A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – VII: Book Reviews

The 1950 publication of Face of a Hero generated attention in several major newspapers, as well as journals of opinion. 

Subsequent to a pre-release announcement about the novel in The New York Times on July 7, 1950, reviews of the novel first appeared in The Pittsburgh Press (on July 23), and then in the New York Times, the Chicago Tribune, New York Post, and Philadelphia Inquirer.  Subsequently, reviews appeared in The Jackson Sun (Florida), Los Angeles Times, and Washington Post.  Within the New York Times, the novel was significant enough to merit attention in the weekly “Books of the Times” column in a piece by William DuBois, and, in the Sunday Book Review, by Herbert F. West. 

In the world of magazines, reviews of Falstein’s novel were published between August and September of 1950, with one last hold-out appearing in March of 1951.  These publications comprised the Saturday Review of Literature, The Commonweal, The New Yorker, The New Republic, Time, and, Commentary.

Reviewers opinions were positive among all but two of these publications, with similar themes emerging.  There were a few criticisms, too, but these were outweighed in number and emphasis by the book’s strengths, especially considering that the book was Falstein’s first novel.  The two negative reviews (intensely negative!) appeared in Commentary and Time.  

What aspects of Face of a Hero did reviewers focus upon?

The clarity of Falstein’s description of how his novel’s protagonist, Sergeant Ben Isaacs, confronted, endured, and overcame physical fear and, intellectual, or emotional challenges, and emerged intact, emotionally as much as physically.

The characterizations of the foibles and idiosyncrasies of Isaacs’ fellow airmen, soldiers, and officers.  While their ethnic and social backgrounds are utterly different from the Sergeant’s, and (inevitably, given the novel’s length) these men are nowhere near as well-“molded” as is Isaacs, as noted by Joe Dever in The Commonweal, these men do emerge as distinct individuals. 

The way in which boredom and ennui between combat missions, living conditions at the Tigertails’ base, and, the lives of Italian civilians in the nearby town of “Mandia”, while not the “center” of the novel, are crafted.  These events, situations, and people are portrayed with a realism that’s sometimes leavened by humor, sometimes by irony, and other times by quiet anger. 

The sense of time that permeates the novel.  As suggested by Hollis Alpert in the Saturday Review of Literature, “time” in novel doesn’t underlie the tale in the conventional, taken-for-granted sense of daily life with which we’re familiar.  Rather, time – and all significant events in the story – is measured by the irregularly-spaced tick of each combat sortie.  Life and its continuation are signified by the passage of completed missions on an allegorical clock with gradations from 1 to 50.

The use of words:  Some reviewers remarked about the frank, coarse, and uninhibited language spoken by the novel’s characters, which – I suppose by the standards of public acceptability during the mid-twentieth century?, was – then – rather shocking.  In 2022, alas, it’s not shocking at all, or enough.    

The two negative reviews of the novel are interesting in their own ways, albeit neither reviewers’ comments – that of Nathan Halper of Commentary, and, that of Time magazine’s anonymous critic – seem to actually focus on the novel as a novel; as a story; as fiction inspired by fact; as a tale with an underlying theme and a beginning, middle, and conclusion.  Rather, their criticisms are motivated by highly specific and deeply-held political and social beliefs.  There’s nothing wrong with a critique from such a perspective.  There is, however, something wrong with a critique from only such a perspective.    

In Commentary, Nathan Halper’s understanding of Falstein’s novel seems to be limited to the perspective of his own experiences in the military.  He views Face of a Hero as a long, elaborate, and “hypersensitive” gripe about life in the armed forces, casting Ben Isaacs – who throughout the novel is a refreshingly unselfconsciously identified Jew – as a “victim spokesmen”. 

The comments of Time’s unknown reviewer strangely parallel those of Halper, but this person is more vehement in criticisms of Falstein’s novel, which seem to have an air of resentment:  He deems the book a “grouser’s eye view of the war in the air,” with toss-away-dismissive-comments that Falstein received the Air Medal and “added a couple of clusters to it.”  And, in not-so-oblique language obviously referring to Ben Isaac’s identity as a Jew, deems the protagonist “a congenital soul searcher, as much at war with his neurotic self as with Nazi Germany.”  

Jumping ahead sixty-four years to 2015, we come to David Margolick’s 2015 Wall Street Journal essay “Inventing the War Novel,” a review of Leah Garrett’s 2015 study Young Lions: How Jewish Authors Reinvented the American War Novel.  In Mr. Margolick’s thoughtful and pithy discussion of Dr. Garrett’s work (Louis Falstein is mentioned only in passing) he touches upon Louis Falstein’s novel in the cultural and historical context of the late 1940s.  The Second World War having ended only a few short years before, those postwar years represented a literary interlude when a group of war novels featuring identifiably Jewish protagonists and characters in a proud, positive (or, at least neutral) context emerged into public consciousness.  These works reflected such themes as Jews in American society as a whole, and, Jewish service in the military in particular, and, the Shoah (though the term wasn’t used at the time).  Of course, given the tenor of the times, it’s unsurprising that some of the novels mentioned in Mr. Margolick’s essay (such as Irwin Shaw’s The Young Lions – the film’s ending is astonishingly different from the novel’s bitter conclusion) also openly focus on antisemitism in the military, while others convey a sense of uncertainty and ambivalence about the “place” of Jews in the United States.  Which, in 2022, is incrementally returning.

