 

One reason attributed to the novel’s reemergence was the late twentieth-century (retrospectively ephemeral) upsurge of interest in the Second World War, through history, fiction, and cinema.  In this context, Pinsker cited Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan, Terrence Malik’s The Thin Red Line, and Roberto Benigni’s “bold experiment” Life Is Beautiful (“bold experiment”? – seriously?! – my God, the mind boggles), the latter dubbed by David Denby in his New Yorker film review “Roberto Benigni’s Holocaust Fantasy” as, “…a benign form of Holocaust Denial”. 

The other, primary reason, was the above-mentioned controversy generated by Louis Pollock’s letter to the London Times

More importantly, in his discussion of why Face of a Hero rapidly fell from public and literary consciousness, Pinsker focuses on the novels’ differing approaches to storytelling in the context of the history of the Second World War, and, the experience of Jewish servicemen within that conflict.  At heart, Face of a Hero is directly descriptive while Catch-22 is, …built on the scaffolding of the paradoxical,” and thus, far more stylistically vivid, focusing on the absurdities of war and the military, particularly with resonance to the (ahhhh, let’s have a drum roll for the mantra-like incantation of the 60s generation) “war in Vietnam”.  While Pinsker appreciated Sergeant Ben Isaacs’ (Louis Falstein’s) empathy with the Jews of Europe, he felt that the direct and explicit treatment of this subject – in terms of dialogue and interior monologue – was an overdone form of “telling”, rather than “showing”, the emphasis upon which left vacant a fuller, deeper treatment of the airman’s experience of war.  This is the same point of critique – and yes, it could be argued, a valid one – as mentioned by William DuBois in his New York Times’ “Books of the Times” review of August 17, 1950.  “…he has chosen to wander too far from his air-strip.  At times (when Ben is sympathizing with refugees in an Italian concentration camp, or cursing discrimination within his own army) one feels that the author is trying to write two novels at once, and muddling his effects.  Finally, it’s plain too bad that “Face of a Hero” is bound to suffer from the law of diminishing returns – which operates in the literary market-place even more predictably than in other markets. There have been few war novels that were more deeply felt than this.  There have been many that were better planned, many that identified the reader more closely with both cast and background.”

Well, I did not (do not) agree with Pinsker, but I did want to present his viewpoint, especially in light of my own thoughts about Falstein’s novel, some of which were presented in a letter published in The Forward three weeks later.  Further insight into Pinsker’s thought about Joseph Heller can be found in his 1991 (republished in 2009) study, Understanding Joseph Heller.

Basically, I suggested that the tenor of the 1950s – the Second World War having ended a half-decade before, the Korean War having just begun, the (first) Cold War in full swing, plus the simple wheel of chance that governs the material success of all literary works, were the principle influences that decided the fate of Face of a Hero.  In light of the book’s many positive reviews, “telling” and “aesthetic shaping” had absolutely nothing to do with it.  

____________________

Joseph Heller died on December 12, 1999, and more than nominal obituaries was the subject of retrospectives about his literary career and life, two of which follow below.  One article is by Peter Carlson (in the Washington Post) and the other (in The Jerusalem Post), is by Michael Mewshaw, who wrote about the Catch-22 / Face of a Hero controversy in mid-1998. 

The common element of the reviews, as hinted at by Pinsker in his “war in Vietnam” comment, is the realization that a significant reason for Catch-22’s success was a matter of timing:  As related to Carlson by Heller, “At a reading the previous night, a man stood up and publicly thanked Heller for “Calch-22.”  “I read your book the day before I got called up for Vietnam,” he said, “and I have to tell you, it helped.”  And, as noted by Mewshaw, “…Heller’s book generated popularity and sales by word-of-mouth, eventually tapped into the anti-Vietnam war Zeitgeist of the ‘60s, and now occupies a secure place in the contemporary canon.”  It was this, rather than by virtue of its literary quality (or more accurately put, in spite of its literary quality), that it emerged into and has persisted in literary and public consciousness, whether as the book Catch-22, or, the phrase “catch-22”.  

So, on to the articles, letters, and retrospectives.  These comprise:

April 27, 1998, The Washington Post, Michael Mewshaw, “New Questions Dog ‘Catch-22’ – Joseph Heller Defends Originality of ‘61 Classic

April 29, 1998, The New York Times, Mel Gussow, “Questioning the Provenance of the Iconic ‘Catch-22’

February 19, 1999, The Forward, Sanford Pinsker, “Making War Seem Real

March 5, 1999, The Forward, Michael Moskow, “War Novel Suffered in 1950s

December 14, 1999, The Washington Post, Peter Carlson, “The Heights of Absurdity – Joseph Heller Drove a World Stark Raving Sane With ‘Catch-22’

December 31, 1999, The Jerusalem Post, Mike Mewshaw, “Too easy to catch Heller out?

________________________________________

New Questions Dog ‘Catch-22’
Joseph Heller Defends Originality of ‘61 Classic

Because [Lewis] Pollock must have been one of the few people on the planet who had read both books,
he was especially interested to learn that Heller mentioned in his recent autobiography,
“Now and Then,” that he had occasionally “borrowed” the scenes and settings of his early fiction from other authors.
“I did not intend to cause trouble, Mr. Heller,” Pollock told the London Times.
He just wondered whether Heller might have read and been influenced by “The Sky Is a Lonely Place.”
Or, as he mused in his letter, “is this a remarkable example of synchronicity?”

Michael Mewshaw
The Washington Post
April 27, 1998

The inquiry to the London Sunday Times was politely phrased.  “Can anyone out there account for the amazing similarity of characters, personality traits, eccentricities, physical descriptions, personnel injuries and incidents in `Catch-22’ (by Joseph Heller) and a novel by Louis Falstein, `The Sky Is a Lonely Place,’ published in 1951?”

The letter to the editor, published two weeks ago, caused ripples throughout literary London and led to an extensive report in today’s London Times.  Could one of the 20th century’s best-selling novels — a book whose title became a synonym for paradox, the very hallmark of absurdity and a masterpiece of contemporary black humor — not have been as “wildly original” and “fantastically unique” as critics hailed it?

A reading of Louis Falstein’s novel suggests that somebody from the same background as Heller (the son of a Russian Jewish family), from the same borough of New York City (Brooklyn), from the same branch of the service (an airman on an American bomber squadron) and from the same combat theater (Italy, 1943-45) did write a book tantalizingly like the one Joseph Heller published more than a decade later.

Reached at his home on Long Island today, Heller denied that he ever read “The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” or heard of Louis Falstein, or of Lewis Pollock, the professional artist and amateur bibliophile who queried the London Times.  “The similarities come from a common wartime experience,” he said.

“My book came out in 1961,” he added.  “I find it funny that nobody else has noticed any similarities, including Falstein himself, who died just last year.”

Although he concedes some surprise at the bits and pieces the novels have in common, Heller pointed out how much war fiction depends on the same elementary variations on themes and characters.

In his book, Falstein described a hospitalized pilot lying in bed “in a white cast, like an Egyptian mummy.  His arms were broken; and where his legs had been, there were cotton swathed stumps.  Only his face showed out of the cast, and there were openings at the bottom for bodily functions.  An orderly or nurse held the cigarette for him when he smoked.”

Heller wrote, “The soldier in white was encased from head to toe in plaster and gauze.  He had two useless arms and two useless legs.” A nurse is described inserting a thermometer into his mouth, and he’s subsequently called “a stuffed and sterilized mummy.”

Toward the end of his novel, Falstein dramatized a grotesque Christmas Eve party that dissolves into a bacchanal of singing, screaming, sobbing and lamenting and ends with an outbreak of gunfire that the soldiers mistake for an enemy attack.  “There were several more carbine pings, and somebody answered fire with a forty-five pistol.”

Late in “Catch-22,” Heller wrote that a Thanksgiving “celebration lasted long into the night, and the stillness was fractured often by wild, exultant shouts and by cries of people who were merry or sick.  There was the recurring sound of retching and moaning, of laughter, greetings, threats and swearing, and of bottles shattering against rock.  There were dirty songs in the distance.” It, too, ends with gunfire, and the protagonist Yossarian charges out of his tent with his .45.

“Catch-22” and “The Sky Is a Lonely Place” share another vaguely similar scene in which an Italian woman, who doesn’t understand English and has kept herself apart from the soldiers, is raped.

Asked today about those and other similarities, Heller cited personal experience.  “I don’t know how many airmen brought along extra flak jackets, but I did,” he said.  “That Thanksgiving scene actually happened — guys got drunk and started shooting.  There was a case of rape in Rome.  I heard of it.  A maid got thrown out a window.  I read about it in the military newspaper.” Which, he said, may mean Falstein read the same story.

As for the patient in a full-body cast, “That goes all the way back to Dalton Trumbo’s `Johnny Got His Gun.’ Trumbo’s novel came out not just before `Catch-22,’ but long before Falstein’s.  If there’s a literary reference or allusion I’m a bit embarrassed about, it’s the similarity between the first chapter of `Catch-22’ and Celine’s `Journey to the End of Night.’ “

Because Pollock must have been one of the few people on the planet who had read both books, he was especially interested to learn that Heller mentioned in his recent autobiography, “Now and Then,” that he had occasionally “borrowed” the scenes and settings of his early fiction from other authors.  “I did not intend to cause trouble, Mr.  Heller,” Pollock told the London Times.  He just wondered whether Heller might have read and been influenced by “The Sky Is a Lonely Place.” Or, as he mused in his letter, “is this a remarkable example of synchronicity?”

Duff Hart-Davis, son of Falstein’s late British publisher, says his father never met the author, and has raised the possibility that Falstein and Heller are the same person, that “The Sky Is a Lonely Place” was “a practice run for `Catch-22.’ “

But Heller squelched that theory.

“The Sky Is a Lonely Place” is narrated in the first person by a Jewish gunner in a B-24, Ben “Pop” Isaacs; “Catch-22” has an omniscient narrator who recounts the antics of the crew of a B-25.

Just as Heller’s celebrated novel contains a jamboree of characters — Colonel Cathcart, Colonel Korn, Major Major Major Major, Milo Minderbinder, Captain Aarfy Aardvark and, of course, Yossarian — so does Falstein’s, with Mel Ginn, Cosmo Fidanza, Chester Kowalski, Charles Couch, Billy Poat and Jack Doolie Dula.

While “Catch-22” is much longer, more ambitious and more relentlessly comic, Heller is correct that much of what they have in common comes out of the context of World War II, when airmen were eager to fly their 50 missions and get back to the United States.

When not airborne and on the brink of death, characters in both books kill time in scenes familiar to any reader of war fiction.  They paint tiny bombs on their flight jackets to mark each mission.  They drink, complain, cry, lie, play cruel jokes, fight, frequent brothels and encounter locals who are depicted as childlike and cunning, full of equal measures of Old World wisdom and venality.  Children pimp for their sisters.  Nurses are ice cold or volcanically hot.  Rain plays havoc with the flight schedule, keeping the men safe on the ground, but exposing them to flu, fever, jaundice, hepatitis and fraying nerves.

Like Falstein, Heller focuses on the underbelly of the campaign — on PR officers more interested in publicity and medals than on men, on black marketeers who skim off supplies, leaving troops hungry and in the lurch.

Where Falstein heightens the tension in a conventional, realistic manner with near-misses, crash landings, midair dogfights and fatal miscalculations of fuel, Heller ratchets up the stakes and darkens the laughter by having the high command constantly raise the required number of missions.

Yet Falstein displays a Hellerean fascination for Grand Guignol violence, quirky gags and virulent humor that verves from the slapstick to the surrealistic and sometimes the satanic.  Scabrous jokes, racial epithets, savage sexual ribaldry and hair-raising craziness pour out of people.  At times, Falstein achieves a sort of demonic poetry, as when a soldier says “Grazie Nazi,” and his friend replies “Prego, dago” — Heller does the same in “Catch-22,” where an exchange runs: “Pass the salt, Walt / Pass the bread, Fred / Shoot me a beet, Pete.”

Paralyzed with fear, Falstein’s characters become preternaturally alert to the absurdity of their situation, the logical lunacy of rules and regulations, the arbitrariness of authority and the emptiness of words.  Early in “The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” the narrator learns a lesson in “airwar language” when he’s instructed “never use the word KILLED .  .  .  we say a guy WENT DOWN” — a scene reminiscent of the chaplain in “Catch-22” being ordered to compose a prayer that eliminates God and death.

In both books, a red ribbon on a map marks the advance of American troops and the bomb line.  As the ribbon approaches Vienna, a Falstein character comes down with diarrhea.  When in “Catch-22” it closes in on Bologna, an epidemic of diarrhea breaks out on Heller’s air base.

Even as the similarities grow more frequent, it’s possible to see them as shards from the same general mosaic.  True, Falstein’s bombardier “shrieks,” just as Yossarian does after he drops a bomb.  True, there’s a cat that crawls onto a sleeping soldier and has to be peeled away when the man wakes up.  True, both books have characters who shuffle and deal cards in a snappy explosive fashion.  True, Ben Isaacs, like Yossarian, drags extra flak jackets along on each mission and drapes them all over his body.  True, there are common comic scenes involving the idiocies of letter censors and the self-serving circumlocutions of military doctors who sense that the flyboys are sick and/or insane, yet keep sending them on missions.

But several similarities seem to transcend any question of shared experience or literary archetypes.  “Catch-22” opens with a chapter titled “The Texan.” In the first chapter of “The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” the narrator introduces a character referred to as “the stringy young Texan.”

Still, the current imbroglio has not reduced Joseph Heller’s pride of authorship and he closes by stressing, “Given the amount of invention in `Catch-22,’ it would be an amazing coincidence if there were fundamental similarities with Falstein’s novel.”

________________________________________

Questioning the Provenance of the Iconic ‘Catch-22’

‘‘Face of a Hero,’’ told in the first person by a gunner named Ben Isaacs,
is a harrowing but relatively straightforward dramatic account of one man’s wartime experiences.
Isaacs, nicknamed Pops because he is older than the other members of the crew,
is obsessed by his hatred of Hitler and Fascism.

‘‘Catch-22’’ is a Dantesque vision, a darkly comic surrealistic portrait of men caught up in the madness of war.
Mr. Heller’s protagonist, Yossarian, is a bombardier who comes to believe –
with some justification –
that everyone is trying to kill him.
With an increasing desperation, he wants to complete his 50 missions so he can go home,
but keeps finding the number of missions needed raised by his commanding officer.

Mel Gussow
The New York Times
April 29, 1998

When Louis Falstein’s ‘‘Face of a Hero’’ was published in 1950, Herbert F. West reviewed it favorably in The New York Times Book Review, calling it ‘‘the most mature novel about the Air Force that has yet appeared. . . . a book that is both exciting and important.’’ Still, the book and its author faded into obscurity.

When Joseph Heller’s ‘‘Catch-22’’ was published 11 years later, Richard G. Stern gave it a negative review in the Times Book Review. He said that it ‘‘gasps for want of craft and sensibility’’ and called it ‘‘an emotional hodgepodge.’’ Despite that indictment, ‘‘Catch-22’’ eventually became a phenomenal success — a best seller, a film and the cornerstone of a major literary career.

Now, in a strange twist, the two books have come together, and their meeting has led to a provocative debate. In a recent letter to The Times of London, Lewis Pollock, a London bibliophile, wondered if anyone could ‘‘account for the amazing similarity of characters, personality traits, eccentricities, physical descriptions, personnel injuries and incidents’’ in the two books.

He asked if this were ‘‘a remarkable example of synchronicity.’’ That letter has sparked conjecture in both Britain and the United States about the origins of ‘‘Catch-22.’’ An article appeared this week in The Sunday Times of London, followed by one the next day on the front page of The Washington Post suggesting that Mr. Heller may have appropriated material from Falstein’s book.

On the telephone from his home on Long Island, Mr. Heller issued a categorical denial. He said he was influenced in his writing by Celine, Waugh and Nabokov, but not by Falstein. ‘‘I never read the book,’’ he said. ‘‘I never heard of the book or the author. To the extent that there are similarities, they are coincidences, and if the similarities are striking then they are striking coincidences.’’

He added, ‘‘If I went through the ‘Iliad’ I would probably find as many similarities to ‘Catch-22’ as other people seem to be finding between Falstein’s book and mine.’’

Robert Gottlieb, who edited ‘‘Catch-22’’ for Simon & Schuster, was astonished at the suggestion that Mr. Heller might have borrowed anything from Falstein or any other writer. ‘‘I’ve never seen, heard or felt Joe Heller doing anything remotely less than honest during our 40-year relationship,’’ he said. ‘‘It is inconceivable that he used any other writer’s work. For one thing, he’s too shrewd to do something so blatant. It’s easier for me to believe that Falstein anticipated ‘Catch-22.’ ‘‘

Both authors were in the Army Air Force in Europe during World War II as members of combat crews on bombers. Falstein was stationed in southern Italy, Mr. Heller in Corsica (called Pianosa in his book). For each, this was a first novel. Mr. Falstein died in 1995 at 86.

While it was easy enough for Mr. Heller to be unaware of Mr. Falstein’s book, it is implausible that Falstein was unaware of ‘‘Catch-22,’’ a highly celebrated book that dealt with a closely related subject. ‘‘Where was Mr. Falstein between 1961 and his death?’’ asked Mr. Gottlieb. ‘‘If he felt his book was misused, he should have said something about it.’’ Falstein’s son, Joshua, who is a court stenographer, said this week that his father never mentioned ‘‘Catch-22’’ to him.

From a reading of ‘‘Face of a Hero’’ (published by Harcourt Brace and long out of print), it is clear that each novel stands on its own. Despite the common background in the military and some similar incidents, the books are widely disparate in approach, ambition, style and content.

‘‘Face of a Hero,’’ told in the first person by a gunner named Ben Isaacs, is a harrowing but relatively straightforward dramatic account of one man’s wartime experiences. Isaacs, nicknamed Pops because he is older than the other members of the crew, is obsessed by his hatred of Hitler and Fascism.

‘‘Catch-22’’ is a Dantesque vision, a darkly comic surrealistic portrait of men caught up in the madness of war. Mr. Heller’s protagonist, Yossarian, is a bombardier who comes to believe — with some justification — that everyone is trying to kill him. With an increasing desperation, he wants to complete his 50 missions so he can go home, but keeps finding the number of missions needed raised by his commanding officer.

An examination of the two books leads this reader to conclude that the similarities between the two can easily be attributed to the shared wartime experiences of the authors. In his first chapter, for instance, Falstein introduces his flight crew, one of whom is identified as ‘‘the stringy young Texan.’’ Coincidentally, Mr. Heller’s first chapter is called ‘‘The Texan’’ and one of the characters is from Texas, but the scene is entirely different. Yossarian is in a hospital. ‘‘It was love at first sight,’’ Mr. Heller begins. ‘‘The first time Yossarian saw the chaplain he fell madly in love with him.’’

In that chapter, Mr. Heller introduces ‘‘the soldier in white’’ who ‘‘was encased from head to toe in plaster and gauze.’’ He continues, ‘‘He had two useless legs and two useless arms’’ and had been smuggled into the ward at night. Later in his book, Falstein also has a soldier in white who ‘‘looked entombed in the cast, like an Egyptian mummy.’’ This invalid is the crew’s new pilot, wounded in action. In ‘‘Catch-22,’’ the figure is as mysterious and as metaphorical as the Unknown Soldier.

In Falstein’s book there is an animal lover who sleeps with five cats. In Mr. Heller’s book, there is Hungry Joe, who ‘‘dreamed that Huple’s cat was sleeping on his face, suffocating him, and when he woke up, Huple’s cat was sleeping on his face.’’ Both Isaacs and Yossarian take extra flak jackets into combat as protection — as apparently did Falstein, Mr. Heller and other members of flight crews in combat. In each book, there is a holiday party that ends in gunfire and there is a rape scene with some similarity.

While ‘‘Face of a Hero’’ holds firmly to a realistic base, ‘‘Catch-22’’ is a transforming act of the imagination, populated by fiercely original characters like Milo Minderbinder, the flamboyant opportunist who bombs his own air base for profit (Falstein has a black marketeer in his company, far smaller in scope than Milo). From Mr. Heller, there is also Major Major Major Major, whose fate is to look like Henry Fonda but not act anything like him. Then there is Doc Daneeka with his theory of ‘‘Catch-22.’’ A man has to be declared crazy to be relieved from combat duty, but ‘‘anyone who wants to get out of combat duty isn’t really crazy.’’

Falstein, who was born in Ukraine and came to the United States in 1925, wrote several other novels, including ‘‘Slaughter Street’’ and ‘‘Sole Survivor,’’ as well as a biography of Sholom Aleichem for young readers. After the war, he attended New York University and later taught there and at City College.  He continued to write late in life but his work was not published, his son said.

In his recent memoir, ‘‘Now and Then,’’ Mr. Heller discusses in detail the models for some of his characters. Reviewing the book in The Times of London, J. G. Ballard reflected on the importance of ‘‘Catch-22,’’ calling it ‘‘the last great novel written in English.’’ Paradoxically, it was Mr. Ballard’s piece that led to that questioning letter to the editor and the subsequent controversy.

________________________________________

Making War Seem Real

At the same time, however, a part of me knows
that there is far too much telling rather than showing in Falstein’s novel. 
By fastening his imagination to the “facts” of what being a Jewish airman was really like,
he neglects telling details and aesthetic shaping. 
As such his novel, admirable though it is in spots,
fails to make a convincing case for the direction in which “Face of a Hero” merely points. 
My hunch is that the literary jury has long ago rendered its verdict,
and that nothing in “Face of a Hero” is likely to change it.

Sanford Pinsker
The Forward
February 19, 1999

Louis Falstein’s autobiographical World War II novel, “Face of a Hero,” was published in 1950.  Despite some good notices in The New York Times and The New Republic, it quickly slid down the memory hole.  What, then, accounts for its reissue in paperback by the Steerforth Press?  Two answers suggest themselves.

One has to do with speculation about the similarities between Falstein’s account of the war and Joseph Heller’s comic masterpiece, “Catch-22,” which was published 10 years after “Face of a Hero” and covered roughly the same material.  The airmen at the center of both novels share their worries about survival in the face of enemy flak and the number of missions they are required to fly, and they watch their fellow squadron members’ increasingly desperate quests for comic or sexual relief as the shadow of death creeps closer.  Although the case for Mr. Heller’s unacknowledged appropriation of Falstein’s material seems to have little if any merit, once certain questions have been raised, reprinting a novel such as “Face of a Hero” will follow as the night follows the day.  Sadly, Falstein, who died in 1995, is not available for comment or questioning.

The other reason for the reappearance of the book is a renewed interest in seeing World War II through a realistic lens.  Steven Spielberg’s “Saving Private Ryan” and Terrence Malick’s “The Thin Red Line,” are part of this trend.  Admirers of “Saving Private Ryan” insist that the film is Hollywood storytelling at its best; by capturing essential truths in striking images and a straightforward narrative, it does for World War II cinema, they say, what “Schindler’s List” had done for the Holocaust.

The difference between “Saving Private Ryan,” “The Thin Red Line” and “Face of a Hero” on one hand and “Catch-22” on the other are part of a larger, ongoing debate about hyper-realism and the more inventive – some would say, wackier – possibilities of postmodernist experimentation.  A recent example of the latter is Italian comedian Roberto Benigni’s bold experiment, “Life Is Beautiful,” which uses farce to illustrate the horrors of concentration camps.  Mr. Benigni’s film is squaring off against “Saving Private Ryan” and “The Thin Red Line” for the Academy Award for Best Picture, and the choice among them is in part a referendum on the relative merits of grim realism and absurd humor.

Which method gets us closer to the truth – the rigorous attention in “Face of a Hero” to the details as they really were, or the dark comedy of “Catch-22,” a book that turns the horrors of war into a funhouse mirror? Mr. Heller’s novel is built on the scaffolding of the paradoxical Catch-22: “If he flew them he was crazy and didn’t have to; but if he didn’t want to he was sane and had to.” The dark joke at the heart of Mr. Heller’s carpet allows him to raise arbitrarily the number of required missions (by contrast, in Falstein’s treatment, the number never inches higher than 50), or to etch a slapstick world in which language can do more damage than enemy fire.  The result is that when the two novels are read side by side, Mr. Heller is not only the more vivid stylist by far, but he also has a deeper, more penetrating grasp of war’s central absurdities.  Surrealism, in short, seems a better cultural fit, especially when readers apply Mr. Heller’s deadly logic to the war in Vietnam.

“Catch-22” may contain multitudes, but one figure conspicuously missing is the Jew.  John Yossarian, Mr. Heller’s protagonist and wisecracking mouthpiece, prides himself on being an Assyrian, even more foreign and estranged than was Falstein’s literary alter ego, 34-year-old Ben Isaacs.  Those of us who have long hectored Mr. Heller about erasing his Jewishness from his war novel will find “Face of a Hero” something of a mixed – and troubling – bag.  On one hand, there are passages in which Ben Isaacs not only makes his Jewish identification clear, but also links it to a wider sense of history:

I was here because I hated Hitler, hated fascism, and feared they would come to America.  I was here because Hitler made me conscious, again, that as a Jew I must assume the role of scapegoat.  I had almost forgotten that being Jewish carried any stigma with it, though I had known anti-Semitism and pogroms as a child [in the Ukraine].  From the age of fifteen when I arrived in America, being Jewish had not stood in the way of my becoming a teacher, of being happily married, of leading the kind of existence that would let me attain my limited aspirations.  Only in 1933, with Hitler riding into power, was the old wound reopened.

On the other hand, in novels such as “Face of a Hero” and perhaps even more so in films, the wartime squadron becomes a microcosm of America itself, with its requisite Texas blowhard, apple-cheeked farm boy from Iowa, lone black, and secular Brooklyn Jew.  In this sense, “Saving Private Ryan” is so many musty cinematic conventions poured into a visually shocking new treatment – including its Jewish character, who dies as a result of a fellow’s soldier’s paralyzing cowardice in the face of the German army.  For better or worse, Mr. Heller’s novel changed the formula, and in the process lifted realism to a new surrealistic level, one where any whiff of the Holocaust had to be consciously edited out.  By contrast, Falstein’s Ben Isaacs drags the nights of fog and death onto center stage.

Small wonder, then, that a part of me wants to give Falstein the credit that is his due, not as the unacknowledged model for “Catch22” but rather as a novelistic exploration of its author’s identity that includes passages such as this one: “My guns had spoken for the pogroms I had lived through …  for the anguished screams of people, my people, who were this very moment burning in Hitler’s extermination ovens.”

At the same time, however, a part of me knows that there is far too much telling rather than showing in Falstein’s novel.  By fastening his imagination to the “facts” of what being a Jewish airman was really like, he neglects telling details and aesthetic shaping.  As such his novel, admirable though it is in spots, fails to make a convincing case for the direction in which “Face of a Hero” merely points.  My hunch is that the literary jury has long ago rendered its verdict, and that nothing in “Face of a Hero” is likely to change it.

Mr: Pinsker is Shadek professor of humanities at Franklin and Marshall College.

________________________________________

War Novel Suffered in 1950s

Here’s a letter I wrote to The Forward, in response to Pinsker’s essay:

The novel’s lack of success may have had far more to do with the tenor of the 50s than its quality as literature. 

*****

Falstein may have felt no desire to engage in experiments in form and style. 
Rather, he simply wanted to tell a story…
no more, no less…
about the experiences of a Jewish aerial gunner and his fellow crewmen,
during a time when the 15th Air Force was incurring its heaviest losses of planes and crews. 
What Pinsker sees “a lack of aesthetic shaping” is actually simplicity, clarity, and above all, honesty. 

The Forward
March 5, 1999

I was happily surprised’ to see The Forward accord Louis Falstein’s “Face of a Hero”‘ attention the novel has long merited (“Making War Seem Real,” February 29).  Sadly, though, Sanford Pinsker’s review and comparison of Mr. Falstein’s novel to Joseph Heller’s “Catch 22” does the former a great injustice.  It is an injustice in terms of the clarity of Falstein’s depiction of the experiences and thoughts of a Jewish aviator flying missions over German-occupied Europe, the literary style of “Face of a Hero” and the book’s place in the literature of World War II.

Mr. Pinsker seems to categorize Falstein’s depiction of a multi-ethnic bomber crew as an exarnple of a hackneyed plot device used by writers and filmmakers since World War II.  But a serious look at the composition of most World War II Air Corps bomber crews shows that the air crew of Falstein’s fictional B-24 bomber, the “Flying Foxhole,” has more basis in fact than fiction.  As discussed in detail by Gerald Astor in “The Mighty Eighth,” American bomber crews often indeed were random and varied combinations of ethnicities and religions.  A look at the historical records of any-odd World War II fighter or bomber group will suffice to prove this.  As such, these men naturally experiencecI the gamut off feelings found among people from disparate locales and backgrounds, thrown together at random, in situations of life and death.

In more general terms, Mr. Pinsker takes issue with the way “Face of a Hero” spends too much time “telling, rather than showing,” being enmeshed in details and facts at the expense of style and aesthetics.  This, combined with the novel’s allegedly stereotypical and shallow characters, may have contributed to its rapid disappearance from the literary spotlight.

I think the actual reasons for the novel’s lack of recognition are vastly different.

Remember, the story was published in 1950, only five years after the end of World War II and coincident with the start of the Korean War.  The American public was psychologically fatigued from a costly victory only five years earlier, yet it found itself at war again, dashing hopes for an era of peace.  The novel depicted the psychological effects of war on soldiers, and on aviators, and it presented these men in what some may see as unflattering, but ultimately sympathetic, candor.  Finally, the praise given to the novel by The New York Times and The New Republic was by no means universal.  For example, an anonymous reviewer in Time magazine blasted Falstein for emphasizing Ben Isaacs’s Jewish identity and perspective of the war, characterizing the book’s hero as a “congenital soul-searcher” and “neurotic.” The novel’s lack of success may have had far more to do with the tenor of the 1950s than its quality as literature.

Falstein may have felt no desire to engage in experiments, in form and style.  Rather, he simply wanted to tell a story – no more, no less – about the experiences of a Jewish aerial gunner and his fellow crewmen, during a time when the 15th Air Force was incurring its heaviest losses of planes and crews.  What Mr. Pinsker sees as “a lack of aesthetic shaping” is actually simplicity, clarity and, above all, honesty.

[My letter concluded with the following two sentences, which The Forward did not deign to publish:  “If anything, Face of a Hero’s release was premature.  The verdict of Pinsker’s “literary jury”, as forgetful as it is fickle, may have been equally premature.”]

________________________________________

The Heights of Absurdity
Joseph Heller Drove a World Stark Raving Sane With ‘Catch-22’

I was supposed to be interviewing Heller about his latest book, “Now and Then,”
 a chatty, charming memoir of his boyhood in Coney Island and his adventures as a bombardier in World War II. 
But I spent most of the time asking him about “Catch-22,”
which is my favorite novel of all time. 
It’s a strange, convoluted, grim, hilarious war novel that seems to suggest that the whole world is completely insane. 
This message confirmed suspicions I held when I first read it in 1958,
and it has been corroborated countless times since then.

I told Heller that his crazy book had helped keep me sane. 
He smiled. 
He heard similar comments nearly every lime he ventured out in public. 
At a reading the previous night, a man stood up and publicly thanked Heller for “Calch-22.”
“I read your book the day before I got called up for Vietnam,” he said, “and I have to tell you, it helped.”

Peter Carlson
The Washington Post
December 14, 1999

The first time I saw Joseph Heller, back in the late ‘60s, he was delivering a speech at New York University.  That night, he revealed his plans for the future. “I’m going to live forever,” he said, “or die trying.”

On Sunday night, he died trying.  A heart attack did what Nazi antiaircraft gunners failed to do back in World War II.  The author of “Catch-22” and seven other books was 76.

The first and only time I had lunch with Heller was last year.  It was the early days of the Monica Lewinsky scandal, which be was enjoying tremendously.

“I love it,” he said, smiling broadly beneath a fluffy halo of bright while hair.  “The fact that it’s so ridiculous is what makes it so exquisitely entertaining to me.”

Heller was a connoisseur of the absurd.  The scandal was providing delicious new realms of ludicrousness that not even he could have imagined.  A few days earlier, Lewinsky’s soon-to be-fired attorney, William Ginsburg, had complained that his client’s life was ruined, that nobody would ever again want to date her or hire her.

“I wanted to call and say, “I’ll date you!  I’ll hire you!” he cackled uproariously.  Then he went back to his crab cakes.  The man loved to eat.

I was supposed to be interviewing Heller about his latest book, “Now and Then,” a chatty, charming memoir of his boyhood in Coney Island and his adventures as a bombardier in World War II.  But I spent most of the time asking him about “Catch-22,” which is my favorite novel of all time.  It’s a strange, convoluted, grim, hilarious war novel that seems to suggest that the whole world is completely insane.  This message confirmed suspicions I held when I first read it in 1958, and it has been corroborated countless times since then.

I told Heller that his crazy book had helped keep me sane.  He smiled.  He heard similar comments nearly every lime he ventured out in public.  At a reading the previous night, a man stood up and publicly thanked Heller for “Calch-22.”  “I read your book the day before I got called up for Vietnam,” he said, “and I have to tell you, it helped.”

A year earlier, in Prague, people kept buttonholing Heller to tell him that bootlegged copies of “Catch-22” had served as an antidote to the absurdities of life under communism.

Translated into nearly every written language, “Catch-22” has sold well over 20 million copies.  It still sells briskly wherever human beings feel tormented by crazed bosses and mindless bureaucracies – which is to say, just about everywhere on the planet.

It is ostensibly the story of a U.S. bomb squadron In the Mediterranean during World War II and a bombardier named Yossarian who is driven crazy by the Germans, who keep shooting at him when he drops bombs on them, and by his American superiors, who seem less concerned about winning the war than they are about parades, loyalty oaths and getting promoted.

Yossarian is so crazy that he should be excused from combat but, alas, there’s a catch, Catch-22: You can’t be excused unless you ask to be excused, and anybody who asks to get out of combat is obviously sane and therefore ineligible to be excused.

“That’s some catch, that Catch-22,” Yossarian said.

“It’s the best there is,” said his buddy Doc Daneeka.

They were right.  The term entered common language and earned a place in the dictionary.  I read Heller the official definition from Webster’s: “a paradox in a law, regulation or practice that makes one a victim of its provisions no matter what one does.”

“That’s a better definition than I could give,” he said, smiling.

“Catch-22” begat several of its own Catch-22s.  When it was published in 1961, critics complained that it was plotless, repetitive and incomprehensible.  When the rest of his novels appeared, critics complained that he had again failed to write a book as good as “Catch-22.”  Heller always had an answer for that “Who has?”

In 1998, a letter printed in the London Sunday Times kicked up a brief literary controversy by suggesting that many of the scenes in “Catch-22” were similar to scenes in an earlier war novel.  The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” by Louis Falstein.  The insinuation was absurd.  It wasn’t the depiction of life in a bomber squadron that made Heller’s novel a classic; it was its grand comic vision of the absurdity of modem life.

Heller said he’d never read Falstein’s novel.  “I find it funny,” he added, “that nobody else noticed any similarities, including Falstein himself.”

Heller never spent much time in Washington, but his writing revealed that he understood the culture of the federal city as well as any reporter.  In “Closing Time,” his 1994 sequel to “Catch-22,” he captured the life of a hotshot K Street lawyer in the fictitious firm of Atwater, Fitzwater, Dishwater, Brown, Jordan, Quack and Capone: “He served often on governmental commissions to exonerate and as coauthor of reports to vindicate.”  That novel also provided the most accurate extant definition of the Freedom of Information Act: “a federal regulation obliging government agencies to release all information they had to anyone who made application for it except information they had that they did not want to release.”

Life had a way of tarring Heller’s most outrageous satire into banal realities.  In I979”s “Good as Gold,” he invented a president who spent his first year in office writing a book about his first year in office.  This seemed far-fetched until New York Mayor Ed Koch and Minnesota Gov. Jesse Ventura spent their time m office writing books.  In “Catch-22,” Milo Minderbinder, the wheeler-dealer supply officer, actually contracts with his enemies to bomb his own squadron.  Critics considered this ridiculous until Oliver North, a Marine working for the United States government sold missiles to the same Iranian government that had earlier supported the terrorists who bombed a Marine barracks in Lebanon.

Joe Heller is dead but “Catch-22” will live forever.  He would have preferred the opposite, but what can you do?  Death is the ultimate Catch-22.

________________________________________

Too easy to catch Heller out?

Initially published in 1961 to mixed reviews,
Catch-22 might well have met the fate of most novels which,
regardless of literary merit, soon go out of print and disappear.
But Heller’s book generated popularity and sales by word-of-mouth,
eventually tapped into the anti-Vietnam war Zeitgeist of the ‘60s,
and now occupies a secure place in the contemporary canon.
It has sold more than 10 million copies in the US and has, from the start,
been popular in the UK where even its satirical anti-establishment tone
didn’t prevent the Financial Times from declaring:
“No one has ever written a book like this.”
As a critical assessment, however, claims concerning Catch-22’s originality have
always smacked of amnesia or ignorance.
And-war novels,
plenty of them coruscatingly funny and witheringly iconoclastic,
have appeared in every language,
and Heller himself has acknowledged his debt to
Evelyn Waugh
Celine’s Journey to the End of the Night
and Dalton Trumbo’s And Johnny Got His Gun.

Mike Mewshaw
The Jerusalem Post
December 31, 1999

Joseph Heller’s death at the age of 76 earlier this month naturally refocused attention on his literary legacy, especially his first novel, Catch-22.  Hailed as “wildly original,” “fantastically unique,” and one of the finest works of American fiction this century, Catch-22 quickly became more than a literary title.  The phrase entered the modern lexicon as the hallmark of paradox, existential absurdity and black humor.  As a comic exploration of logical lunacy on a cosmic scale, the novel presented its protagonist, Yossarian, as an Everyman trapped by a nightmarish “catch” or legal loophole.  While officially a World War II airman who went insane could be grounded for medical reasons, anyone who asked to be scratched from bombing missions was automatically considered sane and forced to keep flying.

Initially published in 1961 to mixed reviews, Catch-22 might well have met the fate of most novels which, regardless of literary merit, soon go out of print and disappear.  But Heller’s book generated popularity and sales by word-of-mouth, eventually tapped into the anti-Vietnam war Zeitgeist of the ‘60s, and now occupies a secure place in the contemporary canon.  It has sold more than 10 million copies in the US and has, from the start, been popular in the UK where even its satirical anti-establishment tone didn’t prevent the Financial Times from declaring: “No one has ever written a book like this.”  As a critical assessment, however, claims concerning Catch-22’s originality have always smacked of amnesia or ignorance.  And-war novels, plenty of them corruscatingly funny and witheringly iconoclastic, have appeared in every language, and Heller himself has acknowledged his debt to Evelyn Waugh, Celine’s Journey to the End of the Night and Dalton Trumbo’s And Johnny Got His Gun.

Then almost two years ago a British bibliophile wrote to the London Sunday Times: “Can anyone out there account for the amazing similarity of characters, personality traits, eccentricities, physical descriptions, personnel injuries and incidents in Catch-22 and a novel by Louis Falstein, The Sky Is a Lonely Place [published a decade earlier]?”  In a subsequent article, the Times noted a passage in both books that describes a bedridden, badly injured pilot.  In Falstein’s book, the pilot lies “in a white cast.  He looked entombed … like an Egyptian mummy.  His arms were broken, and where his legs had been, there were cotton-swathed stumps.  Only his face showed out of the cast, and there were openings at the bottom for bodily functions…  An orderly, or nurse, held a cigarette for him when he smoked.”  In Heller’s novel.  “The soldier in white was encased from head to toe in plaster and gauze…  A silent zinc pipe rose from the cement on his groin and was coupled to a slim rubber hose that carried waste from his kidneys.”  Twice a day a nurse inserts a thermometer into the mouth of this “stuffed and sterilized mummy.”

Apparently dumbstruck by the correspondences, the Times attributed the Falstein passage to Heller, and vice versa.  It did, however, provide accurate biographical information about the deceased and long forgotten Falstein who, it turns out, came from the same background as Heller.  Both were sons of Russian Jewish emigre parents, came from the same borough of New York, Brooklyn, and served in Italy as airmen in American bomber squadrons.  Duff Hart-Davis, son of Rupert Hart-Davis who published Falstein in England, speculated that Falstein and Heller were the same person, and The Sky Is a Lonely Place was “a practice run for Catch-22.”

Heller dismissed this as ridiculous and denied having heard of Louis Falstein or having read his work.  “The similarities,” he explained to the Tunes, “come from a common wartime experience.”  But then Heller turned around and questioned whether Falstein truly experienced what he wrote about.  “Born in 1909, he would have been too old to fly [in WWII].  I don’t know what he was up to.  There were a lot of strange people around.”

Days later, in an interview with the Washington Post, Heller insisted, “Given the amount of invention in Catch-22 it would be an amazing coincidence if there were fundamental similarities with Falstein’s novel.”

There the matter rested.  No one appears to have read the two books closely and analyzed the comparisons.  But in fact, whether through “amazing coincidence” or “common wartime experience,” there are indeed fundamental similarities between Catch-22 and The Sky Is a Lonely Place.  While they don’t rise to the level of plagiarism, they do suggest that Heller might have been aware of Falstein’s work and that his fellow Brooklynite was as influential as the internationally renowned authors Heller cited as his sources of inspiration.  Far from diminishing the achievement of Catch-22, this places it in its proper context as a distinctly American expression of New York Jewish sensibility, with an emphasis on manic exuberance, verbal pyrotechnics and slapstick comedy.

Falstein’s first person narrator, Ben “Pop” Isaacs, a gunner aboard a B-24, is Jewish, Heller’s central character, Yossarian, is an “Assyrian” crewman on a B-25.  While Isaacs is far more earnest and less flamboyant than Yossarian – essentially he’s realistic rather than surrealistic – he is just as determined not to die, just as eager to finish 50 missions and go home – or, alternatively, convince a doctor that he’s too ill and emotionally unstable to go back into the air again.  But just as Doc Daneeka bluntly tells Yossarian, “It’s not my business to save lives,” Doc Brown tells Isaacs, “My job is to keep the men in fighting shape, not on ground status.”

So weather and decrepit planes permitting, the two men continue to fly off to bomb unseen enemies for unknown reasons.  Like Isaacs, Yossarian doesn’t wear a single flak jacket to protect his chest.  He swaddles his whole body in flak jackets.  Whenever they’re not airborne and on the brink of death, the characters in both books pass their time drinking, complaining, fretting, crying, playing cards, playing cruel jokes, fighting, visiting brothels and meeting Italians who are either childlike or cunning, venal or full of old world wisdom.  Rain occasionally plays havoc with the flight schedule, keeping airmen safe on the ground, but this exposes them to the dangers of jaundice, hepatitis, deadly fevers and the fraying nerves of barracks mates who throw knives and fire off guns.

Focusing on the underbelly of war, Falstein, no less than Heller, populates his fictional world with bizarrely named characters.  Mel Ginn, Cosmo Fidanza, Chester Kowalski, Charles Couch, Billy Poat and Jack “Doolie” Dula might have been transformed by Heller into Colonel Cathcart, Colonel Korn, Major Major Major Major and Captain “Aarfy” Aardvark.  Falstein’s Master Sergeant Sawyer, like Heller’s Milo Minderbinder, skims off military supplies and foodstuffs to sell them on the black market, while at the same time hustling pornographic photographs.  Men in both books have pet cats that sleep on their faces and have to be peeled off each morning.  One of Falstein’s characters drives everybody crazy by tinkering with a broken radio, just as a Heller character puts Yossarian into a homicidal rage by disassembling and reassembling a stove.  On the first page, Ben Isaacs meets a “stringy young Texan” who never misses an opportunity to fulminate about “niggers.”  The title of Heller’s first chapter is “The Texan” and this character exhibits the same savage vocal racism.  In both books, a man shrieks every time a bomb drops from the plane, another deals cards in a snappy explosive fashion, and yet another paints a bomb on his flight jacket to mark each successful mission.  Everybody watches the red ribbon on the map that marks the advance of American troops and the bomb-line.  As the ribbon approaches Vienna, a Falstein character comes down with diarrhea that keeps him from flying.  When the ribbon in Catch-22 closes in on Bologna, an epidemic of diarrhea breaks out on the airbase.