While I fully appreciate the strength of Mr. Margolick’s insights, I strongly take issue with his statement suggesting that the military service of American Jews in the Second World War was motivated in equal parts by the desire to serve their country, and, “…to save the Jews of Europe.” 

With the latter I do not agree. 

While this assertion might seem strangely incongruous in a blog about Jewish military service – thus far primarily focused on the Second World War (!) – alas, I’ve come to believe this was so.  While nominal awareness of the predicament and fate of the Jews of Europe surely existed – to a greater or lesser degree among American Jewish soldiers – for the very great majority this was never the central or animating force for their military service, a take-away I’ve arrived at from extensive historical research, correspondence, and many interviews.  (On the other hand, while it’s impolitic to say in late 2022, this was certainly a major motivation for the military service of Jews in the Soviet Army, on a level typically direct and personal.  Enough said for now.)  It would be very comforting to think otherwise, but to believe so this would entail perceiving and romanticizing the past – a then imaginary past – through the eyes of the present.   

And so, “this” post:  It’s comprised of reviews of Face of a Hero, some of which are accompanied by images of the original “print” review itself.  Each review is headed by a line or two (or three?) from the review itself, to give a quick literary “flavor” of the piece.  The reviews are presented chronologically, the first being the New York Times’ announcement of the publication of Face of a Hero, and the last Nathan Halper’s review from Commentary.  

The reviews are:

July 7, 1950, The New York Times, Books – Authors (news item)

July 23, 1950, The Pittsburgh Press, John D. Paulus, Books in Review, “Soldiers of Different Nationalities Write Three Similar Books – Reveal That Men In Battle Fight Each Other and Themselves at Same Time

August 17, 1950, The New York Times, William DuBois, Books of The Times

August 19, 1950, Saturday Review of Literature, Hollis Alpert, “Fifty Missions“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co. 312 pp; $3

August 20, 1950, The New York Times Book Review, Herbert F. West, “With Death As a Co-Pilot“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  312 pp.  New York, Harcourt, Brace & Co. $3

August 20, 1950, Chicago Daily Tribune, Victor P. Hass, “A Good Novel in Spite of Its Obscenities“, FACE OF A HERO,” by Louis Falstein.  [Harcourt, Brace.  $3.]

August 20, 1950, New York Post, Archer Winsten, “A Bomber Crew in Italy – Sensational Novel of Fliers in Action“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp.  $3

August 20, 1950, The Philadelphia Inquirer, “Saga of Warplane Crew

August 21, 1950, Time, “Off the Target“, FACE OF A HERO (312 pp.) Louis Falstein – Harcourt, Brace ($3).

August 25, 1950, The Commonweal, Joe Dever, Books, “Face of the Hero“, Louis Falstein.  Harcourt.  $3.

August 27, 1950, The Jackson Sun, W.G. Rogers (The Associated Press), “10 Men In Liberator Live Furious Life“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace and Co.; $3.00.

September 3, 1950, Los Angeles Times, “Hero’ Finds Triumph in Losing Fear“, FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace: $3.

September 3, 1950, The Washington Post, “War in the Air“, FACE OF A HERO. By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp. $3.

September 16, 1950, The New Yorker, BRIEFLY NOTED – FICTION, FACE OF A HERO, by Louis Falstein

October 2, 1950, The New Republic, David Davidson, “FIFTY MISSIONS“, FACE OF A HERO, by Leo [sic!] Falstein (Harcourt, Brace; $3).

March, 1951, Commentary, Nathan Halper, “The Army Stereotype Again“, FACE OF A HERO.  By LOUIS FALSTEIN – HARCOURT, BRACE.  312 pp.  $3.00.

And:

December 24, 2015, Wall Street Journal (Online), David Margolick, “Inventing the War Novel

________________________________________

Books – Authors

The New York Times
July 7, 1950

A first novel by Louis Falstein, dealing with the 15th Air Force in Italy,
will be issued by Harcourt, Brace on Aug. 17.  …

Only three books are being issued today.  Dorrance & Co. of Philadelphia is issuing at $2.50 “The Doctor Takes a Farm,” by Jeff Minckler, M.D., a collection of humorous poems about farm life.  The book is illustrated by Jack Fruitt.  Columbia University Press has at $5.50 “Dramatic Essays of the Neoclassic Age,” which is edited by Henry Hitch Adams and Baxter Hathaway.  It is a collection of forty-four essays dealing with the drama.  Also from Columbia, there is a second edition of “Psychiatry for Social Workers,” by Lawson G. Lowrey, M.D.  It sells for $4.50.

Lionel Gelber, author of “Peace’ by Power” and “The Rise of Anglo-American Friendship,” has a new book on Macmillan’s list scheduled for July 25 publication.  “Reprieve From War – A Manual for Realists” presents a summing up of relations between East and West and of current conditions in the Western bloc and what to do about them.

“The Star of Glass,” a novel by Ann Birstein, will be published on Sept. 5 by Dodd, Mead.  It is a story about a Brooklyn girl who takes a job as secretary in a synagogue.  The manuscript, submitted while Miss Birstein was a senior at Queens College, was unanimously chosen as the winner of the 1948 Dodd, Mead Intercollegiate Literary Fellowship Contest.