In a sense, this best exemplifies the difference between The Sky Is a Lonely Place and Catch-22.  In every instance, Heller pushes things further.

Taking as its motto, Whatever is worth doing is worth doing to excess, his novel is three times longer, more ambitious and relendessly comic, but also more repetitive and, in its weaker sections, sophomoric.  Where Falstein heightens tension and sustains the narrative momentum in a conventional manner with crash landings, mid-air dogfights and fatal miscalculations, Heller raises the stakes and darkens the laughter in phantasmagorical scenes.  Yet it must be remarked that compared to almost any author except Heller, Falstein displays an unparalleled gift for grand guignol violence and subversive humor.  He describes military censors who delete words and reduce every letter, even the most banal love note, to gibberish (Heller does the same).  He writes of a sergeant who is broken “to the rank of private for being apprehended in a House of Prostitution…without his identification tags” – not unlike Heller’s Yossarian, who is arrested in a brothel for being off base without a pass.

In The Sky Is a Lonely Place, a Christmas party dissolves into a bacchanal of singing, screaming and sobbing, and ends with an outbreak of gunfire that the men mistake for an enemy attack.  “There were several more carbine pings, and somebody answered fire with a forty-five pistol.”  Late in Catch-22, there’s a Thanksgiving “celebration [that] lasted long into the night, and the stillness was fractured often by wild, exultant shouts and by cries of people who were merry or sick.  There was the recurring sound of retching and moaning, of laughter, greetings, threats and swearing, and of bottles shattering against rock.”  Heller ends his scene, too, in gunfire as Yossarian charges out of his tent with a forty-five.

Finally, for fans of the X-Files, on page 128 of the British edition of Falstein’s novel, a plane carrying 10 men crashes onto the runway, disappearing so completely medics “couldn’t even find dog tags.”  On the same page in the British paperback of Catch-22, a plane flies into a cloud, “disappearing … mysteriously into thin air with every member of the crew.”  Coincidence?  Or imitation as the sincerest form of flattery?

Granted, Heller had a point when he responded to questions about these similarities by observing that a great deal of war fiction depends on variations on the same themes and archetypes.  But a careful reader of both texts could be forgiven for concluding that even at the level of language and linguistic play Heller has written an oblique homage to Falstein.  Both authors chronicle the absurdity of existence, the capriciousness of authority and the emptiness of words leeched of meaning by constant abuse.  Like the chaplain in Catch-22 who is ordered to compose a funeral prayer that doesn’t mention God or death, the narrator in The Sky Is a Lonely Place learns an early lesson in “airwar language” when he is warned, “never use the word Killed … we say a guy Went Down.”

On every page, the books uncannily echo one another as scabrous jokes, racial epithets, sexual ribaldry and sheer hair-curling craziness pour out of people.  Again, Heller pushes it over the top, taking each trope to its limit.  But both authors achieve a kind of demotic poetry, as when Falstein writes, “Grazie, Nazi,” and another soldier replies, “Prego, dago.”  In Heller there’s rhyming dinner table dialogue, ‘Pass the salt, Walt/ Pass the bread, Fred/ Shoot me a beet, Pete.”

Of course, in a universe of pure contingency where chaos reigns and wars are won or lost by accident, not design, and soldiers survive or perish despite their courage or cowardice, it’s perhaps perfectly possible that two men, neighbors no less, would write hauntingly similar novels, would never meet or read one another and would then slip under the lid of the earth at the far ends of a spectrum that runs from utter obscurity to universal recognition.  Talk about Catch-22!

[One of the principal characters in The Thin Red Line, Captain “Bugger” Stein, a career infantry officer and company commander, in an event clearly motivated by antisemitism, is unfairly relieved of his command and sent back to the “Zone of the Interior”, his military career effectively ruined.  He vanishes from the story well prior to the novel’s end.  Throughout James Jones’ novel, in his depiction of Stein’s personality, character, and confrontation with antisemitism, the author displayed a remarkable degree of perception, if not empathy, with the Captain’s predicament.  How does this relate to Malick’s film?  Well, though I haven’t viewed it (and have no plans to do so), it’s my understanding that Stein’s identity as a Jew – not entirely central to, but nonetheless a critical part of the novel’s plot and intentionally so – was entirely eliminated from the film, something remarked upon in only a few 1998 reviews.  Just sayin’.]

Mentioned Above…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Heller, Joseph, Catch-22, Dell Publishing, New York, N.Y., 1968

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – VIII: After The Hero: Later Books

Subsequent to Face of a Hero, Louis Falstein authored five additional books – all novels.  Listed here in order of publication, they are Slaughter Street (1953), Sole Survivor (1954), Spring of Desire (1959), Laughter on a Weekday (1965), and, The Man Who Loved Laughter (1968).  He was also the main author of a sixth book: The Martyrdom of Jewish Physicians in Poland (1964).  Only one of the novels – Sole Survivor – has any similarity to Face of a Hero, but that similarity is very slight. 

But first, a major caveat: Of these six works, I’ve only read The Man Who Loved Laughter.  So, my comments about the other four novels are based on intuition – I hope correct! – given their paperback format, cover art, and descriptive blurbs.   

Assuming that all these books came to the attention of the literary world, only Sole Survivor and The Martyrdom of Jewish Physicians in Poland ever received reviews, the former almost perfunctory.

______________________________

To start, the cover blurb of the 1953 Lion Books’ edition of Slaughter Street states, “Mr. Falstein takes you down the dark back alleys of Slaughter Street, leads you past the prowling criminals and city scum, shows you the bleeding heart of people engaged in the everyday battle with evil and lust,” while the line atop the cover of Spring of Desire, “She loved both the men she was married to,” suggests that the two books  – fast-paced, popular literature? – might be urban variations on themes of the socially marginal, violent, or damaged characters exemplified by the works of Flannery O’Connor.  Maybe there was something “to” Slaughter Street after all, for the book went through five printings.

Here are images of covers of Slaughter Street

This is Lion Books’ first edition from June, 1953, with cover art by Robert Maguire.  You can view the digitized novel at Hathi Trust, where, though it’s downloadable, it can only be downloaded on an individual page by individual page basis.  (Verily, “Aaaaargh!”)

Republished twice by Lion Books in 1957, this edition features cover art by Lou Marchetti:

With cover art by Victor Kalin, this edition was published by Pyramid in 1959.  This edition isn’t listed at Worldcat.

According to WorldCat, the book was also published in Sydney, Australia, in the 1950s.  Its last printing was by Hamilton, & Co., in 1961.  

______________________________

Sole Survivor – simply going by the book’s cover art and descriptive blurb – takes a very different turn.  The novel’s resonance with Face of a Hero lies in the persisting impact and legacy of the Second World War.  Protagonist Antek Prinz, a survivor of the Shoah living in postwar New York City, seeks justice against the former concentration camp guard who murdered his family, a theme that’s long been explored in other books, on television, and in the cinema.  An immediately obvious commonality (is it the only one?) between the two novels’ main characters – Sergeant Ben Isaacs, and Prinz – is that they are both Jews whose formative years have compelled them to seek, in however different the manner, a form of justice that is both personal and transcendent.  Published four years after Face of a Hero gained nationwide attention and positive reviews, Sole Survivor garnered a mere two-sentence review by Anthony Boucher (at the time, primary editor of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction) in the “Criminals at Large” section of The New York Times Book Review.

Criminals at Large

Anthony Boucher
The New York Times Book Review
October 10, 1954

A Polish-Jewish DP recognizes, in New York, a vicious Nazi prison-camp guard who has escaped war-crime prosecution; the Jew’s newly established American life must count for nothing as he sets out, partly for personal revenge, but chiefly to strike at the conscience of a world which has lightly and easily forgotten Buchenwald.  This is the theme of Louis Falstein’s SOLE SURVIVOR (Dell, 25 c) – a theme so powerful and so deeply felt that one can overlook awkwardness of style and construction.

Here’s Dell’s sole printing of Sole Survivor, with evocative cover art by John McDermott:

______________________________

Now we come to Monarch Books’ 1959 edition of Spring of Desire, illustrated by Jim Bentley.  The book was republished by World Distributors in 1960. 

______________________________

Laughter on a Weekday, published by I. Obolensky, appeared in 1965, I believe only in hardback.  To the best of my knowledge, the book takes a markedly different turn from Lou Falstein’s previous efforts, in presenting an upbeat, humorous view of the Americanization of a Jewish family with roots in Eastern Europe.   

______________________________

The Martyrdom of Jewish Physicians in Poland, of 1963, for which Lou Falstein was the main – not only – author, marked a complete turn from his previous books in terms of genre, purpose, and content.  By nature a work of non-fiction, the 500 page book is a work of history, and, a memorial album.  Not presently having access to it I don’t know if the book contains any statement as to how, and why, Louis Falstein became its main author.  Perhaps this was via his social and intellectual circle, in light of the awareness and sensitivity he displayed regarding the fate of East European Jewry in Face of a Hero, and, Sole Survivor

A pithy review of the book by Polish-American writer Antoni Gronowicz was published in book review section of The Militant – why not a mainstream Jewish publication? – in December of 1966.  

The book is presently (August, 2022) available through Mr. Bezos’ monopoly.  Its list of martyred Jewish physicians has been digitized, access to this information being available through JewishGen.  

REVIEWS and REPORTS

The Militant
December 26, 1966

THE MARTYRDOM OF JEWISH PHYSICIANS IN POLAND.  Studies by Dr. Leon Wulman and Dr. Joseph Tenenbaum.  Research and Documentation by Dr. Leopold Lazarowitz and Dr. Simon Malowist.  Edited by Louis Falstein.  Published by Medical Alliance-Association of Jewish Physicians From Poland by Exposition Press [1964, c1963].  Illustrated.  500 pp.  $10.00.

The history of Jewish physicians in Poland extends almost to the birth of the Polish state.  One of the first descriptions of life in that country (963-965) belongs to Dr. Ibrahim-Ibn-Jacob, special representative of the Calif of Cordoba, who stayed for some time in Poland treating nobility.  Years later, from Spain, Italy and Germany other Jewish physicians were arriving and settling in Warsaw, Cracow, Lwow, Wilno, Poznan and other cities.

This book, divided into three parts, give the reader an abundance of well-organized material on all aspects of the lives of Jewish doctors in towns and cities through the ages.  Part one entitled “A History of Jewish Physicians in Poland” is written by Dr. Leon Wulman and has three subdivisions: “From Earliest Times to World War II,” “Outstanding Jewish Physicians During the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” and “Jewish Medical Institutions and the Role of Jewish Physicians in Their Development”

Part two, “Nazi Role in Poland and the Jewish Medical Professions” written by Dr. Joseph Tenenbaum brings to full view the tragedy of the extermination of the Jewish population in that country together with the complete destruction of the medical profession and medical institutions.  It is difficult in a short review to describe Nazi cruelty, but the author who spent many years on the Investigation of Nazis in his native country, is probably the best equipped man to deal with such subjects as life in a ghetto, starvation, Nazi doctors experiments in freezing the human body, wound infections, transplant surgery and poison gas experiments.

The third and final part of this huge book is written and documented by Dr. Leopold Lazarowitz and Dr. Simon Malowist and gives 2,500 biographical sketches of Jewish physicians killed by the Nazis.

-Antoni Gronowicz

______________________________

The Man Who Loved Laughter – The Story of Sholom Aleichem, Louis Falstein’s last published book, was released by the Jewish Publication Society of America, in Philadelphia, in 1968.  For a writer whose fiction manifested a grim and dark urban realism, or, focused on issues of life, death, and the meaning of course, the book marks an abrupt turn in tone, style, and pace.  Let alone, subject matter.  The book’s cover and interior illustrations by  Adrienne Onderdonk Dudden.  

Having had little prior knowledge about Sholom Aleichem (except for the 2011 documentary Sholem Aleichem: Laughing in the Darkness), on reading the book I had the immediate impression that it was oriented towards an adolescent to young adult audience, albeit more in the sense of pace and writing style than content, which, for a book of its nature, is substantive.  Given that the book is completely absent of features typical of scholarly or academic works (footnotes, bibliographic references, and the like), perhaps Louis Falstein collected tales, anecdotes, and information from archives and newspapers, both contemporary and historical.  Then, by imagining and constructing dialogue, mood, and setting, he created a smoothly flowing, unified tale.

Well, I felt so.  I enjoyed the story, and through it, gained an appreciation for Sholom Aleichem, and his fiction.  

Mentioned Above…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Falstein, Louis, The Man Who Loved Laughter – The Story of Sholom Aleichem, The Jewish Publication Society of America, Philadelphia, Pa., 5728 / 1968

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – VII: Book Reviews

The 1950 publication of Face of a Hero generated attention in several major newspapers, as well as journals of opinion. 

Subsequent to a pre-release announcement about the novel in The New York Times on July 7, 1950, reviews of the novel first appeared in The Pittsburgh Press (on July 23), and then in the New York Times, the Chicago Tribune, New York Post, and Philadelphia Inquirer.  Subsequently, reviews appeared in The Jackson Sun (Florida), Los Angeles Times, and Washington Post.  Within the New York Times, the novel was significant enough to merit attention in the weekly “Books of the Times” column in a piece by William DuBois, and, in the Sunday Book Review, by Herbert F. West. 

In the world of magazines, reviews of Falstein’s novel were published between August and September of 1950, with one last hold-out appearing in March of 1951.  These publications comprised the Saturday Review of Literature, The Commonweal, The New Yorker, The New Republic, Time, and, Commentary.

Reviewers opinions were positive among all but two of these publications, with similar themes emerging.  There were a few criticisms, too, but these were outweighed in number and emphasis by the book’s strengths, especially considering that the book was Falstein’s first novel.  The two negative reviews (intensely negative!) appeared in Commentary and Time.  

What aspects of Face of a Hero did reviewers focus upon?

The clarity of Falstein’s description of how his novel’s protagonist, Sergeant Ben Isaacs, confronted, endured, and overcame physical fear and, intellectual, or emotional challenges, and emerged intact, emotionally as much as physically.

The characterizations of the foibles and idiosyncrasies of Isaacs’ fellow airmen, soldiers, and officers.  While their ethnic and social backgrounds are utterly different from the Sergeant’s, and (inevitably, given the novel’s length) these men are nowhere near as well-“molded” as is Isaacs, as noted by Joe Dever in The Commonweal, these men do emerge as distinct individuals. 

The way in which boredom and ennui between combat missions, living conditions at the Tigertails’ base, and, the lives of Italian civilians in the nearby town of “Mandia”, while not the “center” of the novel, are crafted.  These events, situations, and people are portrayed with a realism that’s sometimes leavened by humor, sometimes by irony, and other times by quiet anger. 

The sense of time that permeates the novel.  As suggested by Hollis Alpert in the Saturday Review of Literature, “time” in novel doesn’t underlie the tale in the conventional, taken-for-granted sense of daily life with which we’re familiar.  Rather, time – and all significant events in the story – is measured by the irregularly-spaced tick of each combat sortie.  Life and its continuation are signified by the passage of completed missions on an allegorical clock with gradations from 1 to 50.

The use of words:  Some reviewers remarked about the frank, coarse, and uninhibited language spoken by the novel’s characters, which – I suppose by the standards of public acceptability during the mid-twentieth century?, was – then – rather shocking.  In 2022, alas, it’s not shocking at all, or enough.    

The two negative reviews of the novel are interesting in their own ways, albeit neither reviewers’ comments – that of Nathan Halper of Commentary, and, that of Time magazine’s anonymous critic – seem to actually focus on the novel as a novel; as a story; as fiction inspired by fact; as a tale with an underlying theme and a beginning, middle, and conclusion.  Rather, their criticisms are motivated by highly specific and deeply-held political and social beliefs.  There’s nothing wrong with a critique from such a perspective.  There is, however, something wrong with a critique from only such a perspective.    

In Commentary, Nathan Halper’s understanding of Falstein’s novel seems to be limited to the perspective of his own experiences in the military.  He views Face of a Hero as a long, elaborate, and “hypersensitive” gripe about life in the armed forces, casting Ben Isaacs – who throughout the novel is a refreshingly unselfconsciously identified Jew – as a “victim spokesmen”. 

The comments of Time’s unknown reviewer strangely parallel those of Halper, but this person is more vehement in criticisms of Falstein’s novel, which seem to have an air of resentment:  He deems the book a “grouser’s eye view of the war in the air,” with toss-away-dismissive-comments that Falstein received the Air Medal and “added a couple of clusters to it.”  And, in not-so-oblique language obviously referring to Ben Isaac’s identity as a Jew, deems the protagonist “a congenital soul searcher, as much at war with his neurotic self as with Nazi Germany.”  

Jumping ahead sixty-four years to 2015, we come to David Margolick’s 2015 Wall Street Journal essay “Inventing the War Novel,” a review of Leah Garrett’s 2015 study Young Lions: How Jewish Authors Reinvented the American War Novel.  In Mr. Margolick’s thoughtful and pithy discussion of Dr. Garrett’s work (Louis Falstein is mentioned only in passing) he touches upon Louis Falstein’s novel in the cultural and historical context of the late 1940s.  The Second World War having ended only a few short years before, those postwar years represented a literary interlude when a group of war novels featuring identifiably Jewish protagonists and characters in a proud, positive (or, at least neutral) context emerged into public consciousness.  These works reflected such themes as Jews in American society as a whole, and, Jewish service in the military in particular, and, the Shoah (though the term wasn’t used at the time).  Of course, given the tenor of the times, it’s unsurprising that some of the novels mentioned in Mr. Margolick’s essay (such as Irwin Shaw’s The Young Lions – the film’s ending is astonishingly different from the novel’s bitter conclusion) also openly focus on antisemitism in the military, while others convey a sense of uncertainty and ambivalence about the “place” of Jews in the United States.  Which, in 2022, is incrementally returning.

While I fully appreciate the strength of Mr. Margolick’s insights, I strongly take issue with his statement suggesting that the military service of American Jews in the Second World War was motivated in equal parts by the desire to serve their country, and, “…to save the Jews of Europe.” 

With the latter I do not agree. 

While this assertion might seem strangely incongruous in a blog about Jewish military service – thus far primarily focused on the Second World War (!) – alas, I’ve come to believe this was so.  While nominal awareness of the predicament and fate of the Jews of Europe surely existed – to a greater or lesser degree among American Jewish soldiers – for the very great majority this was never the central or animating force for their military service, a take-away I’ve arrived at from extensive historical research, correspondence, and many interviews.  (On the other hand, while it’s impolitic to say in late 2022, this was certainly a major motivation for the military service of Jews in the Soviet Army, on a level typically direct and personal.  Enough said for now.)  It would be very comforting to think otherwise, but to believe so this would entail perceiving and romanticizing the past – a then imaginary past – through the eyes of the present.   

And so, “this” post:  It’s comprised of reviews of Face of a Hero, some of which are accompanied by images of the original “print” review itself.  Each review is headed by a line or two (or three?) from the review itself, to give a quick literary “flavor” of the piece.  The reviews are presented chronologically, the first being the New York Times’ announcement of the publication of Face of a Hero, and the last Nathan Halper’s review from Commentary.  

The reviews are:

July 7, 1950, The New York Times, Books – Authors (news item)

July 23, 1950, The Pittsburgh Press, John D. Paulus, Books in Review, “Soldiers of Different Nationalities Write Three Similar Books – Reveal That Men In Battle Fight Each Other and Themselves at Same Time

August 17, 1950, The New York Times, William DuBois, Books of The Times

August 19, 1950, Saturday Review of Literature, Hollis Alpert, “Fifty Missions“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co. 312 pp; $3

August 20, 1950, The New York Times Book Review, Herbert F. West, “With Death As a Co-Pilot“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  312 pp.  New York, Harcourt, Brace & Co. $3

August 20, 1950, Chicago Daily Tribune, Victor P. Hass, “A Good Novel in Spite of Its Obscenities“, FACE OF A HERO,” by Louis Falstein.  [Harcourt, Brace.  $3.]

August 20, 1950, New York Post, Archer Winsten, “A Bomber Crew in Italy – Sensational Novel of Fliers in Action“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp.  $3

August 20, 1950, The Philadelphia Inquirer, “Saga of Warplane Crew

August 21, 1950, Time, “Off the Target“, FACE OF A HERO (312 pp.) Louis Falstein – Harcourt, Brace ($3).

August 25, 1950, The Commonweal, Joe Dever, Books, “Face of the Hero“, Louis Falstein.  Harcourt.  $3.

August 27, 1950, The Jackson Sun, W.G. Rogers (The Associated Press), “10 Men In Liberator Live Furious Life“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace and Co.; $3.00.

September 3, 1950, Los Angeles Times, “Hero’ Finds Triumph in Losing Fear“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace: $3.

September 3, 1950, The Washington Post, “War in the Air“, FACE OF A HERO. By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp. $3.

September 16, 1950, The New Yorker, BRIEFLY NOTED – FICTION, FACE OF A HERO, by Louis Falstein

October 2, 1950, The New Republic, David Davidson, “FIFTY MISSIONS“, FACE OF A HERO, by Leo [sic!] Falstein (Harcourt, Brace; $3).

March, 1951, Commentary, Nathan Halper, “The Army Stereotype Again“, FACE OF A HERO.  By LOUIS FALSTEIN – HARCOURT, BRACE.  312 pp.  $3.00.

And:

December 24, 2015, Wall Street Journal (Online), David Margolick, “Inventing the War Novel

________________________________________

Books – Authors

The New York Times
July 7, 1950

A first novel by Louis Falstein, dealing with the 15th Air Force in Italy,
will be issued by Harcourt, Brace on Aug. 17.  …

Only three books are being issued today.  Dorrance & Co. of Philadelphia is issuing at $2.50 “The Doctor Takes a Farm,” by Jeff Minckler, M.D., a collection of humorous poems about farm life.  The book is illustrated by Jack Fruitt.  Columbia University Press has at $5.50 “Dramatic Essays of the Neoclassic Age,” which is edited by Henry Hitch Adams and Baxter Hathaway.  It is a collection of forty-four essays dealing with the drama.  Also from Columbia, there is a second edition of “Psychiatry for Social Workers,” by Lawson G. Lowrey, M.D.  It sells for $4.50.