A first novel by Louis Falstein, dealing with the 15th Air Force in Italy, will be issued by Harcourt, Brace on Aug. 17.  Entitled “Face of a Hero,” the story presents the crew of a B-24 as they work toward their fiftieth mission.

________________________________________

BOOKS IN REVIEW

Soldiers of Different Nationalities Write Three Similar Books
Reveal That Men In Battle Fight Each Other and Themselves at Same Time

By JOHN D. PAULUS

The Pittsburgh Press
July 23, 1950

… Ben’s reasons lay in his racial background,
in the six million Jews that the Nazis had killed,
in the years of torture his people had endured.

At the end – just three of the “dream crew” are left to fly a mission.
Their dreary role in the war is done. 
Theirs is the fight against weariness, boredom, fear, and panic. 
Theirs is a life of raw courage, primitive instinct, and constant remorse.

If a Third World War should engulf us millions of men and women in all parts of the globe will be taking part in terrible and perhaps hopeless battle.

While fighting against each other they will also be fighting inside themselves, for this seems to be characteristic of all soldiers in all periods of time, judging by three interesting, vital and timely books I have just read.

One is written by an American soldier, one by a German and a third by a Japanese.

They are remarkable in many ways and I wish it were possible for all of you to read these books together.

However, only one is available to the public: now, “Beyond Defeat,” by Hans Werner Richter.

The other two. “Face of a Hero,” by Mr. Louis Falstein, and “Long The Imperial Way,” by Hanama Tasaki. will not be released until mid-August, but advance copies we have received enable us to bring you combined reviews, which follow:

FACE OF A HERO, by Louis Falstein

This is the book by the American.  The hero is Ben Isaacs, a gunner in a bomber that attacked Ploesti. Vienna, and other “prime targets” in the war against the Nazis in Europe.

It is a rough, rugged, naked book.  It is shocking and startling.  It rocks your senses and your emotions.  It makes you hate war and everything about it.

Ben was sent to Italy as a member of the crew of a B-24. a bomber that helped shower the enemy with fire and explosive.  There was Pennington, the dream pilot who wanted to be a fighter-pilot: Kowalski, the handsome co-pilot who was really no flier at all; Dula, the half-Polish, half-Irish boy from Pittsburgh who wanted to be ALL-Irish; Poat, the fat one; Martin, Kyle, Trent, Ginn, and Fidanza.

The last-named was a tiny man – a ball-turret runner who went back to the land of his forefathers to die.

These 10 men started out together, hoping to remain “the dream crew” of the Air Force.  They would complete their 50 missions in victory and would return home for the medals, parades, and bond-selling tours.

But war takes its ghastly toll.

The horrors of the air war are told by Author Falstein without false drama, without sentimental camouflage, without any trace of bitterness or remorse.

This is what the fliers did, he says. and he tells us their story with honesty fidelity – yes, sometime with cruelty, naked horror, and painful defeat.

Kowalski was washed out after Pennington was forced from the ship for being too much of a prima donna.  Fidanza was killed by a ricocheting piece of shrapnel.  Poat was lost somewhere over Rumania.  Others of the “dream crew” went off with “battle fatigue,” “shot nerves,” and terrible injuries as the result of landing a giant bomber on her belly when the engineer miscalculated the gas supply.

Ben Isaacs tells the story of 10 Americans who flew bombers over Hitler’s Europe.  Each had his reason for doing so; Ben’s reasons lay in his racial background, in the six million Jews that the Nazis had killed, in the years of torture his people had endured.

At the end – just three of the “dream crew” are left to fly a mission. Their dreary role in the war is done.  Theirs is the fight against weariness, boredom, fear, and panic.  Theirs is a life of raw courage, primitive instinct, and constant remorse.

Hardly a page goes by which does not contain a dirty word – and for this reason, we warn you to keep the book out of the hands of youngsters.

It will be published Aug. 17 by Harcourt Brace.

________________________________________

Books of The Times

By WILLIAM DU BOIS

The New York Times
August 17, 1950

… “Face of a Hero,” by Louis Falstein,
a novel of the Fifteenth Air Force in World War II,
might well have been one of the finest explorations of that, by now,
faintly tarnished conflict,
if Mr. Falstein had remembered his audience. 

**********

… At times (when Ben is sympathizing with refugees in an Italian concentration camp,
or cursing discrimination within his own army)
one feels that the author is trying to write two novels at once, and muddling his effects.  … 
There have been few war novels that were more deeply felt than this.  
There have been many that were better planned,
many that identified the reader more closely with both cast and background.

STEVENSON, in one of his many essays on the art of fiction, remarked that the successful novelist does more than affect his reader – he affects him precisely as he wishes.  Stevenson himself (as George Moore remarked, in one of his many essays on writing) was one of the most accomplished technicians of his day; but; (in Mr. M.’s opinion, at least) he never really wrote a book – unless it was “Treasure Island.” …  Obviously, the two points of view are poles apart: on the one hand, the careful craftsman who spends a morning establishing an attack, polishing a page of significant dialogue, setting the signboards for a climax to come; on the other, the composer who strikes his keyboard at random and lets the melody seek its own level.  The two volumes up for discussion today are both cases in point.