Lionel Gelber, author of “Peace’ by Power” and “The Rise of Anglo-American Friendship,” has a new book on Macmillan’s list scheduled for July 25 publication.  “Reprieve From War – A Manual for Realists” presents a summing up of relations between East and West and of current conditions in the Western bloc and what to do about them.

“The Star of Glass,” a novel by Ann Birstein, will be published on Sept. 5 by Dodd, Mead.  It is a story about a Brooklyn girl who takes a job as secretary in a synagogue.  The manuscript, submitted while Miss Birstein was a senior at Queens College, was unanimously chosen as the winner of the 1948 Dodd, Mead Intercollegiate Literary Fellowship Contest.

A first novel by Louis Falstein, dealing with the 15th Air Force in Italy, will be issued by Harcourt, Brace on Aug. 17.  Entitled “Face of a Hero,” the story presents the crew of a B-24 as they work toward their fiftieth mission.

________________________________________

BOOKS IN REVIEW

Soldiers of Different Nationalities Write Three Similar Books
Reveal That Men In Battle Fight Each Other and Themselves at Same Time

By JOHN D. PAULUS

The Pittsburgh Press
July 23, 1950

… Ben’s reasons lay in his racial background,
in the six million Jews that the Nazis had killed,
in the years of torture his people had endured.

At the end – just three of the “dream crew” are left to fly a mission.
Their dreary role in the war is done. 
Theirs is the fight against weariness, boredom, fear, and panic. 
Theirs is a life of raw courage, primitive instinct, and constant remorse.

If a Third World War should engulf us millions of men and women in all parts of the globe will be taking part in terrible and perhaps hopeless battle.

While fighting against each other they will also be fighting inside themselves, for this seems to be characteristic of all soldiers in all periods of time, judging by three interesting, vital and timely books I have just read.

One is written by an American soldier, one by a German and a third by a Japanese.

They are remarkable in many ways and I wish it were possible for all of you to read these books together.

However, only one is available to the public: now, “Beyond Defeat,” by Hans Werner Richter.

The other two. “Face of a Hero,” by Mr. Louis Falstein, and “Long The Imperial Way,” by Hanama Tasaki. will not be released until mid-August, but advance copies we have received enable us to bring you combined reviews, which follow:

FACE OF A HERO, by Louis Falstein

This is the book by the American.  The hero is Ben Isaacs, a gunner in a bomber that attacked Ploesti. Vienna, and other “prime targets” in the war against the Nazis in Europe.

It is a rough, rugged, naked book.  It is shocking and startling.  It rocks your senses and your emotions.  It makes you hate war and everything about it.

Ben was sent to Italy as a member of the crew of a B-24. a bomber that helped shower the enemy with fire and explosive.  There was Pennington, the dream pilot who wanted to be a fighter-pilot: Kowalski, the handsome co-pilot who was really no flier at all; Dula, the half-Polish, half-Irish boy from Pittsburgh who wanted to be ALL-Irish; Poat, the fat one; Martin, Kyle, Trent, Ginn, and Fidanza.

The last-named was a tiny man – a ball-turret runner who went back to the land of his forefathers to die.

These 10 men started out together, hoping to remain “the dream crew” of the Air Force.  They would complete their 50 missions in victory and would return home for the medals, parades, and bond-selling tours.

But war takes its ghastly toll.

The horrors of the air war are told by Author Falstein without false drama, without sentimental camouflage, without any trace of bitterness or remorse.

This is what the fliers did, he says. and he tells us their story with honesty fidelity – yes, sometime with cruelty, naked horror, and painful defeat.

Kowalski was washed out after Pennington was forced from the ship for being too much of a prima donna.  Fidanza was killed by a ricocheting piece of shrapnel.  Poat was lost somewhere over Rumania.  Others of the “dream crew” went off with “battle fatigue,” “shot nerves,” and terrible injuries as the result of landing a giant bomber on her belly when the engineer miscalculated the gas supply.

Ben Isaacs tells the story of 10 Americans who flew bombers over Hitler’s Europe.  Each had his reason for doing so; Ben’s reasons lay in his racial background, in the six million Jews that the Nazis had killed, in the years of torture his people had endured.

At the end – just three of the “dream crew” are left to fly a mission. Their dreary role in the war is done.  Theirs is the fight against weariness, boredom, fear, and panic.  Theirs is a life of raw courage, primitive instinct, and constant remorse.

Hardly a page goes by which does not contain a dirty word – and for this reason, we warn you to keep the book out of the hands of youngsters.

It will be published Aug. 17 by Harcourt Brace.

________________________________________

Books of The Times

By WILLIAM DU BOIS

The New York Times
August 17, 1950

… “Face of a Hero,” by Louis Falstein,
a novel of the Fifteenth Air Force in World War II,
might well have been one of the finest explorations of that, by now,
faintly tarnished conflict,
if Mr. Falstein had remembered his audience. 

**********

… At times (when Ben is sympathizing with refugees in an Italian concentration camp,
or cursing discrimination within his own army)
one feels that the author is trying to write two novels at once, and muddling his effects.  … 
There have been few war novels that were more deeply felt than this.  
There have been many that were better planned,
many that identified the reader more closely with both cast and background.

STEVENSON, in one of his many essays on the art of fiction, remarked that the successful novelist does more than affect his reader – he affects him precisely as he wishes.  Stevenson himself (as George Moore remarked, in one of his many essays on writing) was one of the most accomplished technicians of his day; but; (in Mr. M.’s opinion, at least) he never really wrote a book – unless it was “Treasure Island.” …  Obviously, the two points of view are poles apart: on the one hand, the careful craftsman who spends a morning establishing an attack, polishing a page of significant dialogue, setting the signboards for a climax to come; on the other, the composer who strikes his keyboard at random and lets the melody seek its own level.  The two volumes up for discussion today are both cases in point.

One, “Face of a Hero,” by Louis Falstein, a novel of the Fifteenth Air Force in World War II, might well have been one of the finest explorations of that, by now, faintly tarnished conflict, if Mr. Falstein had remembered his audience.  The other, “Night Without Sleep,” by Elick Moll, a straightaway movie scenario backhanded into novel form, is a made-to-order guignol that keeps the audience in mind from the first breathless paragraph.  Moore would have given Mr. Falstein an A for effort, at the very least Stevenson would certainly have tapped Mr. Moll for Bones, without more ado.  Both novels are recommended highly by the present observer – with reservations noted below.

“Face of a Hero,” like so many books that have preceded it, is written from the heart out.  Like his narrator-hero, Mr. Falstein has poured his own bitter knowledge into each page.  Like Ben, the 35-year-old tail-gunner who sweats out his fifty missions and comes out alive and reasonably whole, he served with a bomber group on that same front in Italy, earning that knowledge the hard way.  Like other war novels of World War II vintage, he has concentrated on a cog in the juggernaut – in this case, the ten-man crew that brings the Flying Foxhole from the States to an airstrip at the tip of the Italian peninsula.  Just how that ten-man team is welded into a single unit in the crucible of conflict, just how it maintains its unity until bad luck overtakes and demolishes it, and just how the surviving members are destroyed one by one (until only Ben and one half-crazed navigator remain) make up the substance of the novel.

Meditations on War

“War,” says Ben, “contrary to the notions of some doddering old fools, was not a normal pursuit of man.  It was the most degrading, unnatural and abnormal pursuit ever foisted upon man.  And yet, there was Hitler, and you had to fight.  I felt guilty because I too became a victim of the survival cult so prevalent among men who flew missions.  Survival, fifty missions, was the goal – not the winning of the war.  But survival for its own sake was a corrupt thing, like living only for the sake of living.” Ben, in many ways (including the thoughts just quoted) is an odd sort of protagonist – though he is a fluent enough mouthpiece for Mr. Falstein’s ideas, and ideals.

Because of his age, he is “Pop” to his crew-mates; because of his race, he is the butt of the anti-Semitism that is by now de rigueur in every other problem novel, war or non-war.  Unable to control his fear once he is over a target, he is virtually useless as a gunner on his early missions – though he describes these strikes (from Vienna to Ploesti, with side-trips to Genoa, Munich and Yugoslavia) in a hard, stinging prose that few readers will forget.  And yet, as he hardens to his job, Ben learns to pull his weight.  As the book ends he has found himself, in more ways than one.  He has risen above blind terror and futility alike – and, though he has no easy answers for the future, one feels sure that he will face that future unafraid.

It is unfortunate that Mr. Falstein’s pattern is self-defeating.  After he has described the Flying Foxhole’s first, breath-taking mission in such merciless detail (that chapter alone makes the novel well worth the price of admission) he must repeat a theme with variations – and he lacks the bravura touch to keep his novel from stuttering here and there.  Also, he has chosen to wander too far from his air-strip.  At times (when Ben is sympathizing with refugees in an Italian concentration camp, or cursing discrimination within his own army) one feels that the author is trying to write two novels at once, and muddling his effects.  Finally, it’s plain too bad that “Face of a Hero” is bound to suffer from the law of diminishing returns – which operates in the literary market-place even more predictably than in other markets.  There have been few war novels that were more deeply felt than this.  There have been many that were better planned, many that identified the reader more closely with both cast and background.

Story of a Drunkard’s Morning-After

Mr. Moll’s “Night Without Sleep” is the sort of novel that will always find a public, no matter what’s happening in Asia, Washington or Moscow.  Dealing with a drunkard’s morning-after (in this case, a take-it-or-leave-it-alone drunkard who begins his day after a hundred per cent blackout) it explores, and explains, a dilemma that is all too familiar to many citizens in this age of jitter-and-fritter.  The reconstruction of the hours, and the lifetime, preceding that epic blackout give the author an excuse to dance a rigadoon on a story-line as taut as Ringling Brothers’ high wire.

The results are just as spine-tingling, as Mr. Moll’s hero-heel threatens to take a header at every other page.  When murder crawls into the act, and rides his shoulders like an antic clown, the suspense is, at times, unbearable.

It should be noted, of course, that all this is the stuff of which good pictures are made – and no more.  Mr. Falstein’s novel (which comes from the heart) is literature – when its author is at the top of his form.  It is unfortunate that the scenarist could not have traded a little of his know-how for a little of the airman’s experience.

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  312 pages.  Harcourt, Brace.  $3.
NIGHT WITHOUT SLEEP.  By Elick Moll.  212 pages.  Little, Brown.  $2.75.

________________________________________

With Death As a Co-Pilot

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  312 pp.  New York, Harcourt, Brace & Co. $3
By HERBERT F. WEST

The New York Times
August 20, 1950

… “Face of a Hero” is, in my opinion,
the most mature novel about the Air Force that has yet appeared.  

**********

… Mr. Falstein makes them more human, and so more interesting;
here one will learn, if he really wants to know,
what the term “fifty missions” really meant.

WRITTEN from the enlisted man’s point of view, “Face of a Hero” is, in my opinion, the most mature novel about the Air Force that has yet appeared.  The author, and aerial gunner with the Fifteenth Air Force in Italy, has told his apparently autobiographical story dispassionately and honestly.  He has produced a book that is both exciting and important.

The focus of the novel is a ten-man crew, “a little universe revolving in its narrow orbit,”  flying its fifty missions from an Italian field in a B-24.  It is not a watch-perfect crew.  Under normal conditions it sometimes acts unsmoothly, makes mistakes.  It is no more than the sum of its human parts.

Perhaps the most effective chapter in the novel describes the crew’s first mission over Vienna, one of the most deadly assignments of the war.  The reader has a spine-tingling sense of participation, from the first airborne moment to its flak-ridden return.

At the end of that mission, says the narrator, “all ten of us piled from the ship.  We scrambled down and without looking back we ran in our heavy clothing away from the ship in all directions.  Then, when we felt safely distanced from our plane, several of us fell down and kissed the barren, parched soil and then got up and ran again.”

THE crew’s missions include bomber runs to Regensburg, Munich, Brod, Ploesti, Innsbruck, the Brenner Pass, Ora, Miskolc, the Po Valley and Osijek (names not exactly nostalgic to thousands of air veterans).  The crew gets frostbitten at 20,000 feet, flies blind in deadly fog, blunders with its guns and bombs, sweats with fear, suffers wounds and deaths.  Incidents include a crash-landing, a suicide in the air, the burial of a comrade, and madness, but the men stick it out until only two of the original ten are left.

Dooley, the flight engineer, and Ben Isaacs, the narrator of the story, who is called “Pop”  because he is 35 years old.

Ben, the Jewish gunner, is fighting a personal war.  An old man in Italy reminded him: “Do you know, son, six million of your brothers and sisters are slain.  Remember that, my son, when you drop those bombs on him.”    The other thing that keeps him going is his fight with fear.  On his fiftieth mission, with which the book ends, he wants to shout, “You did not quit, you did not quit, you did not quit.”

**********

Entombed

I caught a glimpse of a bomber exploding; the front half of the ship nosed down and spiralled slowly earthward, turning crazily, like a long piece of paper dropped from a tall building.  The other half of the fuselage appeared settled in space momentarily.  Then  it too floated down in a slow spiral.  No chutes came out of that ship.  No man.  – Louis Falstein in “Face of a Hero”.

**********

He had won the battle of self: “The will had triumphed over emotion, which was represented by vacillation and cowardice.”  Ben Isaacs had come to know the ultimate experience, the terrible solitude of a man facing death, and for the first time in his life he was unafraid.

If some readers are offended by the language, which at times is certainly low, Louis Falstein can argue rightly, I think, that this is the way the men in the air force talked, and these are the things they talked about.

The author was also well aware of the way the Army conducted itself in Italy, and says, “What shame could be greater than for a grown-up to stare into the face of a child whose eyes had grown evil and corrupt and all-knowing.  Our guilt was so enormous that we could never expiate it.”

This book shows that the wild-blue-yonder boys were not quite as the war-time publicists for the Air Force made them out to be.  Mr. Falstein makes them more human, and so more interesting; here one will learn, if he really wants to know, what the term “fifty missions” really meant.

________________________________________

Fifty Missions

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co. 312 pp; $3
By HOLLIS ALPERT

Saturday Review of Literature
August 19, 1950

… and yet there is a freshness that runs through the book,
a quality that makes the familiar material seem new once more.

**********

…He has written as though he alone knows the truth and the actuality;
his narration is compelling, and he writes narrative with grace and simplicity.

**********

…Time is fifty missions, too, and time halts until fifty missions are completed.  
And time spent in the air above flak-dotted areas
leaves scars that to be scars do not need to show upon the flesh.  
This Mr. Falstein communicates, and since he communicates it honestly and well
he is a writer to be taken seriously.

IT IS five years since the end of World War II and already our novelistic returns on the conflict seem to be about in.  The books have had varying fates from a long tenure on best-seller indexes to almost complete neglect.  It is no help for a novel that comes along now to have run the gauntlet of comparison with a handsome list of others: the names of Hegen, Calmer, Mailer, and Shaw (to take a handy few) stand for well-covered areas of war subject matter and terrain.  Only five years, and yet the accolade of “best” war novel has been handed out a dozen times.  No need any longer to read another, so the feeling seems to be, as though we are to have only one to remember and recreate the awesome time for us.  That no novelist has “caught it all” is made amply clear by Louis Falstein’s “Face of a Hero”.  His subject is war, his characters are much the same sort of GI’s we’ve met before, their speech and their thoughts are not startlingly fresh to us, and yet there is a freshness that runs through the book, a quality that makes the familiar material seem new once more.

Not that it should be a book without fault, or that it should necessarily cause a new flurry of “best” recommendations.  Even the hero, Ben Isaacs, we seem to have met before: self-conscious about his “Jewishness”, broodingly aware of why he fights, and set apart a little from the others because of this double awareness.  The others in the crew of ten who flew in a B-24 to a base in Southern Italy are hardly distinctive enough for remembering them as individuals, once the book has been put down.  Nevertheless “Face of a Hero” remains haunting and powerful.

I think this is primarily due to the richness of feeling with which air war has been rendered by Mr. Falstein.  He has written as though he alone knows the truth and the actuality; his narration is compelling, and he writes narrative with grace and simplicity.

The story is sharply limited in outline.  This crew of ten must complete fifty bombing missions before their combat duties are over and they can be returned to the United States.  What is involved in the term “fifty missions”?  The answer is the scope and the meaning of the book; an age, an agony, life in a universe reflecting little but death.  Ten men flew the missions to Ploesti, Vienna, and the Riviera beaches; two were able to reach the seemingly impossible number.  Along this path of fifty missions are strewn the loss of the other eight.  Flak, failure of engines and fuel supply, mental crack-ups, enemy fighter action account for the empty cots in the barracks.  It was a dream crew that started out, so they all passionately believed or tried to believe.  And when Ben flew his fiftieth he was a stranger, manning a tail gun among nine men whose faces were hardly more than oxygen masks to him.

To make up for the lack of sharp characterization (and it is likely that Mr. Falstein had this for his purpose) there is a universalization of the experience.  They must face it in common, the menace cannot be conquered, and they do not shape, they rather are shaped by it, so that after a while even Ben cannot see them as entities other than flight engineers, tail gunners, and navigators.  Time looms all important in this kind of existence, and I think the management of this time factor gives Mr. Falstein an affinity with a time-obsessed writer like Virginia Woolf (although their methods are entirely dissimilar, and no comparison, is intended).  For time unrolls like a scroll here, and the emotions of a lifetime can be crowded into six hours spent 20,000 feet above the earth.  Time is fifty missions, too, and time halts until fifty missions are completed.  And time spent in the air above flak-dotted areas leaves scars that to be scars do not need to show upon the flesh.  This Mr. Falstein communicates, and since he communicates it honestly and well he is a writer to be taken seriously.

________________________________________

A Good Novel in Spite of Its Obscenities

“FACE OF A HERO,” by Louis Falstein.  [Harcourt, Brace.  $3.]

Reviewed by Victor P. Hass

Chicago Daily Tribune
August 20, 1950

It is real; it is worth reading.  But brace yourself; it is appallingly strong meat.

Anybody who has read almost any of the torrent of World War II combat novels knows that it was fought with men, weapons, and four letter words. Being a reviewer and having read dozens of those novels I had thought that I was pretty much insulated against foul language.  “Face of a Hero,” however, rocked me like a medium bomber dancing on flak.  Eighty per cent of this novel is made up of the dirtiest, filthiest, most shockingly foul language I have ever seen in print.  To me, it is incredible that it ever got into print in the first place and I am leagues from being a prude.

And yet I believe that Mr. Falstein’s novel belongs well up on the list of World War II novels because it is a rather amazing account of what it meant to be an enlisted man in the American air forces during World War II.  That it is authentic I do not doubt because Mr. Falstein experienced everything that the men in his story experienced.  That makes his novel an important contribution to the literature of the war.

***

But it doesn’t alter the fact that it is studded with dialog so obscene that I hesitate to recommend it to any save the hardiest of readers, while warning even them to keep it under cover if there are children around the house.

That, I think, is a pity because the story of how Ben Isaacs, who had to pull strings to get into combat with the 15th air force in Italy, and who somehow survived 50 missions (many of them over terrible Vienna) is a gripping one.  With Ben you watch the men of his crew crack up, become crazed with fear, conjure up a whole catalog of odd complexes, curse, careen drunkenly thru the streets of dirty Italian towns, sleep with a succession of girls, force down acrid coffee and lousy chow in bleak dawns, ride out storms of anti-aircraft fire over dozens of cities with curious names, hate, love, shoot the breeze in endless bull sessions in barracks, perform feats of bravery and still not think of themselves as heroes.

***

It is real; it is worth reading.  But brace yourself; it is appallingly strong meat.

________________________________________

A Bomber Crew in Italy
Sensational Novel of Fliers in Action
FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp.  $3

By ARCHER WINSTEN

New York Post
August 20, 1950

… such a marked flair for descriptive and dramatic writing
that the whole crew and indeed the entire air operation
achieve an earthy reality few novels have equaled.

**********

They drink heavily,
relax in sex debauchery or dreams thereof,
and gripe incessantly,
all exclusively,
at food,
officers,
groundlings,
civilians,
Italians,
and B-24s,
the weather,
the war and the world.
Either Mr. Falstein took notes when he was in the Air Corps,
or else he has an extraordinarily retentive memory.

**********

It is a personal document,
expanded by means of first-rate reporting to the proportions of a novel.

In default of firsthand knowledge of what it was like to be part of a bomber crew working out of Italy In 1944 “Face of a Hero” fills the gap with what seems to for intense autobiographical total recall.  Author Louis Falstein’s mouthpiece, Ben Isaacs, tells his story in the first person but with such a marked flair for descriptive and dramatic writing that the whole crew and indeed the entire air operation achieve an earthy reality few novels have equaled.

Sex and Fear

The romantic, daredevil boys of the wild blue yonder are conspicuously absent.  These are frightened, foul-mouthed individuals whose group loyalty becomes a tangible aid to heroism until death, or the breaking point, of the fifty mission goal is reached.

They drink heavily, relax in sex debauchery or dreams thereof, and gripe incessantly, all exclusively, at food, officers, groundlings, civilians, Italians, and B-24s, the weather, the war and the world.  Either Mr. Falstein took notes when he was in the Air Corps, or else he has an extraordinarily retentive memory.

The most complete characterization is that of the narrator, Ben Isaacs, a thirty five-year old ex-teacher’ from Chicago whose Jewish background had stimulated his desire for active participation in the war against Hitler.

After an engagement with Messerschmitts, firing his tail guns in anger, he thought, “It was amazing how again the simple proved to be the most direct.  The most eloquent rebuttal to brutality was brutality in return …  A man could express himself most fully only through killing …  The world was not for passive people …  Only those who fought back would remain alive, even if only in the consciousness of those who came after them.”

‘All Heroes’

But this novel does not deal with the flawless hero of romance.  Again and again Isaacs’ pure anger, his reason for fighting, is tarnished with basic, paralyzing fear.  The others, fighting without the support of the compelling psychology of the persecution-conscious Jew, are equally subject to fear.  Their inner states are not given the same exhaustive self-analysis, but their fates are all catalogued.  They are all heroes, within their separate and diverse capacities, and in very human terms.

The novel also supplies a clear small light allowing why white Americans lost their liberating popularity so rapidly In Italy and why the Negro soldiers retained theirs.  This brief but emotionally valid chapter could be expanded into a book of much needed indoctrination for Americans who fight in foreign lands as representatives of democracy.