One, “Face of a Hero,” by Louis Falstein, a novel of the Fifteenth Air Force in World War II, might well have been one of the finest explorations of that, by now, faintly tarnished conflict, if Mr. Falstein had remembered his audience.  The other, “Night Without Sleep,” by Elick Moll, a straightaway movie scenario backhanded into novel form, is a made-to-order guignol that keeps the audience in mind from the first breathless paragraph.  Moore would have given Mr. Falstein an A for effort, at the very least Stevenson would certainly have tapped Mr. Moll for Bones, without more ado.  Both novels are recommended highly by the present observer – with reservations noted below.

“Face of a Hero,” like so many books that have preceded it, is written from the heart out.  Like his narrator-hero, Mr. Falstein has poured his own bitter knowledge into each page.  Like Ben, the 35-year-old tail-gunner who sweats out his fifty missions and comes out alive and reasonably whole, he served with a bomber group on that same front in Italy, earning that knowledge the hard way.  Like other war novels of World War II vintage, he has concentrated on a cog in the juggernaut – in this case, the ten-man crew that brings the Flying Foxhole from the States to an airstrip at the tip of the Italian peninsula.  Just how that ten-man team is welded into a single unit in the crucible of conflict, just how it maintains its unity until bad luck overtakes and demolishes it, and just how the surviving members are destroyed one by one (until only Ben and one half-crazed navigator remain) make up the substance of the novel.

Meditations on War

“War,” says Ben, “contrary to the notions of some doddering old fools, was not a normal pursuit of man.  It was the most degrading, unnatural and abnormal pursuit ever foisted upon man.  And yet, there was Hitler, and you had to fight.  I felt guilty because I too became a victim of the survival cult so prevalent among men who flew missions.  Survival, fifty missions, was the goal – not the winning of the war.  But survival for its own sake was a corrupt thing, like living only for the sake of living.” Ben, in many ways (including the thoughts just quoted) is an odd sort of protagonist – though he is a fluent enough mouthpiece for Mr. Falstein’s ideas, and ideals.

Because of his age, he is “Pop” to his crew-mates; because of his race, he is the butt of the anti-Semitism that is by now de rigueur in every other problem novel, war or non-war.  Unable to control his fear once he is over a target, he is virtually useless as a gunner on his early missions – though he describes these strikes (from Vienna to Ploesti, with side-trips to Genoa, Munich and Yugoslavia) in a hard, stinging prose that few readers will forget.  And yet, as he hardens to his job, Ben learns to pull his weight.  As the book ends he has found himself, in more ways than one.  He has risen above blind terror and futility alike – and, though he has no easy answers for the future, one feels sure that he will face that future unafraid.

It is unfortunate that Mr. Falstein’s pattern is self-defeating.  After he has described the Flying Foxhole’s first, breath-taking mission in such merciless detail (that chapter alone makes the novel well worth the price of admission) he must repeat a theme with variations – and he lacks the bravura touch to keep his novel from stuttering here and there.  Also, he has chosen to wander too far from his air-strip.  At times (when Ben is sympathizing with refugees in an Italian concentration camp, or cursing discrimination within his own army) one feels that the author is trying to write two novels at once, and muddling his effects.  Finally, it’s plain too bad that “Face of a Hero” is bound to suffer from the law of diminishing returns – which operates in the literary market-place even more predictably than in other markets.  There have been few war novels that were more deeply felt than this.  There have been many that were better planned, many that identified the reader more closely with both cast and background.

Story of a Drunkard’s Morning-After

Mr. Moll’s “Night Without Sleep” is the sort of novel that will always find a public, no matter what’s happening in Asia, Washington or Moscow.  Dealing with a drunkard’s morning-after (in this case, a take-it-or-leave-it-alone drunkard who begins his day after a hundred per cent blackout) it explores, and explains, a dilemma that is all too familiar to many citizens in this age of jitter-and-fritter.  The reconstruction of the hours, and the lifetime, preceding that epic blackout give the author an excuse to dance a rigadoon on a story-line as taut as Ringling Brothers’ high wire.

The results are just as spine-tingling, as Mr. Moll’s hero-heel threatens to take a header at every other page.  When murder crawls into the act, and rides his shoulders like an antic clown, the suspense is, at times, unbearable.

It should be noted, of course, that all this is the stuff of which good pictures are made – and no more.  Mr. Falstein’s novel (which comes from the heart) is literature – when its author is at the top of his form.  It is unfortunate that the scenarist could not have traded a little of his know-how for a little of the airman’s experience.

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  312 pages.  Harcourt, Brace.  $3.
NIGHT WITHOUT SLEEP.  By Elick Moll.  212 pages.  Little, Brown.  $2.75.

________________________________________

With Death As a Co-Pilot

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  312 pp.  New York, Harcourt, Brace & Co. $3
By HERBERT F. WEST

The New York Times
August 20, 1950

… “Face of a Hero” is, in my opinion,
the most mature novel about the Air Force that has yet appeared.  

**********

… Mr. Falstein makes them more human, and so more interesting;
here one will learn, if he really wants to know,
what the term “fifty missions” really meant.

WRITTEN from the enlisted man’s point of view, “Face of a Hero” is, in my opinion, the most mature novel about the Air Force that has yet appeared.  The author, and aerial gunner with the Fifteenth Air Force in Italy, has told his apparently autobiographical story dispassionately and honestly.  He has produced a book that is both exciting and important.