In the last analysis “Face of a Hero” cannot be regarded as a major novel.  It is a personal document, expanded by means of first-rate reporting to the proportions of a novel.

In Its personal phase it has depth of feeling and thought.  In the broader, more superficial aspect of its reporting of the air war of the bombers its inevitable melodrama makes a very exciting experience for the reader.

It would be foolhardy to attempt an evaluation of Mr. Falstein’s future from his work, but there is no doubt that this time he has struck pay dirt in several senses of the the words, the sensational, the true, and the popular.

________________________________________

Saga of Warplane Crew

The Philadelphia Inquirer
August 20, 1950

… he reaches a new high in his descriptions of the actual bombing missions,
which are made so real that the reader seems to be flying along.

LOUIS FALSTEIN was an aerial gunner during World War Two and was awarded the Air Medal four times and the Purple Heart.  Now, in Fare of a Hero, with a natural writing skill and an unusual imagination, he has distilled his experiences and observations into one of the outstanding war novels.

Swift-paced, powerful and vividly realistic, Falstein’s initial effort in the field is the story of a group of fliers – principally the crew of one “fat-bellied Liberator” – in the 15th Air Force in Italy.

The men tire, they crack up, they are killed or commit suicide, until there are only a few of the original crew members remaining.  This was the war to the airmen, and Falstein reveals their emotions and feelings and reasoning a, completely as any novelist thus far.  Further, he reaches a new high in his descriptions of the actual bombing missions, which are made so real that the reader seems to be flying along.  (Harcourt, Brace & Co.  312 pp  $3.)   F.B.

________________________________________

Off the Target

Time
August 21, 1950

FACE OF A HERO (312 pp.) Louis FalsteinHarcourt, Brace ($3).

… Face of a Hero is less a novel than a first-person recital of discontent;
Ben’s buddies didn’t know what they were fighting for,
the B-24s weren’t fit to fly,
some of the officers were deadweights,
the G.I.s behaved crudely with Italian civilians,
the Red Cross girls dated officers only.

**********

… It would be hard to guess from Face of a Hero that the war was won,
that Hitler was rubbed out,
that millions of G.I.s knew very well, beneath their gripes, what the score was.

(This image of Time’s book review is from the Magazine Project.)

Face of a Hero is called by its publishers “one of the most powerful and truthful novels to come out of World War II”.  It is powerful only if a mixture of bitterness and resentment can be called power, and it is not so much a novel as one grouser’s-eye view of the war in the air.  The author is First Novelist Louis Falstein, a gunner who completed 50 missions, won the Air Medal and added a couple of clusters to it.   His hero and narrator is Gunner Ben Isaacs, a congenital soul searcher, as much at war with his neurotic self as with Nazi Germany.

When Ben’s B-24 crew arrived in Italy, he was 34, small, thin-fingered and a wearer of glasses.  He knew himself to be only a fifth-rate gunner, and because he was a Jew, he felt that the rest of the boys had never accepted him.  At 15, he had come from the Ukraine, where he had seen pogroms with his own eyes.  Ben had become a gunner because he hated Hitler and understood the necessity for defeating him.  He was nonetheless scared to death of combat – and honest enough to admit that, while it had been easy to hate fascism, “the difficulty had been in bridging the distance between belief and action.”  His self-knowledge was accurate.  Ben on his first mission was a praying, vomiting passenger.

Like millions of other civilians-turned-soldiers, Ben Isaacs became hardened to combat and began to pull his weight.  But his ingrown, slit-focus view of life kept him on sour emotional rations.  Face of a Hero is less a novel than a first-person recital of discontent; Ben’s buddies didn’t know what they were fighting for, the B-24s weren’t fit to fly, some of the officers were deadweights, the G.I.s behaved crudely with Italian civilians, the Red Cross girls dated officers only.

It seems fairly clear that not only Ben but Author Falstein, too, is out to handpick an ugly side of the war and call it the whole picture.  It would be hard to guess from Face of a Hero that the war was won, that Hitler was rubbed out, that millions of G.I.s knew very well, beneath their gripes, what the score was.

________________________________________

Books

Face of the Hero.  Louis Falstein.  Harcourt.  $3.

Joe Dever

The Commonweal
August 25, 1950

Ernest Hemingway excepted,
only an aerial combat man could write this story as it must be written –
out of the looseness of his bowels and the stutter of his teeth.
And only a writer with some kind of spiritual insight could hold it all together.

**********

… Because they were, most of them, undedicated, not knowing why they fought, not caring why,
Ben Isaacs knew their courage was exceedingly admirable.
Their courage had to feed on the vaguenes of drive-in theatres,
cokes and hamburgers and some wisp of a girl wearing their silver wings at the USO.

**********

… As Falstein puts it: “…a man does not weep like a child.
A man’s sobs are the sounds of anguish and despair.
They come to the surface with the difficulty of dry heaves.”

If Hell has a center it could be at the Laredo aerial gunnery school in mid-summer.  If Heaven is on earth at times, it could have been at Laredo when the gunners wore their wings and sauntered around the field in their jaunty green flying suits.

You too can be an aviation cadet, providing you do not wash out and go to gunnery school at Laredo, Texas; Tyndall Field, Florida; Kingman, Arizona; Las Vegas, Nevada.

In all these places you get to know incessant heat, the clack of skeet-shot, the chatter of thirties, the thunder of fifties, the relentless moan of the bombers approaching, circling or dwindling.

You too could fly, if you were not a camp reporter gathering news in the air-conditioned bowling alley at Laredo – seeing the gunners come and go, writing little releases which appeared in the Kansas City Star or the Charlestown News.

Sgt. Fred Cluney pinned on his bright new gunner’s wings today after graduation ceremonies at Laredo, Texas.  “This is the day I’ve been waiting for,” he declared, before joining an operational training unit in El Paso.

Sgt. Cluney, who hopes to slash at the Nazis from a ball turret, is the son of Mr. and Mrs. Charles Cluney of 1740 Bunker Hill St.  His brother Edward is a Petty Officer serving with the Navy, somewhere in the South Pacific.”

The day he was waiting for.  Yes, and if his aunt wore trousers, she would be his uncle.

Then at Lowry Field, later, where they pooled the returnee gunners, you took them to the Denver Press Club and helped them ease up with bourbon, gin, beer and all three mixed if necessary.  (Obscenity the Air Corps, obscenity all officers and all civilians, obscenity everything but us and those we like because of a smile, a drink, an embrace in the hallway.)

“You’re a writer.  For Christ’ sake write it all dawn.  Tell our story, tell the whole obscenity story.”

But you’d have to be a combat gunner to tell that story, to get behind the too-many missions and the too many medals.  To know the why of sobbing at midnight on the way back to the barracks – the tears and the profanity and the chambering – the vomiting at the Shirley-Savoy on Saturday night.

LOUIS FALSTEIN, an ex-combat gunner, has told this almost impossible story.  Impossible, became it is difficult to make fictionally credible the feelings and the actions of men who flew the B-24’s – those whooshy boxcars – and all combat airplanes over the guns of the enemy in broad daylight.  It is almost impossible to extract value and dedication out of men at whom the Nazi gunners have thrown everything but their chamber pots over incredible, nightmarish targets like Ploesti and Vienna.

Ernest Hemingway excepted, only an aerial combat man could write this story as it must be written – out of the looseness of his bowels and the stutter of his teeth.  And only a writer with some kind of spiritual insight could hold it all together.

Those of us who have thought about writing a gunner’s novel further recognize the complex technical problems.  Once you have done a vivid, powerful, comprehensive job on one aerial combat mission – say the first of 50 – what are you going to do with the other 49?

In Sergeant Ben Isaacs, the gentle, thirtyish American Jew with a steely dedication to the destruction of Fascism, we have Louis Falstein’s answer to the problem of the short story material that must be sustained in a novel of at least three hundred pages.

Through Ben’s eyes we see that the nightmare life of the heavy bombardment mission does not end with the screech of brakes after the flappy monsters have lumbered home empty to Italy, free of the Focke-Wulfs and the flak.  The story of Ben’s sustained dedication – which might so easily have become corny – amid the desolation of the barracks and the fear-ridden, lust-ridden, homesick, tippling, brawling gunners, provides the t-bone of the story.  The furious and too-familiar cinema of aerial combat is tossed salad.

Mr. Falstein writes with an artlessness which at first seems uninviting, as strangers in the middle of a conversation seem uninviting, until you’ve listened a while.

“It was still dark when all ten of us assembled near our ship in the dispersal area.  The Flying Foxhole was all shiny and silvery with a taut, unblemished aluminum skin.  Nevertheless I was struck by a change in her appearance.  It was not a tangible change.  The plane suddenly seemed angry, like a predatory bird.”

Falstein’s insight into the tortures, hopes and anxieties of the gunners is continually arresting.  There is unfailingly – the Whitmanesque compassion: “I am the man, I suffered, I was there.”

If you’ve been in the Air Force, you’ll know how genuine Falstein’s air-ground world is.  You’ll know it is all so genuine even if you’ve never left your mother’s lap.  The speech:

“…even the birds are walking.”
“…you’re obscenity well told!”
“…rough as a cob.”

All the sulphurous wit, the glib cynicism, the swaggering disguises of gangling boys who had to become supermen over Ploesti, Vienna, Regensburg, Berlin.  Because they were, most of them, undedicated, not knowing why they fought, not caring why, Ben Isaacs knew their courage was exceedingly admirable.  Their courage had to feed on the vaguenes of drive-in theatres, cokes and hamburgers and some wisp of a girl wearing their silver wings at the USO.

If my name were Brentano or Harcourt Brace, I would give away many copies of this book to the returnee gunners I knew in Laredo, Denver, Phoenix.  It would make them very happy to know that the whole monstrous business had been set down in a book – a book that explains why teen age gunner veterans beat up three waiters and sob in the darkness on the way up the barrack stairs.  As Falstein puts it: “…a man does not weep like a child.  A man’s sobs are the sounds of anguish and despair.  They come to the surface with the difficulty of dry heaves.”

You close the book reluctantly, gratefully wanting to say: “never, never again.” But a wind is rising in Korea and already somebody way up top may be squinting at reactivation plans for Laredo, Tyndall, Kingman, Las Vegas.

Tail gunner to pilot.  Over.  All over again.

JOE DEVER.

________________________________________

10 Men In Liberator Live Furious Life
FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace and Co.; $3.00.

Reviewed by W.G. ROGERS, the Associated Press.

The Jackson Sun
August 27, 1950

… These men live for us with a furious vitality;
where there is passion, it is grand passion,
whether in the awesome intimate sessions in which the flyers guess at the chances of survival,
in the blood-curdling moments when they battle to survive,
or in the quick rest periods when they take their wine and women
with a fierce and maybe final frenzy.
Passages like this, at which you laugh and weep,
are the finest World War II writing done so far by any American author.

Fifty missions … that’s the rugged prospect facing 10 men who fly a fat-bellied Liberator on bombing raids from their Italian base.

Ben Isaacs, who as a youngster had fled to America from persecution in Europe, tells this stirring story. Almost 39, Ben is “Pop” to his fellows Poat, Fidanza, Ginn, Dula, Trent, Pennington and the rest.  Oh, they’d be heroes, they joked while training; they’d show Hitler.  Hitler had something to show them.  On their first flight, they discovered flak, the soundless puffs that blossom blackly in the midst of the formation, jolting their “Flying Foxhole,” rattling a deadly rain along its shiny sides, punching a hole in the hydraulic system.  They’re scared.  One man is scared of his shadow, and it, too, is scared; they’re so scared they can’t work their fingers, they vomit their fear, one uses his gun on himself, one tries to jump out

They grow hardened, yet still later the awful fright returns as they drive off fighters or feel blindly through the clouds.  The regulation assignment of 50 missions always hangs over them; though one counts on his Bible, another on his caul, and others on their lucky pieces, luck fails them one by one.  Ben knows why he’s in it, but the others haven’t this consolation; as a native says, the Americans are “armed magnificently … but spiritually they are naked.”

There is, perhaps, some spiritual nakedness about the novel, too, but it is possessed of sterling virtues.  These men live for us with a furious vitality; where there is passion, it is grand passion, whether in the awesome intimate sessions in which the flyers guess at the chances of survival, in the blood-curdling moments when they battle to survive, or in the quick rest periods when they take their wine and women with a fierce and maybe final frenzy.  Passages like this, at which you laugh and weep, are the finest World War II writing done so far by any American author.

________________________________________

‘Hero’ Finds Triumph in Losing Fear

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace: $3.

Los Angeles Times
September 3, 1950

To Ben it was the youngsters in his barracks who were the real heroes
and “most of them fought on sheer guts,
with hardly any knowledge of the causes for the war.” …

**********

… It arrives fairly late in the succession of war novels,
but it is as powerful as the best,
for it gains in depth what it sacrifices in scope
and shows a portrait with the shadows and smudges and few highlights untouched.

Traditional heroes were always men of exceptional valor and fortitude, models of noble qualities, and often of divine descent.   In our own time, the hero has become the typical man caught in the clutch of circumstance, altogether human in stature, capacity and ability.

The “heroes,” for instance, in Louis Falstein’s remarkable novel are men “huddled together momentarily against the unknown … bound ever so precariously only by mutual fears.”  They make up the crew of a Liberator bomber stationed in Italy during the last half of 1944.  Their story is told by Ben Isaacs, tail gunner, all of 35 and therefore Pop and Old Man to the rest of the bomber crew.

Survival Is Goal

“Survival, 50 missions, was the goal – not the winning of the war,” for these men, observes the narrator, who adds, “Survival for its own sake was a corrupt thing, like living only for the sake of living.”  Ben’s case was somewhat different because he was a Jew, had endured persecution as a youth in Europe, and at least had a personal reason for fighting.  But he, too, shared then: fears and fatalism, panic and fatigue, despair and cynicism, degradation and loneliness in the constant presence of death.

To Ben it was the youngsters in his barracks who were the real heroes and “most of them fought on sheer guts, with hardly any knowledge of the causes for the war.”  Ben wondered what made them persevere.  Was it an innate courage?  “But courage was a flower that blossomed slowly.  One could learn and gather courage.  What was it, then?  Approval?  Was it possible for men to go out and die because others died and because their environment approved of and demanded such acts?”

Triumph Achieved

Ben’s own personal triumph and jubilation stem from a self-conquest over vacillation and cowardice, over the fear of death.  Realization only comes with the final mission and it comes with no sense of glory but simply of feeling that “it does not matter,” of becoming unafraid.

There are no spectacular men in this book, but they are all men seen at close range in their small, distorted, violent world of war, in barracks and airborne.  All the elements of fiction are there – suspense, action, incident, characters – but the narrative seems carved straight from experience itself.  It arrives fairly late in the succession of war novels, but it is as powerful as the best, for it gains in depth what it sacrifices in scope and shows a portrait with the shadows and smudges and few highlights untouched.

MILTON MERLIN

________________________________________

War in the Air
FACE OF A HERO. By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp. $3.

The Washington Post
September 3, 1950

… This book tells it all with a vivid feeling of “being-there-ness”
that this reviewer has rarely come upon before.

The narrator is the tall-gunner, who, like the rest of the crew, is just an ordinary Joe.
All of them want only to complete 50 bombing missions from their station at Eboli
(where Christ is said to have stopped) and then so back to the States.
As it happened, the first of the 50 was almost the last, too,
and in Mr. Falstein’s hypnotic telling the reader goes through hell with the crew.

Mr. Falstein has written one of the strongest, truest and finest novels of World War II. …

ANYONE who wants to know what war is like for an airman has merely to read this book.  It will tell him, as powerfully as the printed word can, what it felt like to be in a Liberator on a bombing mission, driven by duty but gripped by fear, elated when the bombs were away but seared to death when the flak began hitting, and limp with exhaustion when the plane came in on a wing and a prayer.  This book tells it all with a vivid feeling of “being-there-ness” that this reviewer has rarely come upon before.

The narrator is the tall-gunner, who, like the rest of the crew, is just an ordinary Joe.  All of them want only to complete 50 bombing missions from their station at Eboli (where Christ is said to have stopped) and then so back to the States.  As it happened, the first of the 50 was almost the last, too, and in Mr. Falstein’s hypnotic telling the reader goes through hell with the crew.

Mr. Falstein has written one of the strongest, truest and finest novels of World War II.  His prose style is less experimental than Norman Mailer’s and his picture of men in action not as all-encompassing; but it has an emotional focus and tautness that Mailer’s book lacked.

________________________________________

BRIEFLY NOTED
FICTION

FACE OF A HERO, by Louis Falstein

The New Yorker
September 16, 1950

… he feels himself to be an outsider but which tends to reflect his spirit rather than his anger.

(Harcourt, Brace).  A sincere account of the Second World War in Italy, written from the point of view of an American aerial gunner.  Though the gunner, Ben, speaks with authority and emotion, he spoils his effect by a persistent air of peevish dignity, which comes mostly from the fact that he feels himself to be an outsider but which tends to reflect his spirit rather than his anger.

________________________________________

FIFTY MISSIONS

FACE OF A HERO, by Leo Falstein (Harcourt, Brace; $3).

David Davidson
The New Republic
October 2, 1950

… another war is on him before he has been able to get his own off the presses.

**********

…In its directness,
in its skill at drawing the reader into sharing the combat experience of the characters,
it is as successful an account of the sky-slogging airman
as Van Van Praag’s Day without End was of the mud-caked foot soldier.

**********

… On a documentary level, however, it is one of the best-told tales of air combat in World War II.

THERE WERE TIMES when a writer could count on his war novel staying current for at least a dozen years.  Today, the war novelist who doesn’t want to become suddenly dated must bring out his War and Peace in a form something like an evening newspaper – with flashes, extras and replates.  Otherwise, as in the case of Leo Falstein’s warmhearted, honestly-told tale of the Italy-based Fifteenth Air Force, another war is on him before he has been able to get his own off the presses.

Where the New War plays a little hob with Face of a Hero is in Falstein’s pre-publication assumption that the dreadful sufferings of our flying men in World War II were to be made worthwhile by the peace, decency and brotherhood which were going to descend on mankind immediately after the last bomb bay was closed.  It has not worked out quite that way.

But as a kind of documentary of what life was like in a bombing plane, as a revelation of the day-to-day agonies of the men whom the infantry dismissed as the “fly-boys,”  Face of a Hero has a good deal still to tell us.  In its directness, in its skill at drawing the reader into sharing the combat experience of the characters, it is as successful an account of the sky-slogging airman as Van Van Praag’s Day without End was of the mud-caked foot soldier.

Centering his story on the 50 missions to be sweated out by a 35-year-old tail gunner before he can go home (which was the author’s own war experience), Falstein shows us that those crews of ten inside the fragile aluminum skins were anything but the Fancy Dans they might have looked like before or after their 50 missions.  They lived in desolate barracks in the midst of nowhere, with almost no contact with the native population except when they got drunk between missions, and were bound to show themselves at their worst.  They rose to fight in the dark hours when most other men, at their weakest, were deep in sleep.

The most fervid travelers of all times, they roamed the skies of a continent, hopping over three and four countries on a single journey, but they knew the capital cities only by the density of their flak.

Ploesti, whose oil refineries were all too well guarded, they called a graveyard.  And Vienna, with its 400 antiaircraft guns, evoked such frightful associations that they never mentioned its name if they could help it.  Their favorite cities were those where the flak fell well short of bombing altitude these were “the milk runs,” and loved dearly.

What they envied most about the infantryman, ironically, was his foxhole.  In the air, against flak, there was simply no place to hide as the monstrous black roses bloomed all about you.  Either you got through or you didn’t; it was completely out of your hands.  Against enemy fighting planes it was a little better: the gunners had something to answer with – but for the four officers of each crew it was the worst of all.  Pilot, co-pilot, bombardier and navigator went unarmed and had to sweat through each such engagement in agonized impotence.

As a novel, Fare of a Hero does not perhaps go as deep as it might into the character of people as people (though the author has a keen ear for the varied configurations of their speech).  On a documentary level, however, it is one of the best-told tales of air combat in World War II.

DAVID DAVIDSON

David Davidson is the author of “The Steeper Cliff” and “The Hour of Truth”; his new novel, “in Another Country,” will be published late in October.

________________________________________

The Army Stereotype Again

FACE OF A HERO.  By LOUIS FALSTEIN
HARCOURT, BRACE.  312 pp.  $3.00.

Reviewed by NATHAN HALPER

Commentary
March, 1951

In a book like Louis Falstein’s, the majority of the soldiers are merely historical pushovers.

ONE day, the first sergeant came out to watch us on the drill field.  Being green, we were mortally afraid of non-coms.  Especially top kicks.  This one was tall, bony, with leather face, bull frog voice, and a large wad of tobacco working like a nervous tic in the middle of his cheek.

When it came to doing push-ups, many of us fell on our face.  The sergeant stared at us with a succulent unbelief.  “Jeez!” he said, “What in hell is the matter with you young guys?  It’s no trouble.  I can do it.  And I was forty-three yesterday.”  Whereupon, all the men, two hundred and sixty men, sang, “Happy Birthday to You.”

Happy birthday, dear sergeant

Happy birthday to you.

This is something I remember every time I read a war book.  It’s a side of army life which our writers won’t discuss.

Writers did not like the army.  They knew they shouldn’t and they wouldn’t before they even entered it.  In a sense, their books were written before they ever were experienced.  The time spent in the service only added local color.

Their ideas of what would happen, though they were far from being accurate, did contain a core of truth.  The army had a lot of evils.  The writer put them in his book.  But, because of his preconceptions, the writer also managed to see many ills that were not there.  He put these in his novel too.  Nor was he at all restricted to thing which he though he had seen.  Any rumor or surmise, just as long as it was hostile, had in it the ring of fact.  It went into his novel too.  If, after all this, he still had a memory of something that was pleasant, he knew it was proper to delete it.

Of a thousand meals a year, surely one or two were edible.  Of a thousand mess halls, surely one or two were adequate.  But, since it is dogma that the army food was bad, no soldier in a war book ever is allowed to get a single decent cup of coffee.

Give the author a kleptomaniac, a dope head, or a rapist.  Or give him a poor fellow who murdered the children in Dusseldorf.  He will drench them with compassion.  He will show they’re not to blame.  They are products of heredity, of environment, of these awful times we live in.  Give the writer a lieutenant.  He will show you and obscenity without the ghost of a redeeming trait.

The GIs, on the other hand, are the writer’s fellow victims.  As such, they get his sympathy.  But they also are a part of the writer’s army experience.  As such he views them with distaste.  They’re the people; little people.  In a way, they are fine.  Certainly, as opposed to the officers.  At the same time, he himself as a sensitive, intellectual, and idealistic liberal.  And, compared to that, they have such narrow minds, small perspectives, mean horizons.

Put him in the heart of China.  He’ll respect their local customs.  Give him a tribe of Solomon Islanders.  He will try to feel at home.

Give him sailors, loggers, riveters, give him a couple of truck drivers, a few Cape Cod fishermen.  He will turn a double cart wheel because they are so Rabelaisian.  However, once these men put on an army uniform, their swearing, drinking, wenching suddenly become the marks of a tawdry poverty of spirit.

In his scenes of combat, he will show you farmers falling while the tanks lunge through the furrows.  He will show you the civilians while the bombs fall over London.  He will show you refugees caught between two hostile armies.  Fire, blood, famine, fever, nothing has the strength to faze them.  The people are indestructible.

Put these people in the army.  They immediately lose their fiber.  In a book like Louis Falstein’s, the majority of the soldiers are merely historical pushovers.

In his novel, he describes life in a bomber.  Ben Isaacs, the narrator, is a fellow like the author.  The members of the crew are the traditional samples of heterogenous men coming from every section of the country.  It begins with their first mission.  It ends with Sergeant Isaacs after he completes his fiftieth.  In between, his colleagues suffer a wide assortment of disasters, both physical and psychological.

The life in a heavy bomber was not any kind of joy ride.  Over proves it.  He has one man blow his brains out.  A second uses his parachute before he even reaches the target.  A third one gets obsessive guilt.  Something striking happens to every character.

I am sure that happened somewhere.  He puts them in a single plane.  It is like the Grand Guignol.  Once you get the idea, you sit and wait for Lot’s curse to strike the next one.

It’s the same, same old book.  This is strange for the writer, Louis Falstein, isn’t at all the usual writer.

He has neither guilt nor guile.  He is gentle and judicious.  The sort of a scholarly fellow who engages in meditation as he fingers his machine gun while they zoom above Ploesti.

But, instead of writing a book that he might have written, he has taken as his model the cliches of his predecessors.  We still get a sense of a fair and thoughtful man.  But this merely serves to add a rather incongruous touch to the immoderate proceedings.

Though he follows the precedent of using the Jewish soldier a his chief victim spokesman, one stereotype which Falstein forgoes is that of using anti-Semitism as the chief symbol and vehicle for the GI’s resentment at his fate.  He does not close his eyes to it.  But when he shows its presence, he does so without that querulous hypersensitivity which we find in so many war books.  For this we can be grateful.

________________________________________

Inventing the War Novel
In 1948, five novels about World War II dominated the best-seller lists.  They were all written by Jews.

It surely signified something about the progress that American Jews had made that,
when Heller wanted to make his hero an outsider, casting him as a Jew no longer worked.
So he turned him into an Assyrian, or Armenian, or something.
Only many years later did Heller admit that,
whatever his official ethnicity,
Yossarian was really “very Jewish.”

Margolick, David
Wall Street Journal (Online)
December 24, 2015

At the outset of this scholarly and provocative book, Leah Garrett points out a couple of remarkable facts.  First, the five books about World War II that dominated the New York Times’s best-seller list in 1948, including Norman Mailer’s “The Naked and the Dead” and Irwin Shaw’s “The Young Lions,” were all written by Jews and had Jewish soldiers as protagonists.  Second, four of the best-selling war novels from that year set in the European theater, again all written by Jews, culminated in the liberation of Dachau.

In perhaps the last era when novels were the primary form of civic instruction, books like Mailer’s and Shaw’s-as well as novels soon to come like Herman Wouk’s “The Caine Mutiny,” Leon Uris’s “Battle Cry” and Joseph Heller’s “Catch-22”-”created the template through which Americans saw World War II,” Ms. Garrett writes.  All featured Jewish perspectives and Jewish (or Jewish-style) characters and, more than the works in any other medium, brought the catastrophe that had befallen European Jews into the American consciousness.

The war, and the literature it spawned, and the Jewish soldiers depicted in it, helped Jews enter the American mainstream.  It also helped Jews overcome enduring wartime stereotypes as shirkers and weaklings, connivers and cowards.

The enormous audiences that these novels enjoyed-”The Caine Mutiny” sold more books than any novel had since “Gone With the Wind” – meant, Ms. Garrett argues, that Jews “became the popular literary representatives of what it meant to be a soldier.”  Even widely read war novels by non-Jewish writers, like James Jones’s “From Here to Eternity,” featured sympathetic Jewish soldiers.  In John Home Burns’s “The Gallery,” a Jewish Gl is practically the only likable soldier around.

Of the 16 million Americans who served in World War II, 500,000 were Jews.  Jews (my father among them) volunteered in greater proportions than the general population, and 11,000 of them were killed.  Their rate of service was three times that of Jews during World War I, and not surprisingly: Many in that earlier era had been newly arrived immigrants hardly eager to return to the benighted, blood-soaked continent from which they had only recently fled.  Their roles in the literary depictions that followed the two wars varied correspondingly.

The authors of some of the most critically acclaimed American novels of World War I weren’t Jewish and, as their writings make amply clear, didn’t much like Jews either.  In “Three Soldiers,” for instance, John Dos Passos describes Eisenstein as a “little man of thirty with an ash-colored face and a shiny Jewish nose,” whom his fellow soldiers dismiss as a “kike” and a kvetch.  In E.E. Cummings’s “The Enormous Room,” a Jewish soldier is known as “The Fighting Sheeney.”  Americans forever braying about their exceptionalism should compare these calumnies with Rosenthal, the deeply sympathetic Jewish soldier in “Grand Illusion,” the classic French film of the Great War.

But by the time the world went to war a second time, the composition of the armed forces had changed, and so too did the writing that ensued.  More Americanized American Jews, most of them second-generation, participated eagerly in World War II, both to help their country and to save the Jews of Europe.  (Mailer had an additional incentive.  He believed that war, especially in the more dangerous Pacific Theater, would help him write the Great American Novel.)

The bumper crop of novels during and shortly after 1948 also offers a highly disconcerting portrait of the United States and the American military.  Jewish soldiers faced prejudice, as did their families.  In Ira Wolfert’s “An Act of Love,” a bereft Italian-American mother hysterically boards the train carrying her son off to war, but the hero’s Jewish mother, fearing embarrassment in front of the Gentiles, betrays no emotion at all.  Jews, Wolfert explained, “felt they didn’t have the right to behave like people.”  To Wolfert’s hero, bigoted country-club Americans “were stronger enemies of his than the Japanese ever could be.”

Ms. Garrett, a professor of Jewish life and culture at Monash University in Australia, writes that Shaw’s “The Young Lions” “is as much an exposition of anti-Semitism in Europe and America as it is a portrait of war.”  In basic training its hero, Noah Ackerman, is called “Jew-boy,” “Christ killer” and “herring eater”; he is repeatedly beaten; and he is told that the Jews are why everyone’s fighting in the first place.  In Miller’s “That Winter,” an enlisted man tells Lew Cole (ne “Colinsky”) that the Germans “had some pretty good ideas” about the Jew.  No wonder Jewish characters in several of these novels undertake suicide missions; they’re desperate to prove, once and for all, that they’re not wimps.

These characters are almost uniformly sympathetic-sensitive but tough, courageous but intelligent.  Still, judging from their almost-apologetic feelings about their background, plenty of the Christians around them remain unconvinced.  Self-hatred suffuses their souls.  They are invariably ignorant of their faith and eager to escape it, often by changing their names or finding themselves good Christian (even anti-Semitic) wives.  Only Jew-hatred makes them Jews.

That may be why the Holocaust, as yet unnamed and barely understood, figures so prominently in these books: It infused new meaning into Jewishness for some Jews.  The choice to write about it was as much reportorial as literary: Because the American press had largely ignored the slaughter-as had American movies and, newly arrived on the scene, American television-the wartime novelists, Ms. Garrett argues, felt bound to describe it.  (Of the four writing about Dachau, only Gellhorn had actually been there; J.D. Salinger, who helped liberate a camp near Buchenwald, did not write about it.)  Probably not all this was quite as high-minded as she suggests.  To a degree, these novels were precursors of cynical ahistorical films like “Inglourious Basterds,” which exploit the carnage for cheap thrills.  Dead Jews can make great props.

What Jewish soldiers did, and what Jewish novelists later wrote, surely helped protect American Jews during the 1950s, when the prominence of Jews in the Rosenberg case and the Hollywood witch hunts could easily have produced a wave of demagoguery.  But Mr. Wouk and Uris, whose more “middlebrow” books appeared in the early 1950s, took no chances.  They rejected the skepticism and individuality of Mailer and Shaw-and their criticism of the military – in favor of conformity, loyalty, gratitude, obedience.  Suddenly, Jewish characters were not only full-fledged patriots but were lecturing everyone else about patriotism.

All this is embodied in Lt. Barney Greenwald, the savvy military lawyer who gets the mutineers on the Caine-the ones who seized command from the meshugah Capt. Queeg-off the hook.  Greenwald, too, has the Holocaust on his mind: Were it not for all the Queegs, crazy or otherwise, in the U.S. military, he insists, his own Jewish mother would have become soap.  Or, as he puts it, for all their flaws Queeg and his ilk “stopped Hermann Goering from washing his fat behind with my mother.”  Unsurprisingly, that bit was omitted from the movie.  Also unsurprisingly, Mailer-precisely the kind of critical smart-ass soldier that Mr. Wouk was targeting-disagreed.  “The Caine Mutiny,” he wrote to an Army buddy, was “about the best slick novel I ever read until I got to the last fifty pages which were pretty god-awful.”  Jews, after all, hadn’t done so well with people “just following orders.”

Just in time for the 1960s, the pendulum between skepticism and reverence swung back, with “Catch-22.”  It surely signified something about the progress that American Jews had made that, when Heller wanted to make his hero an outsider, casting him as a Jew no longer worked.  So he turned him into an Assyrian, or Armenian, or something.  Only many years later did Heller admit that, whatever his official ethnicity, Yossarian was really “very Jewish.”

Ms. Garrett’s book can be repetitious, but in academic books of this kind you’re almost grateful for that: You can be sure you’ve understood the more opaque passages.  While phrases like “mediated novelistic discourse” pop up, and “privilege” becomes a verb, such jargon is mercifully scarce.  Ms. Garrett is clear and clear-eyed.  But I do have one quibble.

We Jews aren’t entirely consistent about who’s actually Jewish.  When it involves scandal or crime, we’re highly restrictive-e.g., David Berkowitz (“Son of Sam”) was adopted-but when shepping naches (celebrating accomplishments) our definition becomes far more encompassing than either Jewish law or Israel’s Law of Return.  Still, Martha Gellhorn was barely Jewish, and Merle Miller not Jewish at all.  Meantime, Ms. Garrett relegates such forgotten World War II novelists as Gilbert Wolf Gabriel, Martin Dibner, Alan Marcus, Murray Gitlin, Louis Falstein, Mortimer Kadish, Joseph Landon, Sam Ross, Saul Levitt and Irving Schwartz to one intriguing footnote.  Maybe their books aren’t any good.  But they’d probably have been more representative and maybe even more revealing.

Mr. Margolick is a contributing editor at Vanity Fair.

Some Things to Refer to…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – VI: The Art of The Novel

After many words, it’s time for some pictures!  

And so, here are images of the covers of the successive editions of Face of a Hero

First, here’s the exterior art of the Harcourt, Brace and Company’s 1950 first edition of the novel.  This illustration by Ben Shan shows a man’s face, above which is superimposed an image of a group of B-24s under attack by enemy fighters.  The painting is finished in shades of red – bright red to black-red – while for the airplanes, and the circle superimposed on the figure’s right eye, the only other color is no-color-at-all: white.  It seems that rather than create a literal rendering of a B-24 in flight, or, an aircrew standing before their plane, Shahn has taken the novel’s title quite literally, and simply shown a man’s “face”, the group of airplanes almost being an afterthought.  

The title page is straightforward in presenting the book’s title and publisher, but it maintains a theme of military aviation through the sketch of an airman’s helmet, goggles, and oxygen mask.  Oddly, for a novel set relatively late in the Second World War (1944 through early 1945) the sketch shows an A-8 oxygen mask, dating from 1940.  The name of this little sketch’s artist isn’t listed.

Here’s a close-up of the sketch…

…which is embossed on the front cover in red.  

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Pocket Books’ 1951 paperback edition of Face of a Hero is very, very different, and not just in size and binding!  Al Schmidt’s cover art is very literal to the novel, featuring a clench-jawed aerial gunner pressing the firing handles of his twin fifty-caliber machine-guns, as a flaming German fighter plane – visible through his turret’s broken plexiglass – dives to earth.  Well, the painting certainly catches your attention and unambiguously communicates the nature of the story.  But, there’s a problem here:  Being that our determined gunner has neglected to actually don either his oxygen mask, and assuming that his plane is at typical B-24 bombing altitude (certainly above 15,000 feet), he’d have a hard time staying conscious.  (Oops.)

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The Popular Library (US, New York), and Panther (UK) paperback editions of Face of a Hero (British title The Sky is a Lonely Place), both published in 1959, approach the novel’s cover illustration in a manner utterly different than by Shan and Schmidt.  Both cover paintings are mild variations on a theme of Good Girl Art, albeit much more so for the Popular Library than the Panther edition.  The latter is a bit more sedate, in 1960s drugstore-spinning-metal-book-rack-romance-novel kind of way.  But, I guess this would’ve helped sales!

The reader unaware of the true nature of Face of a Hero would be surprised (and disappointed?) to discover that there’s no romance in the novel, and whatever eroticism is present (if one can charitably deem it eroticism in the first place!) is intentionally characterized as fleeting, perfunctory, and coarse.  At best.  

Popular Library edition, cover art by Raymond Johnson

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Panther edition, artist unknown

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Steerforth Press’s 1999 publication of Face of a Hero, the impetus for which arose from Lou Pollock’s 1998 letter to the London Sunday Times concerning the ostensible parallels between Falstein’s novel and Catch-22, bears a cover design that is simple and completely realistic:  Instead of image symbolizing the story, or, a realistic and detailed depiction of a B-24 Liberator in combat, we have a instead a portrait of Louis Falstein in flying gear with a B-24 as a backdrop, as shown in this post.  Smartly, the publisher added indirect praise for Falstein’s novel by mentioning Catch-22 on the cover.  

As an homage to or inspired by the book’s 1950 Harcourt, Brace and Company edition, the publisher included an element from that edition’s title page: An aviator helmet with goggles.  

It would be interesting to consider the design and art of a future edition of Face of a Hero, but as of 2022 – and a world where collective knowledge of the Second World War is inexorably sliding beyond the horizon of memory – I think that eventuality is nil.  C’est la vie.   

Just Three References…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Pocket Books, Inc., New York, N.Y., 1951

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – V: Excerpts From the Novel – Jewish Aviators at War

“You have excellent weapons! 
Imagine a Jew given an opportunity to fight from an airplane!” …

… “You envy me my weapons and I envy you your hatred which is pure and fiery.”

__________

“…I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need,
when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me.”

Sergeant Ben Isaacs, Face of a Hero

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Here’s an excellent depiction of a 450th Bomb Group B-24 Liberator, showing the markings carried by the Group’s aircraft in the closing months of the war.  The image displayed here, the “box art” of Hobby Boss’ 1/32 B-24J plastic model, shows aircraft 44-40927, “MyAkin?” of the 722nd Bomb Squadron, identified as such by the two-digit plane-in-squadron number, “51”, on the rudder.  The panting immediately reveals why Louis Falstein dubbed Sergeant Ben Isaacs’ imaginary Bombardment Group the “Tigertails”:  Note the vertical yellow and black stripes on the fin and rudder, and similarly colored horizontal stabilizers and elevators.

Nose art of the real MyAkin?, from the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association.

The real MyAkin? was flown by the crews of Jack G. Kath and James L. McLain, the latter’s crew including navigator Lieutenant David Fanshel.  Dr. Fanshel wrote an absolutely superb memoir of his experiences as a combat aviator in the European (Mediterranean, really) Theater of War, which – as the only Jewish member of his crew – can be viewed as the non-fiction counterpart to Face of a Hero, though obviously from an officer’s vantage point.  His substantive, deep, and thoughtful book – Navigating The Course: A Man’s Place in His Time  – is still available through Mz.Bezos.Store.  Not a plug: Truly a great book.

Lt. David Fanshel in 1944 or 1945, from his biography page at the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association.

You can gain a glimpse of Dr. Fanshel’s superb writing via his essay, “In the Vortex of History“, at the Cottontails website.  He passed away in 2013.  Here’s an excerpt, which has remarkable resonance with what Louis Falstein penned decades earlier.  I’ve italicized the most telling passages:

When I come to understand my father’s letter it shakes me up.  In the mixture of his improvised Yiddish-English writing, he is able to convey an intense anguish.  He specifically addresses my status as an active participant in the air war against Germany and defines my purpose in being in Italy.  Not having the foggiest notion of my duties as a B-24 navigator on combat missions, he nevertheless wants me to do everything I can to wreak havoc on the enemy.  He wants me to kill all the Germans I can.  Personally!  It is as if he imagines me somehow throwing our 500-pound bombs from our plane.

***

I have not mentioned my father’s letter to any members of my crew.  I reason that we are all honorable and have our own individual motives for flying combat missions in Italy.  I do not feel comfortable in seeking to define for my crewmates the nature of their motivations for risking their lives.  For some men of the 450th Bomb Group it is a macho thing: “It is manly to engage in combat and fight for one’s country.  Combat is not for sissies.”  …  “The guys at school signed up and so did I.”  For many others, enlisting in the military is an expression of patriotism: “My country was at risk, and as a good citizen I had to participate in its defense.”  Some men present a more self-serving stance:  “I was going to be drafted anyway so I chose air combat because something about it was more preferable to fighting in the infantry.  It seemed to offer a cleaner life.”

Hyman’s letter is disturbing to me in ways I do not fully fathom.  I sense that a paradox is operating within my psyche.  Here I am in Italy participating in the death and destruction associated with the Allied bombings taking place over German-occupied Europe.  Dozens of flying comrades in the 450th have been killed in the course of a few weeks after our arrival as a replacement crew.  And having seen Colonel Snaith’s plane receive a direct hit with the apparent loss of all aboard, I ask myself: Why should the news of the death of two children I have never met create such an intense emotional reaction?  [Here, David Fanshel is referring to the loss of the 721st Bomb Squadron B-24H Liberator flown by Lt. Col. William C. Snaith over Rumania on July 15, 1944.  The only one survivor of the eleven airmen aboard this aircraft, “Strange Cargo“, serial number 42-51153, the loss of which is covered in MACR 6995, was Lt. Col. Snaith himself, then the Operations Officer of the Cottontails.]  

For days after receiving my father’s letter I have weird dreams about direct encounters with him.  Like Hebrew prophets of biblical times he shouts his cry of despair in the language he normally uses with me.  In Yiddish, the words enter my inner being in more penetrating fashion than if delivered in his broken English.  “Meer muz harginin de Deitcher.  Zeyzennen merderers fun kinder.  Zoizey farbrendt verren in gehenen!”

Self-conscious and unsure of myself, I do not think I can successfully convey to my crewmates an understanding of the hodge-podge of circumstances, foreign to their experience, that are background to what has taken place in our family.  They are more securely rooted in the native soil of our country than I am.  In this context, I recognize that the men I am fighting with are not in Italy to save the Jews of Europe.  I do not see this as an expression of anti-Semitism but rather as a reflection of the irrelevance of the subject in their lives.

[Lt. David Fanshel (far right) and his fellow officers stand for a snapshot at Manduria.  Left to right: Michael J. Heryla – Bombardier, Jim Dunwoody – Co-Pilot, Jim McLain – Pilot.  Image from David Fanshel’s biography page at the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association.]

For all my fitting in with my crewmates – we really do get along with one another quite well – there seems to be a lack of self-confidence that I can convey the history of the Fanshels in a comprehensible form.  I sense that the exotic nature of the events experienced by my family would have an aura for them of life taking place on another planet: A family wandering in Europe for a year after the Russian Revolution; a young female child dying on the boat coming across the Atlantic; a brother confined for deportation on Ellis Island and whisked out of a window by the bribery of a guard; an aunt left in Russia whose two children are murdered by the fascists; and Hyman as the conveyor of this information.

My complicated relationship with my father reverberates within me as I go through the war experience.  In my ruminations about my family, Hyman clearly gets defined as the bad guy.  And yet I feel there is more to our relationship than my earlier rejection of his letter would indicate and something within me argues for his receiving a better hearing.  I realize that I do not understand his thinking very well.  I sense that in his growing up in Russia he was exposed to the kind of pain we Fanshel children were spared in America.

____________________

Akin to the experiences of Lieutenant David Fanshel, an unarguably central – but hardly the only – theme of Face of A Hero revolves around Ben Isaacs’ identity as a Jew.  So…  Segueing from Fanshel’s “real-life” reflections and thoughts to those of fictional Sergeant Ben Isaacs, I’d first like to offer a brief “preface” by way of the evocative, short poem “Then Satan Said,” by Natan Alterman.  

Namely:

“How will I overcome
this one who is under siege?
He possesses bravery, ingenuity,
weapons of war and resourcefulness.”

And he said: “I’ll not sap his strength,
Nor fill his heart with cowardice,
nor overwhelm him with discouragement
As in days gone by.
I will only do this:
I will cast a shadow of dullness over his mind
until he forgets that justice is with him.”

__________

This is what the Satan said and it was as if
the heavens trembled in fear
as they saw him rise
to execute his plan.

____________________

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Nathan Alterman, from ynetespanol.

Alterman’s poem remains true, as discussed by Daniel Gordis and Zeev Maghen at Israel from the Inside.  

And true, it seems, it shall remain, even in Israel; even in the year 2022.