The focus of the novel is a ten-man crew, “a little universe revolving in its narrow orbit,”  flying its fifty missions from an Italian field in a B-24.  It is not a watch-perfect crew.  Under normal conditions it sometimes acts unsmoothly, makes mistakes.  It is no more than the sum of its human parts.

Perhaps the most effective chapter in the novel describes the crew’s first mission over Vienna, one of the most deadly assignments of the war.  The reader has a spine-tingling sense of participation, from the first airborne moment to its flak-ridden return.

At the end of that mission, says the narrator, “all ten of us piled from the ship.  We scrambled down and without looking back we ran in our heavy clothing away from the ship in all directions.  Then, when we felt safely distanced from our plane, several of us fell down and kissed the barren, parched soil and then got up and ran again.”

THE crew’s missions include bomber runs to Regensburg, Munich, Brod, Ploesti, Innsbruck, the Brenner Pass, Ora, Miskolc, the Po Valley and Osijek (names not exactly nostalgic to thousands of air veterans).  The crew gets frostbitten at 20,000 feet, flies blind in deadly fog, blunders with its guns and bombs, sweats with fear, suffers wounds and deaths.  Incidents include a crash-landing, a suicide in the air, the burial of a comrade, and madness, but the men stick it out until only two of the original ten are left.

Dooley, the flight engineer, and Ben Isaacs, the narrator of the story, who is called “Pop”  because he is 35 years old.

Ben, the Jewish gunner, is fighting a personal war.  An old man in Italy reminded him: “Do you know, son, six million of your brothers and sisters are slain.  Remember that, my son, when you drop those bombs on him.”    The other thing that keeps him going is his fight with fear.  On his fiftieth mission, with which the book ends, he wants to shout, “You did not quit, you did not quit, you did not quit.”

**********

Entombed

I caught a glimpse of a bomber exploding; the front half of the ship nosed down and spiralled slowly earthward, turning crazily, like a long piece of paper dropped from a tall building.  The other half of the fuselage appeared settled in space momentarily.  Then  it too floated down in a slow spiral.  No chutes came out of that ship.  No man.  – Louis Falstein in “Face of a Hero”.

**********

He had won the battle of self: “The will had triumphed over emotion, which was represented by vacillation and cowardice.”  Ben Isaacs had come to know the ultimate experience, the terrible solitude of a man facing death, and for the first time in his life he was unafraid.

If some readers are offended by the language, which at times is certainly low, Louis Falstein can argue rightly, I think, that this is the way the men in the air force talked, and these are the things they talked about.

The author was also well aware of the way the Army conducted itself in Italy, and says, “What shame could be greater than for a grown-up to stare into the face of a child whose eyes had grown evil and corrupt and all-knowing.  Our guilt was so enormous that we could never expiate it.”

This book shows that the wild-blue-yonder boys were not quite as the war-time publicists for the Air Force made them out to be.  Mr. Falstein makes them more human, and so more interesting; here one will learn, if he really wants to know, what the term “fifty missions” really meant.

________________________________________

Fifty Missions

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co. 312 pp; $3
By HOLLIS ALPERT

Saturday Review of Literature
August 19, 1950

… and yet there is a freshness that runs through the book,
a quality that makes the familiar material seem new once more.

**********

…He has written as though he alone knows the truth and the actuality;
his narration is compelling, and he writes narrative with grace and simplicity.

**********

…Time is fifty missions, too, and time halts until fifty missions are completed.  
And time spent in the air above flak-dotted areas
leaves scars that to be scars do not need to show upon the flesh.  
This Mr. Falstein communicates, and since he communicates it honestly and well
he is a writer to be taken seriously.

IT IS five years since the end of World War II and already our novelistic returns on the conflict seem to be about in.  The books have had varying fates from a long tenure on best-seller indexes to almost complete neglect.  It is no help for a novel that comes along now to have run the gauntlet of comparison with a handsome list of others: the names of Hegen, Calmer, Mailer, and Shaw (to take a handy few) stand for well-covered areas of war subject matter and terrain.  Only five years, and yet the accolade of “best” war novel has been handed out a dozen times.  No need any longer to read another, so the feeling seems to be, as though we are to have only one to remember and recreate the awesome time for us.  That no novelist has “caught it all” is made amply clear by Louis Falstein’s “Face of a Hero”.  His subject is war, his characters are much the same sort of GI’s we’ve met before, their speech and their thoughts are not startlingly fresh to us, and yet there is a freshness that runs through the book, a quality that makes the familiar material seem new once more.

Not that it should be a book without fault, or that it should necessarily cause a new flurry of “best” recommendations.  Even the hero, Ben Isaacs, we seem to have met before: self-conscious about his “Jewishness”, broodingly aware of why he fights, and set apart a little from the others because of this double awareness.  The others in the crew of ten who flew in a B-24 to a base in Southern Italy are hardly distinctive enough for remembering them as individuals, once the book has been put down.  Nevertheless “Face of a Hero” remains haunting and powerful.

I think this is primarily due to the richness of feeling with which air war has been rendered by Mr. Falstein.  He has written as though he alone knows the truth and the actuality; his narration is compelling, and he writes narrative with grace and simplicity.