Now, back to Face of A Hero…

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Sgt. Isaac’s identity as a Jew is manifested in terms of his interactions with his crew members, particularly nose gunner Mel Ginn and flight engineer Jack Dula.  There’s a startling character transformation (spoiler alert! – spoiler alert!) in the the latter, who in the novel’s early pages certainly seems to be explicitly and intentionally antisemitic,butt the story’s end has undergone a marked character change, openly expresses entirely sincere concern about Ben’s well being and survival.

A different interaction has an outcome – specifically, a moral and psychological outcome – for which there may be no solution.  This occurs through Ben’s encounter with a strangely anonymous crew chief – also a Jew – who poses to Ben a question concerning the implications of flying combat missions over Germany with an “H” (for “Hebrew”) embossed on his dog-tags, which symbol in the eventuality of capture would immediately identify Ben to his Axis (German) captors as a Jew.  The crew chief’s encounter with Ben leaves him particularly agitated, for it forces him to confront a possibility that he previously seems to have ignored or calculatedly avoided: The implication of being a Jewish prisoner of war in German captivity.  (Well, that’s something I’ve touched upon in numerous prior posts.)

However, paralleling and going far beyond the above two encounters, Ben’s meeting with a group of Jewish refugees is the longest (paragraph wise!), most meaningful, and most emotionally fraught part of Falstein’s novel, at least in terms of the implications of his being a Jew in military service.  Obviously based on and extensively elaborated from his real-life encounter (which actually seems to have been very brief!) with Jewish refugees in Italy, as reported in The New Republic in 1945, these passages allow Ben (or, is it Lou Falstein?) to give free expression to his thoughts and beliefs about Jewish identity, and – in the context of the late 1940s – then-contemporary Jewish history. 

This primarily emanates from a discussion of the respect and awe with which the refugees hold Ben upon learning that he’s a flier (they incorrectly assume he’s a bombardier, when he’s really an aerial gunner), and, the sense of defiance and pride voiced by a Mr. Weiss, a shoemaker who participated in the Warsaw Ghetto Revolt.  The passage is interspersed with Ben’s own thoughts, which are characterized by an empathy for the refugees that is simultaneously mellowed and rendered uncertain by his realization of the sheer distance – not just geographic, but historical; not just historical, but social; not just social, but psychological – between the experiences of Jews of the United States, and, those of Eastern Europe.  Specifically, “The victims were the same and so were the sighs.  I recognized them and knew them and walked hand in hand with their sorrow.  But beyond that, I was a man apart from their world; a “free” Jew, as one of them called me; a stranger from America, the fabulous, safe land where no bombs fell and Jews lived without fear of being massacred, and people ate white bread and meat and slept in peace at night.  Were it not for the fact at I was a “bombardier” they would have resented my intrusion.”

Despite all the warmth of the encounter, it does not have an entirely positive outcome.  Ben is deeply upset.  He goes through a reverie of flashbacks, recalling his youth in the Ukraine, the travails of his family during the Russian Civil War, his grandmother’s suffering and eventual death – in 1920 – after witnessing the terrible suffering of the Jews of the former Pale of Settlement, his own escape from the Ukraine into Bessarabia, and his eventual departure from Europe.  

“Stepping back”, it’s difficult to tell here where Lou Falstein ends and Ben Isaacs begins, for I believe that the author imparted knowledge about the Shoah (that was probably available only at the war’s end) into a late-1944, pre-war’s-end scenario.  So, while the writing is compelling, in a purely literary sense – in terms of the novel’s flow and sensibility – the feeling is forced and out-of-place.  It would’ve made far more sense to set these paragraphs within Ben Isaacs’ postwar, post-retirement reveries about his military service, from the vantage of the 1990s or early 2000s.

Then again, in 1950, for an author to project himself decades forward in time – and then look back – would’ve required a degree of prescience and imagination that would have resulted in a novel immeasurably different from Face of a Hero

Still, I particularly note the following two sentences, “I wanted to dwell on the story my friend had told me before we parted late in the afternoon.  Out of that story of the Uprising I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need, when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me.” 

And within those lines, Ben Isaacs – or was it Louis Falstein? – or was it both? – one can see an anticipation of the thoughts expressed by Nathan Alterman in Alterman’s poem “Then Satan Said”.

So, some excerpts from the novel…

________________________________________

Ben’s perception of himself as an American, then as a Jew, and then as an American Jew, serving in combat against Germany…

Like a young person who rejects thoughts of death,
I tried not to speculate on what would happen to me if I were shot down over Germany.

But for some reason which I could not explain to myself,
being executed as a spy did not hold as much terror for me as being put to death as a Jew.

The Jewish crew chief, whose ship Violent Virgin we were flying on the mission to Munich, whispered to me as I was taking the last nervous puffs on a cigarette before takeoff, “If I was you, Isaacs,” he said, “I wouldn’t take along your dog tags to Germany.  If the Nazis bring you down and see that H for Hebrew on them tags, it’ll be tough on you.”

“That’s nonsense,” I said, taking offense quickly, although momentarily I was grateful for his solicitude.  “There’s the Geneva Convention setting down behavior toward prisoners of war.”  Then I proceeded to explain to him that according to this convention, signed in Geneva by the present belligerents, a prisoner of war was required to give only his name rank, and serial number.  And no more.  The Germans, we understood, had ways of coaxing information by intimidation, ruse, threats, and physical violence.  They threatened to inject recalcitrants with syphilis and other diseases; they put men in solitary confinement, and on occasion they killed “while the prisoner was trying to escape.”  I never dwelled on these matters or I could not go on flying.  Like a young person who rejects thoughts of death, I tried not to speculate on what would happen to me if I were shot down over Germany.

“But you’re a Jew,” the crew chief said significantly.

“That hasn’t a thing to do with it,” I said, resenting his reminder.  “I’m an American.”  I suddenly disliked this chubby, inoffensive man for adding fuel to my already considerable fears, for spreading rumors for which he had no proof, and for displaying a persecution complex which always surprised me when I found it among American-born Jews.

I dismissed his warning and thought no more about it until we started crossing the Alps into Germany proper.  Suddenly I took off my identification tags, without any thought or reason, and dropped them in one of the dark crevices on the turret floor where nobody would find them.  My action was completely irrational, influenced no little by the terrifying mountain peaks that rose to a height of sixteen thousand feet.  The Alps looked like a monstrous forest of jagged rocks jabbing up at us, as if they were the first harbinger of what was to follow once we entered the enemy land.

Aside from the dog tags I had no other identification with me, and according to the same Geneva Convention which I had quoted to the ground man earlier that morning, my captors were entitled to execute me as a spy.  But for some reason which I could not explain to myself, being executed as a spy did not hold as much terror for me as being put to death as a Jew.  I hadn’t the slightest idea what they did to captured American soldiers of Jewish extraction.  I started cursing the crew chief who was safe, back in Italy.  I ground the metal dog tags with my fleece-lined boot, mumbling crazily to myself: So the Nazis will inject syphilis in my veins.  They’ll kill me.  They’ve killed six million Jews already; this will make it six million and one.  The point is: one must act with dignity.  Remember: in the face of threats or intimidations you tell them only name, rank, serial number; name, rank, serial number; name, rank, serial number…  (pp. 54-55)

***

Ben’s encounter with Jewish refugees in Italy…

Twenty-five years! 
And nothing had changed. 
The victims were the same and so were the sighs. 
I recognized them and knew them and walked hand in hand with their sorrow. 
But beyond that, I was a man apart from their world;
a “free” Jew,
as one of them called me; a stranger from America,
the fabulous, safe land where no bombs fell and Jews lived without fear of being massacred,
and people ate white bread and meat and slept in peace at night. 
Were it not for the fact at I was a “bombardier” they would have resented my intrusion.

“You have excellent weapons! 
Imagine a Jew given an opportunity to fight from an airplane!” 

You envy me my weapons and I envy you your hatred which is pure and fiery. 

On the way to the camp along the rocky coast of the Adriatic while the jeep was churning our breakfasts inside of us, I almost told the driver to turn back and forget about this mission.  But something drew me irresistably to these people.

We came upon the camp suddenly.  There weren’t any wires or compound.  The camp headquarters, workshops, and synagogue were all located in a large villa overlooking the sea.  Almost two hundred Jewish refugees, escapees from Germany, Austria, Yugoslavia, concentration camps, and the Warsaw ghetto, worked in or about the crumbling old villa.  The general manager of the camp, a Mr. Weiss, introduced himself to me in a soft Yiddish.  He had been a shoe manufacturer in Belgrade.  For some inexplicable reason he wore a mustache which had a painful resemblance to Hitler’s.  He marched me into the hall holding my arm and telling me proudly how their workshops were all busy and producing.  “Would you believe it,” he exclaimed, “our co-operative here is self-sufficient?  Yes, absolutely self-sufficient!  We take your American and British discarded articles, like clothing, shoes, wires – but only discarded – and create new clothes and shoes and bedsprings and toys.  We depend on no one.”  He kept squeezing my arm, emphasizing the self-sufficiency of the camp as if that was of paramount importance.  “All those who can work are busy.  But we have many old people who cannot work any longer.  Most of our young people have been slaughtered by him.  Oh, what great woes he has caused us!”  The word Hitler was not mentioned; Hitler was referred to as he or him.

Mr. Weiss let go of my arm and summoned the few old people who were wandering about aimlessly in the hall and corridors of the villa.  “Follow me,” he said eagerly.  “We are honored today.  An American Jew has come to see how his brothers live.”  The old people stirred.  They followed Mr. Weiss into the hall reluctantly.  Curiosity had been wrung out of them, as was the zest for living, I thought, watching them move slowly in response to the manager’s summons.  At that moment I was sorry I had come; I felt like an intruder; I felt looked upon as an intruder from another world that did not know the smell of crematoria and the yellow Star of David.  And if they resented me I did not blame them.  They were the survivors of the six million slaughtered Jews, not we American Jews.

Mr. Weiss said something about “the guest,” referring to me, and a few of the old people began to show some curiosity.  They formed a circle, touching me, fingering my gunner’s silver wings and my chevrons; all this performed in grim silence.  Finally an old man with little goatee murmured, “A Jew …  A free Jew, yes?”  He whispered the words, weighing them on his tongue as if the sound of them was the proof of his surmise.

“He’s a flyer,” said Mr. Weiss proudly, “and he’s been bombing him!”

“A bombardier!” a little old lady exclaimed.  “A bombardier, God bless him!”  She suddenly began to weep, grabbed her skirts and ran out summoning the younger folks in the shops down the corridor.  “A Jewish bombardier who has been bombing him has come to visit us!”  She screamed and pointed toward us.  “There he is!  May he live to one hundred and twenty, Riboinoy shel Oilom.  Come, Jews, behold him!”

I stood in the center of the hall surrounded by people who were hurling questions at me; people, particularly the old ones, touching me as if I were a curio or a statue, a man from another world, a world from which they had been torn.  They kept hurling the word bombardier at me and I nodded, realizing how silly it would be to tell them I was a gunner who fired bullets and not the man who dropped bombs.  They wanted a bombardier for that was the symbol of striking back at him.  The bomb!  I remembered how while we were in Tunis some black Jews had stopped us on the street and inquired: “And which one of you is the bombardier?”  And when Dick Martin had responded, rather sheepishly, they had blessed him and promised to say a prayer for him.

“Do you know, son,” said an old man tugging at my sleeve, “six million of your brothers and sisters are slain?  Remember that, my son, when you drop those bombs on him.”  He pulled at my sleeve as if he had a secret to tell me which could not be shared with the crowd.  “I see your bombers going over the Adriatic each morning,” he whispered.  “I make my business to get up early to see them.  Everybody asks me: ‘Chaim, why do you rise so early, almost in the middle of the night?’  But that’s my job.  I guide you across the Adriatic by saying a prayer to the Lord.  And when you’re safely across, I go back to bed.  It’s the least I can do.”

I’m from Vienna,” a middle-aged man with thick-lensed glasses said to me.  “I make bedsprings out of telephone wire.  In Vienna I had one of the largest furniture stores.  Have you ever bombed Vienna?”  I nodded.  His face lit up.  “Ah, gut!  Gut!  I have a great house there, but I do not care.  Bomb it.  He is there!  I do not care if you destroy the house so long as you wipe out the evil genius.  I don’t care about the house at all.”  Suddenly he grasped my hand and cried: “Thank you!  Thank you very much!” (pp. 152-154)

***

“Young man,” a little wizened woman piped, “would you do me the honor and visit our casa?  My husband can no longer walk.  I would like for him to see a Jewish bombardier.”  At the casa, in the one room occupied by two army cots, they offered me an orange.  It was the only food they had.  “Take it, take it,” the old woman insisted.  “You need the strength.”

Then she sat on the cot and rocked slowly, and the wrinkled face and the shawl on her head suddenly made me think of my grandmother.  The similarity was striking and overwhelming.  My grandmother had died twenty-four years ago, but the sigh was the same and the rocking motion, the upper part of the body moving forward and back, was the same.  The sigh was a lament passed on with generations like a cherished heirloom.  Listening to the old woman sigh I remembered my grandmother.  And strangely enough, the only audible sounds I remembered about my grandmother were her sighs.  She had sighed more than she talked.  She had sat in the marketplace in that small Ukrainian town, clad in coarse, patched clothes, huddling over a container of coal, her frozen red hands buried in the sleeves.  She had sat there and rocked and sighed, and waited for someone to buy her clay pots.  I had never seen her make a sale.  Once, when I asked my grandmother why she sighed, she regarded me soberly and replied, “My child, a Jew who does not sigh is not a Jew.”  I was five or six at the time and the explanation puzzled me.  “But I’m a Jew, and I don’t sigh,” I said.  “One becomes a Jew slowly,” she said in her kindly, patient voice.  “One is not only born into it.  One is beaten into it.”

And now again I was tempted and I asked the question: “Tante, why are you sighing?”

The little old woman considered my question with that rocking motion and replied, “I do not need to sigh.  After all these years of woe it sighs by itself.”

A quarter of a century separated my grandmother from the little old woman who sat rocking despondently on an army cot in a Displaced Persons Camp somewhere in Italy; twenty-five years and another war and a continuous flood of tears.  But little else differed between them.  My grandmother had died in 1920, soon after her offspring fled from the Ukraine.  Hers had been a life of woe, poverty of the crudest kind, denial, and ghetto.  In her declining years she had seen her people decimated by mercenary bands of Petlura, Denikin, and others.  In one aspect my grandmother had been lucky.  Her children had fled to America, to a haven.  Later, death had come as a merciful gift from God.  My grandmother had been more fortunate than the little woman in the DP camp.  This one lived to see six million of her people exterminated; her own kin burned in his ovens while she and her husband had been spared.  My grandmother had found her haven in merciful death.  But this poor woman had no home.  Her home was where she could sigh and rock, sigh and rock.

Had nothing changed?  Across the space of twenty-five years the memory of the camps and depots and hiding places choked with refugees came back to me.  The gaunt, terrified faces hurled me back to the days when we ourselves lived in fear and slept with our clothes on in attics and cellars ready to flee when the alarm sounded.  From 1917 until 1920, when civil war raged in the Ukraine, it was a time of hiding in dark places and learning bewilderedly that for some reason a Jew must cower and hide and fear for his life.  I had learned this before I learned my ABCs.  And after that there were five long tortured years as a refugee.  There was the crossing of forbidden borders from the Ukraine into Bessarabia, and the hunger for bread and home, of being separated from my parents, of being consumed by lice and vermin, of drinking water out of scummy puddles, of sleeping in gutters and haystacks and caves, of begging, of stealing food.  And all along the route there were the gaunt, terrified faces in the refugee camps where old people sighed and rocked, sighed and rocked.  And after that, how many years had it taken to shed the word “refugee”?

Twenty-five years!  And nothing had changed.  The victims were the same and so were the sighs.  I recognized them and knew them and walked hand in hand with their sorrow.  But beyond that, I was a man apart from their world; a “free” Jew, as one of them called me; a stranger from America, the fabulous, safe land where no bombs fell and Jews lived without fear of being massacred, and people ate white bread and meat and slept in peace at night.  Were it not for the fact at I was a “bombardier” they would have resented my intrusion.

Mr. Weiss led me to the shoe-repair shop.  “I want you to meet a survivor of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising,” he said.  “One of the very few.  You do know about the Uprising,” he said, looking at me dubiously.  (pp. 154-155)

***

“Of course I do,” I said.

“We Jews must be very proud of it!” the manager said hastily as if to appease any indignation that might have been aroused in me by his patronizing question.  “It ranks with the feats of the Maccabees and Bar Kochba.  It shattered once and for all the false legend about Jews not being fighters.  This nonsense about the Jews being passive!” he said, stopping in the middle of the road.  “We must tear that word passive out of our vocabulary.  Enough!  We’ve had enough of it!  Our fathers raised us on it; we got it with the milk of our mothers, and it was all false.  The meek shall not inherit the earth!  Often our people were massacred while they were in their temples praying.  Slaughtered like sheep.  Our wise men taught us to respect the Word; to love the Word.  But while we sat in our yeshivas and learned the Word, the enemies were building cannon.”  He broke off the tirade and ran ahead, as if he were done with the nonsense of emotion and was in a hurry to lead me to another of the many interesting points in the camp.  “Come on, you will meet this man who fought in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising.  Let him tell you about it!”

I followed Mr. Weiss into the small alcove which had been turned into a shoe-repair shop.  A young man in his late twenties sat on a low stool, driving nails into shoes.  He looked up and stared at me; after we’d been introduced he went back to his nail-pounding.  I sat down and reached for a cigarette and offered him one.  He took it unsmilingly and his eyes rested on me again.  His eyes were hard and they made him appear old.  I started the conversation, about shoes, of all things, while, in fact, I wanted to hear about the Uprising.  But I felt as soon as I’d sat down that he resented me and would not talk about that event.  I pound nails into shoes,” he said to me harshly, “but it is a gun I want!

“You were in the Warsaw ghetto,” I said.

“That’s a pile of rubble!”

“You were in the Uprising,” I said, trying to bring him around. 

“So were forty thousand others,” he said. 

“Why are you interested in the past?  Tell me better how I can throw away these nails and shoes and get a gun and fight those who murdered my wife and child.  The past does not interest me.  Why are you here?”

I told him about our crash landing, the hospital, and three-day rest.

He was silent for a while, ignoring me completely.  Then he said, “You have excellent weapons!  Imagine a Jew given an opportunity to fight from an airplane!”  His blue eyes suddenly lost their hardness and the webs on his face melted and there was a suggestion of a smile, but it wasn’t really a smile.  Nobody in the DP camp smiled, not even once; perhaps their facial muscles were no longer capable of smiling; time and circumstance atrophied those muscles.  “You have wonderful weapons!”  he said, pounding the nails fiercely on the shoe leather.  “What more could a man ask for?”  He looked at me across the little wooden partition and I wondered whether this man from another world, this stranger and yet brother, suspected that I was unworthy of the wonderful weapons.  Perhaps he was aware why I was there, seeking courage from him and the others, trying to rekindle my anger and sustain my passion.

“A man needs much more than weapons,” I wanted to tell him.  “Hatred, like love, is a delicate thing.  It must be nourished and tended; it must be fanned and kept glowing.  Strange, how very strange.  You envy me my weapons and I envy you your hatred which is pure and fiery.  The crematoria has robbed you of your loved ones, and the barbed-wire fences of the concentration camps and DP camps removed you from the world, but you took with you that pure anger and fanned it and made it into a glowing, searing flame.  Your wives bore children in the shadow of the death ovens – in defiance – and suckled your young ones on the milk of anger.  I envy you because for you there is no rationalizing, no choice, no retreat.  For you the essence of living is resistance – and if I could achieve that state I might indeed consider myself fortunate.”

The shoemaker hardly said another word.  But when I got up to leave, he followed me outside the villa and ran down the road after me.

“I didn’t want to talk in the presence of the others,” he said.  “But you must do me a favor.  There is a Jewish brigade fighting up north.  I’d like to get in that brigade.  Will you help me?  Perhaps you can prevail upon the higher-ups to assign me.  I’m an excellent shot, a sharpshooter, in fact.  Please, I’ll be forever grateful to you, I, I’ll never forget you.  If I remain here, pounding nails into shoes, I’ll go insane.”  We stopped on the road.  Around us were the soft, tender little noises of peace: the birds, the lazy palms, and the sparkling Adriatic.  And we stood there momentarily, oblivious of the peace.  The fact is,” my friend said, “we have enough young people right here in this camp to make up a squad.  But the British will become suspicious if many of us run away.  And I can’t wait.  If you could arrange to smuggle me up to Naples in one of your trucks, I’ll get up to the Brigade somehow.

“But how is it possible?” I said helplessly.  “Naples is two hundred miles north of here.  Besides, the Brigade consists largely of Palestinian Jews, under British command.  And they’re up around the Po Valley – “

“You can’t refuse me,” he implored, “I’ll die if I remain here.”

I shrugged my shoulders impotently and lied, saying, “I’ll speak to people.  I’ll try.”  And we shook hands, my friend and I, and suddenly we embraced.  We walked up the alien road, arm in arm, and he told me about the Warsaw ghetto… (pp. 156-157)

***

The impact of this encounter upon Ben…

This was the one reassuring aspect:
waves rolling against the shore sounded alike everywhere.
Closing your eyes
you could well imagine yourself listening to the waves of Lake Michigan beating against the dunes,
or the slightly more angry variety of waves at Miami Beach in late September.
They were like the South Atlantic waves I heard in Belem and Natal in Brazil,
or the Tyrrhenian Sea waves licking the shores not far from our base.
Theirs was the kind of Esperanto you understood and did not need to translate.
But everything else seemed out of joint, unreal, incongruous.

I wanted to dwell on the story my friend had told me before we parted late in the afternoon.  Out of that story of the Uprising I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need, when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me. 