The story is sharply limited in outline.  This crew of ten must complete fifty bombing missions before their combat duties are over and they can be returned to the United States.  What is involved in the term “fifty missions”?  The answer is the scope and the meaning of the book; an age, an agony, life in a universe reflecting little but death.  Ten men flew the missions to Ploesti, Vienna, and the Riviera beaches; two were able to reach the seemingly impossible number.  Along this path of fifty missions are strewn the loss of the other eight.  Flak, failure of engines and fuel supply, mental crack-ups, enemy fighter action account for the empty cots in the barracks.  It was a dream crew that started out, so they all passionately believed or tried to believe.  And when Ben flew his fiftieth he was a stranger, manning a tail gun among nine men whose faces were hardly more than oxygen masks to him.

To make up for the lack of sharp characterization (and it is likely that Mr. Falstein had this for his purpose) there is a universalization of the experience.  They must face it in common, the menace cannot be conquered, and they do not shape, they rather are shaped by it, so that after a while even Ben cannot see them as entities other than flight engineers, tail gunners, and navigators.  Time looms all important in this kind of existence, and I think the management of this time factor gives Mr. Falstein an affinity with a time-obsessed writer like Virginia Woolf (although their methods are entirely dissimilar, and no comparison, is intended).  For time unrolls like a scroll here, and the emotions of a lifetime can be crowded into six hours spent 20,000 feet above the earth.  Time is fifty missions, too, and time halts until fifty missions are completed.  And time spent in the air above flak-dotted areas leaves scars that to be scars do not need to show upon the flesh.  This Mr. Falstein communicates, and since he communicates it honestly and well he is a writer to be taken seriously.

________________________________________

A Good Novel in Spite of Its Obscenities

“FACE OF A HERO,” by Louis Falstein.  [Harcourt, Brace.  $3.]

Reviewed by Victor P. Hass

Chicago Daily Tribune
August 20, 1950

It is real; it is worth reading.  But brace yourself; it is appallingly strong meat.

Anybody who has read almost any of the torrent of World War II combat novels knows that it was fought with men, weapons, and four letter words. Being a reviewer and having read dozens of those novels I had thought that I was pretty much insulated against foul language.  “Face of a Hero,” however, rocked me like a medium bomber dancing on flak.  Eighty per cent of this novel is made up of the dirtiest, filthiest, most shockingly foul language I have ever seen in print.  To me, it is incredible that it ever got into print in the first place and I am leagues from being a prude.

And yet I believe that Mr. Falstein’s novel belongs well up on the list of World War II novels because it is a rather amazing account of what it meant to be an enlisted man in the American air forces during World War II.  That it is authentic I do not doubt because Mr. Falstein experienced everything that the men in his story experienced.  That makes his novel an important contribution to the literature of the war.

***

But it doesn’t alter the fact that it is studded with dialog so obscene that I hesitate to recommend it to any save the hardiest of readers, while warning even them to keep it under cover if there are children around the house.

That, I think, is a pity because the story of how Ben Isaacs, who had to pull strings to get into combat with the 15th air force in Italy, and who somehow survived 50 missions (many of them over terrible Vienna) is a gripping one.  With Ben you watch the men of his crew crack up, become crazed with fear, conjure up a whole catalog of odd complexes, curse, careen drunkenly thru the streets of dirty Italian towns, sleep with a succession of girls, force down acrid coffee and lousy chow in bleak dawns, ride out storms of anti-aircraft fire over dozens of cities with curious names, hate, love, shoot the breeze in endless bull sessions in barracks, perform feats of bravery and still not think of themselves as heroes.

***

It is real; it is worth reading.  But brace yourself; it is appallingly strong meat.

________________________________________

A Bomber Crew in Italy
Sensational Novel of Fliers in Action
FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp.  $3

By ARCHER WINSTEN

New York Post
August 20, 1950

… such a marked flair for descriptive and dramatic writing
that the whole crew and indeed the entire air operation
achieve an earthy reality few novels have equaled.

**********

They drink heavily,
relax in sex debauchery or dreams thereof,
and gripe incessantly,
all exclusively,
at food,
officers,
groundlings,
civilians,
Italians,
and B-24s,
the weather,
the war and the world.
Either Mr. Falstein took notes when he was in the Air Corps,
or else he has an extraordinarily retentive memory.

**********

It is a personal document,
expanded by means of first-rate reporting to the proportions of a novel.

In default of firsthand knowledge of what it was like to be part of a bomber crew working out of Italy In 1944 “Face of a Hero” fills the gap with what seems to for intense autobiographical total recall.  Author Louis Falstein’s mouthpiece, Ben Isaacs, tells his story in the first person but with such a marked flair for descriptive and dramatic writing that the whole crew and indeed the entire air operation achieve an earthy reality few novels have equaled.

Sex and Fear

The romantic, daredevil boys of the wild blue yonder are conspicuously absent.  These are frightened, foul-mouthed individuals whose group loyalty becomes a tangible aid to heroism until death, or the breaking point, of the fifty mission goal is reached.

They drink heavily, relax in sex debauchery or dreams thereof, and gripe incessantly, all exclusively, at food, officers, groundlings, civilians, Italians, and B-24s, the weather, the war and the world.  Either Mr. Falstein took notes when he was in the Air Corps, or else he has an extraordinarily retentive memory.

The most complete characterization is that of the narrator, Ben Isaacs, a thirty five-year old ex-teacher’ from Chicago whose Jewish background had stimulated his desire for active participation in the war against Hitler.

After an engagement with Messerschmitts, firing his tail guns in anger, he thought, “It was amazing how again the simple proved to be the most direct.  The most eloquent rebuttal to brutality was brutality in return …  A man could express himself most fully only through killing …  The world was not for passive people …  Only those who fought back would remain alive, even if only in the consciousness of those who came after them.”

‘All Heroes’

But this novel does not deal with the flawless hero of romance.  Again and again Isaacs’ pure anger, his reason for fighting, is tarnished with basic, paralyzing fear.  The others, fighting without the support of the compelling psychology of the persecution-conscious Jew, are equally subject to fear.  Their inner states are not given the same exhaustive self-analysis, but their fates are all catalogued.  They are all heroes, within their separate and diverse capacities, and in very human terms.

The novel also supplies a clear small light allowing why white Americans lost their liberating popularity so rapidly In Italy and why the Negro soldiers retained theirs.  This brief but emotionally valid chapter could be expanded into a book of much needed indoctrination for Americans who fight in foreign lands as representatives of democracy.

In the last analysis “Face of a Hero” cannot be regarded as a major novel.  It is a personal document, expanded by means of first-rate reporting to the proportions of a novel.

In Its personal phase it has depth of feeling and thought.  In the broader, more superficial aspect of its reporting of the air war of the bombers its inevitable melodrama makes a very exciting experience for the reader.

It would be foolhardy to attempt an evaluation of Mr. Falstein’s future from his work, but there is no doubt that this time he has struck pay dirt in several senses of the the words, the sensational, the true, and the popular.

________________________________________

Saga of Warplane Crew

The Philadelphia Inquirer
August 20, 1950

… he reaches a new high in his descriptions of the actual bombing missions,
which are made so real that the reader seems to be flying along.

LOUIS FALSTEIN was an aerial gunner during World War Two and was awarded the Air Medal four times and the Purple Heart.  Now, in Fare of a Hero, with a natural writing skill and an unusual imagination, he has distilled his experiences and observations into one of the outstanding war novels.

Swift-paced, powerful and vividly realistic, Falstein’s initial effort in the field is the story of a group of fliers – principally the crew of one “fat-bellied Liberator” – in the 15th Air Force in Italy.

The men tire, they crack up, they are killed or commit suicide, until there are only a few of the original crew members remaining.  This was the war to the airmen, and Falstein reveals their emotions and feelings and reasoning a, completely as any novelist thus far.  Further, he reaches a new high in his descriptions of the actual bombing missions, which are made so real that the reader seems to be flying along.  (Harcourt, Brace & Co.  312 pp  $3.)   F.B.

________________________________________

Off the Target

Time
August 21, 1950

FACE OF A HERO (312 pp.) Louis FalsteinHarcourt, Brace ($3).

… Face of a Hero is less a novel than a first-person recital of discontent;
Ben’s buddies didn’t know what they were fighting for,
the B-24s weren’t fit to fly,
some of the officers were deadweights,
the G.I.s behaved crudely with Italian civilians,
the Red Cross girls dated officers only.

**********

… It would be hard to guess from Face of a Hero that the war was won,
that Hitler was rubbed out,
that millions of G.I.s knew very well, beneath their gripes, what the score was.

(This image of Time’s book review is from the Magazine Project.)

Face of a Hero is called by its publishers “one of the most powerful and truthful novels to come out of World War II”.  It is powerful only if a mixture of bitterness and resentment can be called power, and it is not so much a novel as one grouser’s-eye view of the war in the air.  The author is First Novelist Louis Falstein, a gunner who completed 50 missions, won the Air Medal and added a couple of clusters to it.   His hero and narrator is Gunner Ben Isaacs, a congenital soul searcher, as much at war with his neurotic self as with Nazi Germany.

When Ben’s B-24 crew arrived in Italy, he was 34, small, thin-fingered and a wearer of glasses.  He knew himself to be only a fifth-rate gunner, and because he was a Jew, he felt that the rest of the boys had never accepted him.  At 15, he had come from the Ukraine, where he had seen pogroms with his own eyes.  Ben had become a gunner because he hated Hitler and understood the necessity for defeating him.  He was nonetheless scared to death of combat – and honest enough to admit that, while it had been easy to hate fascism, “the difficulty had been in bridging the distance between belief and action.”  His self-knowledge was accurate.  Ben on his first mission was a praying, vomiting passenger.

Like millions of other civilians-turned-soldiers, Ben Isaacs became hardened to combat and began to pull his weight.  But his ingrown, slit-focus view of life kept him on sour emotional rations.  Face of a Hero is less a novel than a first-person recital of discontent; Ben’s buddies didn’t know what they were fighting for, the B-24s weren’t fit to fly, some of the officers were deadweights, the G.I.s behaved crudely with Italian civilians, the Red Cross girls dated officers only.

It seems fairly clear that not only Ben but Author Falstein, too, is out to handpick an ugly side of the war and call it the whole picture.  It would be hard to guess from Face of a Hero that the war was won, that Hitler was rubbed out, that millions of G.I.s knew very well, beneath their gripes, what the score was.

________________________________________

Books

Face of the Hero.  Louis Falstein.  Harcourt.  $3.