In the evening there was a moving picture on the terrace of the officers’ hotel.  The dialogue and the music reached up to our room and mingled in my mind with thoughts of the Jewish DPs.  It was a most fantastic setting: dialogue of a Western thriller, thoughts of refugees, Santa Casada.  I lay in bed, my eyes shut, but I could not sleep.  The only aspect in the whole mosaic that did not seem fantastic was the roll of the waves against the shore.  This was the one reassuring aspect: waves rolling against the shore sounded alike everywhere.  Closing your eyes you could well imagine yourself listening to the waves of Lake Michigan beating against the dunes, or the slightly more angry variety of waves at Miami Beach in late September.  They were like the South Atlantic waves I heard in Belem and Natal in Brazil, or the Tyrrhenian Sea waves licking the shores not far from our base.  Theirs was the kind of Esperanto you understood and did not need to translate.  But everything else seemed out of joint, unreal, incongruous.  In the movie the bad men were riding, and I could hear the gallop of the horses on the sound track, but before my eyes were the gaunt faces of the refugees and the survivor of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, savagely pounding nails into shoe leather.  I pulled the pillow over my head and stuffed the ends of it in my ears to shut out the noises coming from the terrace.  I wanted to dwell on the story my friend had told me before we parted late in the afternoon.  Out of that story of the Uprising I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need, when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me.  But the picture was vague: for twenty-eight days several thousand Jews, the remains of three hundred thousand, rose against the might of his armies that were hemming in the ghetto.  Only forty thousand were left by that time, too late, too late, but suddenly they rose in a final magnificent gesture and struck back.  They were entombed behind the ghetto walls and underneath the rubble and corpses of their people.  They fought, famished and skeletal, out of the holes in the ground, fought barehanded, but with a fury and a passion that came only from knowing there was no other choice.  For a month the whole Nazi garrison of Warsaw blasted at the entombed Jews.  But they burrowed in the ground, deep into the death caverns, emerging periodically to hurl their defiance.  But soon their homemade grenades and rifle bullets gave out and soon their strength gave out and when the incredulous Nazis finally stormed the ghetto walls, after a month, they found smoldering rubble; not a Jew alive, not a Jew in sight, only a huge, slow pyre with the smoke curling toward heaven the last active token of resistance.  “Too late,” my friend had said, “we rose much too late.  But at least we fought.  And we stunned them.  And we killed them.”  (pp. 158-159)

Some References…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Fanshel, David, Navigating the Course – A Man’s Place in His Time (ISBN 978-0-972369-6-4), Valley Meadow Press, San Geronimo, Ca., 2010

_____, Navigating the Course – All to the Good (ISBN 978-0-9836786-5-6), Valley Meadow Press, San Geronimo, Ca., 2013

Nathan Alterman…

he.wikipedia

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – V: Excerpts From the Novel – An Aviator’s Life and Thoughts

Having presented a summary of the characters and events in Face of a Hero, “this” and the next two posts present excerpts from the novel which I think best express its multiple and overlapping themes.  All page numbers refer to the 1999 Steerforth Press edition.

So, to start with… The following five excerpts pertain to social interactions between combat aviators and non-flying support personnel, Ben Isaacs’ “place” in his crew, and, the mundane aspects of military life between missions.  These passages reveal Louis Falstein’s skill at describing the thoughts and feelings of central and secondary characters, as well as – especially – his ability to reveal Ben’s unspoken thoughts.  They also reveal Falstein’s ability to crisply construct a setting or place – symbolically as well as visually – with an economy of language.  

________________

Some images are historic, others emblematic, and a few – like the photograph below – are both. 

This image and its enlargement show the end of a 460th Bomb Group B-24 in the European skies of 1944.  Though an event now nearly eighty years in the past, the photograph, Army Air Force photographs 52110AC / A5050, and, 52555AC / A5052, which have appeared in numerous books and magazine (and now websites), such as Steve Birdsall’s Log of the Liberators, stunningly captures only one aspect of the air war of American heavy bombers crews.  

Here’s 52555AC, as it appeared in Steve Birdsall’s 1973 Log of the Liberators, nine years before the declassification of the Missing Air Crew Reports.  (Image 52110AC appears below…)

The event was the 460th Bomb Group’s mission to Vienna of June 16, 1944.  Flying at an altitude of approximately 22,000 feet, B-24H 41-29508 of the 761st Bomb Squadron (identifying letter red K, nicknamed either This Is It or General Nuisance) was struck by anti-aircraft fire and almost immediately turned into a flying inferno.  This is immediately evident from the picture, which shows the fuselage filled with flames from the bomb-bay back.  

The plane exploded and disintegrated moments later, the wreckage falling to earth two kilometers south of Goetzendorf, Austria, shortly after eleven in the morning.  The aircraft’s loss is covered in MACR 6095, and reported upon in Luftgaukommando Reports ME 1468 and secondarily ME 1469.

Of the bomber’s ten crew members, there emerged three survivors:  The bombardier, co-pilot, and flight engineer.  The navigator was unable to leave the plane before it exploded, while the pilot, First Lieutenant Frederick Bruce Smith of San Diego, remaining at the controls to give his crew a chance to escape, was killed.  If you copy-&-save this image and closely examine the cockpit, you can see him seated at the controls.  The crewmen in the rear fuselage, two or three of whom attempted to leave the plane through the waist windows, did not survive.

Besides Frederick B. Smith – listed as a First Lieutenant in the MACR, but having the rank of Captain on his tombstone – the bomber’s crew comprised:

Co-Pilot: Mansdorf, Harry, 2 Lt., Burbank, Ca. – POW
Navigator: Budriunas, Bronislaus (“Bronie”) F., 2 Lt., Athol, Ma. – KIA
Bombardier: Schwartz, John G., 2 Lt., Jersey City, N.J. – POW (Died December 4, 2003; probably buried in New Jersey)
Flight Engineer: Wilson, Herbert A., T/Sgt., Niles, Oh. – POW
Radio Operator: Redford, Edward W., T/Sgt., Independence, Mo. – KIA
Gunner (Nose?): Carter, Weldon B., Sgt., South Portland, Me. – KIA
Gunner (Waist): Summers, John W., T/Sgt., Buena Vista, Ca. – KIA
Gunner (Ball Turret?): DiMatteo, Leonard J., T/Sgt., Richmond Hill, Long Island, N.Y. – KIA
Gunner (Tail?): Bejar, Antonio C., Sgt., San Antonio, Tx. – KIA

From a purely technical vantage point (is that even possible for a photo of this nature?), this is one of the very few images of WW II aerial combat in which it’s actually possible to visually distinguish a crew member in a doomed airplane … as you can see in the enlargement below.  Scanned from the original print (at the National Archives) at the ridiculously high resolution of 2400 dpi (?!), this close-up shows either Lt. Mansdorf or Sgt. Wilson emerging from the aircraft’s emergency overhead escape hatch, which has already been jettisoned.  (Lt. Schwartz was blown out of the plane when it exploded.)  The man is facing forward, his back set against the now-empty dorsal turret (it’s been rotated with guns facing starboard rear), his left arm resting on the edge of the hatch, with his parachute visible against his chest.  If this is Sgt. Wilson, he was blown by the wind-blast back over the fuselage and between the plane’s twin tails, parachuting to land relatively uninjured.  If the person in the photo is Lt. Mansdorf, then like Lt. Schwartz, he was blown into space when the bomber exploded.  The two Lieutenants both seriously injured, were repatriated on the S.S. Gripsholm in February of 1945, while Sgt. Wilson spent the remainder of the war as a POW.

(Lt. Smith’s crew already had a previous “incident”:  They ditched in the Adriatic Sea on April 6, 1944, with seven of the nine crewmen surviving.  ( AFHRA Microfilm Roll BO609; Frames 30-31))

Ten months after the war’s end, Lt. Schwartz, recovering from his wounds at Valley Forge General Hospital, described what transpired aboard This Is It in a letter to the Army Air Force, specifically pertaining to the fate of his fellow crewmen.  This was in response to an inquiry concerning his knowledge of the fate of his fellow crew members, replies to which would eventually be incorporated into the Missing Air Crew Report (6095) for this crew, a process paralleling the AAF’s procedure for resolving the fates of other missing crews.   

Though I know nothing about him biographically, Lt. Schwartz’s letter immediately reveals a degree of education and excellent writing ability, for his account combines factuality and descriptiveness with a perhaps all-too-unavoidable and sadly inevitable sense of drama.  

Here’s his account:

Valley Forge General Hospital
Phoenixville, Pennsylvania
6 March 1946

SUBJECT             :              Casualty Information of Crew Members
TO                         :              Commanding General, Army Air Force, Washington, D C

In reference to AFPPA-8, I am in receipt of the individual questionnaires pertaining to my fellow crew members still remaining in a casualty status.  Lacking factual data because of circumstances surrounding the manner in which our ship was shot down, I find it next to impossible to answer the queries in the manner requested.  As an alternative, will attempt to relate the few details I do remember leading up to the disaster and ensuing events, thereby sincerely hoping some point in the story might be of material aid to the Missing Aircrew Research and Investigation Office.

On 16 June 1944 our ship, a B-24 Liberator, was part of a formation of Fifteenth Air Force bombers destined for Austria.  Briefed target was synthetic oil installations in and around the Vienna area.  Successfully reached target area and at approximately twelve noon from an altitude of 23,000’ bombs were released.  Were in the process of usual turn away from the target when anti-aircraft fire made contact with the ship.  As Bombardier on board, my station was in the nose of the ship along with the Navigator and Nose Gunner.  In this position I was hit with several minute pieces of flak about the legs.  Receiving no alarm over the inter-phone, naturally assumed the plane wasn’t mortally hit nor were any of the crew members fatally injured.  Few seconds later I glanced back through the tunnel leading from the flight deck to the nose and noted flickering motions.  Unhooked my oxygen equipment and crawled back to investigate – the entire bomb bay was a blazing inferno.  Scurried back to the nose, shed my flak suit, hooked on my parachute chest pack and kicked the navigator, Lt Bronislaus Budriunas, in the knees to draw his attention.  He immediately went through the same procedure after releasing nose gunner, Sgt Weldon Carter, from turret.  Was in the process of rehooking the inter-phone to inform the pilot, Lt Frederick Smith, and other crew members of existing danger when the ship suddenly lunged to one side.  Because of centrifugal force, we were hopelessly trapped in since the plane was either violently spinning or in a very deep spiral.  Fire raced up into the nose and unused rounds of .50 caliber ammo started bursting.  From here on out I am still not aware as to what occurred.  Apparently the plane exploded because I found myself floating through space.  Automatically pulled the rip cord and the chute opened.  Landed some two hundred feet from a German hospital at Geiselkirchen, Austria, when I was immediately carried in and given first-aid for third degree burns of the face, hands, legs, and backside.  Since I was unconscious until but a few moments prior to touching the ground, on mere speculation would say I was blown clear at about 10,000’.  Few days later on regaining consciousness learned I had been transferred to a prison hospital at STALAG 17A, Kaisersteinbruck, Austria, and that another crew member had managed to escape.  He was our co-pilot, Lt Harry Mansdorf, who was also brought to this place suffering from an ugly flak wound in his right knee.  On subsequent talks with him, attempted to learn what took place on the flight deck that particular day but derived little satisfaction insofar as facts were concerned.  I merely learned that both he and our engineer, Sgt Herbert Wilson, had escaped via the top hatch.  Because of his physical condition at the time I was unable to learn anything further save the fact that on parachuting out, he had landed at a place called Mannersdorf, Austria, and brought to 17 A at that very same day.  Was unaware of Sgt Wilson’s fate until I arrived in the states at which time I learned he had been a P.O.W. somewhere in Germany and subsequently liberated when the Allied Armies overran Germany.

On 21 February 1945, Lt Mansdorf and I were part of a repatriation movement that arrived in the states aboard the exchange ship “M.S. Gripsholm”.  At present Lt Mansdorf is convalescing at the AAF Regional Hospital at Santa Ana, California.  Were he to be contacted, possibly some pertinent data might be supplied by him, more so than I could attempt to give by word of mouth.

At no time during the course of our P.O.W. tenure were either of us approached by the Germans in regard to the matter of identifying bodies, nor ever given an inkling that there was a semblance of a plane wreck. 

In view of the incidents related, I can only suppose that considering the nature of the fire, in all probability it was raging on unnoticed by all within the ship.  On the other hand, if it had been detected and the alarm transmitted over the inter-phone the only plausible reason for not hearing it might have been due to the fact that entire inter-phone system was shot out by the burst of anti-aircraft fire.  Since all the crew members carried chest type parachutes, I can only sadly conclude that between the time I detected the flames and the subsequent dizzy descent of plane, the men whose status is still undetermined never had a chance to execute procedure for abandoning ship.

JOHN SCHWARTZ
1st Lt, Air Corps
0-685032

__________

Here are two photographs of the Smith crew on infinitely happier occasions, unfortunately without Lt. Smith himself.  The images were loaned to me by Harry Mansdorf some years ago.

First, photographed in Capri or Naples after the crew’s ditching of April 6.

Left to right: Lieutenants Mansdorf, Schwartz, and Budriunas. 

__________

Second, the crew as seen in the United States.  

Front row, left to right: Lieutenants Schwartz, Budriunas, and Mansdorf, and Sergeant Carter. 

Back row, left to right: Sergeants Wilson, Summers, Redford (mugging for the camera), DiMatteo, and Bejar.

The son of Max and Sadie (Klapp) Mansdorf of 1817 North Brighton Street in Burbank, California, Harry Mansdorf (0-1691614) was born in Manhattan on February 25, 1921.  A prisoner of war at Stalag 7A (Moosburg) until his repatriation, his name appears on page 49 of American Jews in World War II, which lists his military awards as the Air Medal, two Oak Leaf Clusters, and Purple Heart.  The mission of June 16 was his 28th.

Okay, back to Sergeant Ben Isaacs…

__________

Bens’ relationship with his crew…

We had not chosen one another as brothers; it had been ordained for us.

It occurred to me I must write to Ruth, but I didn’t know what to tell her.  A subtle wall was being erected between my wife and me because we had not shared this experience.  I realized with a shock that my wife was a civilian, safe back in the States.  And I suddenly resented those who were safe.  I was appalled at the ease with which I abandoned myself to self-pity even in my hour of triumph.  But aside from the corrupting but very comfortable stabs of self-pity there was no denying that my most profound experience had been shared with me not by Ruth but by nine comparative strangers.  They were now a part of my life, part of my joys and sorrows.  We had not chosen one another as brothers; it had been ordained for us.  Mel Ginn, a rancher from western Texas, was my brother.  I didn’t know much about him and he was suspicious of me because I came from a large city.  He was amused by my clumsiness with the guns.  He was puzzled that an “old man” had got himself mixed up in the fighting.  Mel had never met a Jew before and this confused him also.  Before our first mission we had little to say to each other.  But today we had been through life together.  Before our first mission Leo Trent and I had little in common.  Leo used to sell perfume in Hollywood before the war.  His heart had been set on becoming a pilot, but he had been washed out of cadet training “three hours before graduation.”  That was his story.  It rankled that his younger brother, who was twenty-one, two years Leo’s junior, was an ace Marine fighter pilot in the Pacific while Leo became a “venereal gunner.”  He was not a good gunner (this we had in common), and up in the air I saw him paralyzed with fear (this too we had in common).  Leo and I had never become close, perhaps because we each knew the other to be a coward who resented being found out.  That’s why he was wary of me.  He credited me with an insight that always sat in judgment on his weaknesses.  Also, he mistook my aloofness for snobbery.  He did not like riddles.  But I wanted him to like me.  He was, after all, my brother.  (p. 30)

***

The social exclusivity of the life of combat aviators…

We lived in an exclusive blood fraternity which no ground man was allowed to invade.
They seldom ventured into our barracks.

It was strange, this little America, complex, divided, stratified.  Though we all ate in the same mess halls and stood in the same endless lines and dove into the same foxholes when the Jerry planes came over to bomb us at night, we lived in two distinct worlds.  A clear, starry sky had a different meaning for a flyer than it had for a ground man.  For us a clear sky meant a mission on the following day while for the ground man it often meant hours at the beach.  When a flyer received his weekly ration of four cans of beer, he drank them all in one evening, fearing that he might not be around to drink tomorrow.  We envied the ground man because he could contemplate tomorrow and the day after.  He could think of the future.  He was safe – like the civilians back home.  We lived in an exclusive blood fraternity which no ground man was allowed to invade.  They seldom ventured into our barracks.  Behind our back they called us “hot rocks,” “hot pilots,” “wild-blue-yonder-boys.”  They argued that the flyers were crazy; how could a man in his sane mind go up there day after day and be shot at?  But many of them tried to emulate the flyers in the way they crushed their garrison caps.  And some of them put on gunner’s wings when they got far enough away from the base.  A few of them volunteered for combat.  (pp. 47-48)

***

Ben’s challenge in being notably older than most of his fellow fliers…

Often while in the process of doing something I suddenly stopped and said to myself,
“You are acting too old, must act younger…”
There was the great need to be accepted and approved.

And beyond the determination to introduce some normalcy into a barbaric existence, and the striving for continuity, there was the constant battle to adjust oneself and not to stick out in too many places as an old fogey, a creaking old gunner with bad eyes and hot temper and strange ways.  I was yet to learn the art of falling asleep with a half-dozen men playing poker at my table and two or three of them sitting on my cot and smoking constantly.  I knew they expected me to go blissfully to sleep.  But often I lay there, chastising myself: why can other sleep and you cannot?  I told myself I had to endure it because after all this was a just war, and one must discard the luxuries of privacy and the intellectual snobbery of civilian life.  And even though I was raging mad and wanted to turn over both cot and table – as I would have back in the States – I contained my rage, lay still, and turned all the blame on myself.  Often while in the process of doing something I suddenly stopped and said to myself, “You are acting too old, must act younger…”  There was the great need to be accepted and approved.  And this lightened the burden of the unicolored existence where the only object that did not fall into the drab color of khaki or fatigue green was Trent’s red-striped pajamas.  (pp. 53-54)

***

The challenge of finding a motivation to fly, and continuing to fly, combat missions…

The army spent a fortune to train me.
But do I navigate? 
I’m just a passenger in the ship, while the lead navigator does all the work. 
You men could fly without me.
It wouldn’t be so bad if I had a gun to fire. 
You don’t know what it means to be shot at and not shoot back. 

Would Andy laugh at me if I told him I was in this war because I wanted to keep America free?  I wanted to tell him I was in it not only because I was against Hitler; I was also for something.  I was convinced that after we won it, life would be better for all.  People would get along better; not only Missourians and Illinoisians, but Italians and Americans too…

But how do you tell these things to a frightened man, a man facing death?  I was afraid Andy would laugh at me.  Americans had an ingrained suspicion of words, any words smacking of patriotism.

Andy sat silent for a while, contemplating the pebbles on the tent floor.  “Oh, I’ll fly my missions,” he said.  “I’m no better or no worse than anybody else.  I certainly wouldn’t pull a stunt like Bowles pulled yesterday, shooting off his toe and claiming it was an accident.  I wouldn’t do a thing like that, nobody in our crew would.”  He regarded me searchingly to see whether I believed him.  He got up and went to sit on his cot.  “Oh, I don’t know,” the navigator sighed.  “It’s all mixed up in my mind.  In one way I feel I’m a sucker for being in this.  In another way I feel useless.  I’m supposed to be a navigator.  The army spent a fortune to train me.  But do I navigate?  I’m just a passenger in the ship, while the lead navigator does all the work.  You men could fly without me.  It wouldn’t be so bad if I had a gun to fire.  You don’t know what it means to be shot at and not shoot back.  You’re helpless, useless.  You go crazy.  If I could only keep busy in the air – maybe I wouldn’t have the time to worry so much about death…”  He slapped his thighs savagely and stood up and walked to the cone-shaped entrance of the tent.  “I don’t know what to think.  I’ve never been so mixed up and so scared in my life…”  (pp. 109-110)

Life at “Mandia” (actually, Manduria) during late autumn of 1944…

What the Jerry could not accomplish, the weather had done. 
We were helpless against the weather,
although we sent out radar ships at night to harass the enemy, and our formations,
when they did defy the cloud front, were led by Mickey [radar] ships.

THE LEAVES on the olive trees turned from green to a rich yellow and red.  The sky was covered over by a dense mantle of angry gray clouds.  With the clouds came the steady, pouring October rains of southern Italy.  At night there were Alert Lists posted for the following morning’s mission, but with the cloudy dawn came the order for a stand-down.  What the Jerry could not accomplish, the weather had done.  We were helpless against the weather, although we sent out radar ships at night to harass the enemy, and our formations, when they did defy the cloud front, were led by Mickey (radar) ships.

We wandered about the muddy field, seeking a break from the dullness and tenseness.  In the library, operated by Information and Education, Captain Wilkinson and his enlisted men were dug in for the fall and winter — playing poker.  A few small volumes of armed forces editions were strewn about the gaping shelves: Carl Sandburg, Bolitho, Zane Grey, Norman Corwin, and endless titles of books nobody was interested in.  The books were there because they had been sent along from some USO in the States that no longer had any need for them.  In the mess hall the rain came through the roof and into the mess kits on the tables.  Outside the mess hall the army of dogs, which grew constantly, waited for your drippings.  The dogs were mangy and wet.  Everything was damp and wet.

In Mandia, where we ventured like tired sleepwalkers, the streets were almost deserted.  The housewives, who had sat crushing beans for hours on end during the summer, were inside the dark hovels.  The rain drenched the walls and the last signs of Mussolini’s chipped image were obliterated.  His admonition, CREDERE — OBBEDIRE — COMBATTERE, appeared like a pitiful joke out of the past.  In the Laundry for American Solder, the four laundresses, Angelina, Maria, Lenora, and Gina, were working over Gl and officers’ shirts and there was hardly any light with which to see.  The girls were wrapped in torn sweaters and their hands were red with dampness and cold.  The Negro corporal sat in the gloom of the laundry, listening to the raindrops on the windows and the rapid chatter of the women.  In the bar where Luisa worked, one lone New Zealander, his beret moved back on his blond head, sat glaring hungrily at the swarthy young barmaid who was behind the bar with her stump of a pencil.  Just the blond Kiwi and the girl in the dark, damp, formless room; and the Kiwi telling the girl what a dinkum place was New Zealand, and Luisa saying, “No undershtanda.”  In the American Red Cross, Nellie Bullwinkle appeared even sallower with the change of the weather.  Her complexion looked sickly and her face was lined with little folds of flesh.  But she was as cheerful as ever, bustling about the place, giving off little sparks of benevolence.  (pp. 186-187)

…Just Two References…

Birdsall, Steve, Log of the Liberators: An Illustrated History of the B-24, Doubleday & Company, Inc., Garden City, N.Y., 1973

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999