Joe Dever

The Commonweal
August 25, 1950

Ernest Hemingway excepted,
only an aerial combat man could write this story as it must be written –
out of the looseness of his bowels and the stutter of his teeth.
And only a writer with some kind of spiritual insight could hold it all together.

**********

… Because they were, most of them, undedicated, not knowing why they fought, not caring why,
Ben Isaacs knew their courage was exceedingly admirable.
Their courage had to feed on the vaguenes of drive-in theatres,
cokes and hamburgers and some wisp of a girl wearing their silver wings at the USO.

**********

… As Falstein puts it: “…a man does not weep like a child.
A man’s sobs are the sounds of anguish and despair.
They come to the surface with the difficulty of dry heaves.”

If Hell has a center it could be at the Laredo aerial gunnery school in mid-summer.  If Heaven is on earth at times, it could have been at Laredo when the gunners wore their wings and sauntered around the field in their jaunty green flying suits.

You too can be an aviation cadet, providing you do not wash out and go to gunnery school at Laredo, Texas; Tyndall Field, Florida; Kingman, Arizona; Las Vegas, Nevada.

In all these places you get to know incessant heat, the clack of skeet-shot, the chatter of thirties, the thunder of fifties, the relentless moan of the bombers approaching, circling or dwindling.

You too could fly, if you were not a camp reporter gathering news in the air-conditioned bowling alley at Laredo – seeing the gunners come and go, writing little releases which appeared in the Kansas City Star or the Charlestown News.

Sgt. Fred Cluney pinned on his bright new gunner’s wings today after graduation ceremonies at Laredo, Texas.  “This is the day I’ve been waiting for,” he declared, before joining an operational training unit in El Paso.

Sgt. Cluney, who hopes to slash at the Nazis from a ball turret, is the son of Mr. and Mrs. Charles Cluney of 1740 Bunker Hill St.  His brother Edward is a Petty Officer serving with the Navy, somewhere in the South Pacific.”

The day he was waiting for.  Yes, and if his aunt wore trousers, she would be his uncle.

Then at Lowry Field, later, where they pooled the returnee gunners, you took them to the Denver Press Club and helped them ease up with bourbon, gin, beer and all three mixed if necessary.  (Obscenity the Air Corps, obscenity all officers and all civilians, obscenity everything but us and those we like because of a smile, a drink, an embrace in the hallway.)

“You’re a writer.  For Christ’ sake write it all dawn.  Tell our story, tell the whole obscenity story.”

But you’d have to be a combat gunner to tell that story, to get behind the too-many missions and the too many medals.  To know the why of sobbing at midnight on the way back to the barracks – the tears and the profanity and the chambering – the vomiting at the Shirley-Savoy on Saturday night.

LOUIS FALSTEIN, an ex-combat gunner, has told this almost impossible story.  Impossible, became it is difficult to make fictionally credible the feelings and the actions of men who flew the B-24’s – those whooshy boxcars – and all combat airplanes over the guns of the enemy in broad daylight.  It is almost impossible to extract value and dedication out of men at whom the Nazi gunners have thrown everything but their chamber pots over incredible, nightmarish targets like Ploesti and Vienna.

Ernest Hemingway excepted, only an aerial combat man could write this story as it must be written – out of the looseness of his bowels and the stutter of his teeth.  And only a writer with some kind of spiritual insight could hold it all together.

Those of us who have thought about writing a gunner’s novel further recognize the complex technical problems.  Once you have done a vivid, powerful, comprehensive job on one aerial combat mission – say the first of 50 – what are you going to do with the other 49?

In Sergeant Ben Isaacs, the gentle, thirtyish American Jew with a steely dedication to the destruction of Fascism, we have Louis Falstein’s answer to the problem of the short story material that must be sustained in a novel of at least three hundred pages.

Through Ben’s eyes we see that the nightmare life of the heavy bombardment mission does not end with the screech of brakes after the flappy monsters have lumbered home empty to Italy, free of the Focke-Wulfs and the flak.  The story of Ben’s sustained dedication – which might so easily have become corny – amid the desolation of the barracks and the fear-ridden, lust-ridden, homesick, tippling, brawling gunners, provides the t-bone of the story.  The furious and too-familiar cinema of aerial combat is tossed salad.

Mr. Falstein writes with an artlessness which at first seems uninviting, as strangers in the middle of a conversation seem uninviting, until you’ve listened a while.

“It was still dark when all ten of us assembled near our ship in the dispersal area.  The Flying Foxhole was all shiny and silvery with a taut, unblemished aluminum skin.  Nevertheless I was struck by a change in her appearance.  It was not a tangible change.  The plane suddenly seemed angry, like a predatory bird.”

Falstein’s insight into the tortures, hopes and anxieties of the gunners is continually arresting.  There is unfailingly – the Whitmanesque compassion: “I am the man, I suffered, I was there.”

If you’ve been in the Air Force, you’ll know how genuine Falstein’s air-ground world is.  You’ll know it is all so genuine even if you’ve never left your mother’s lap.  The speech:

“…even the birds are walking.”
“…you’re obscenity well told!”
“…rough as a cob.”

All the sulphurous wit, the glib cynicism, the swaggering disguises of gangling boys who had to become supermen over Ploesti, Vienna, Regensburg, Berlin.  Because they were, most of them, undedicated, not knowing why they fought, not caring why, Ben Isaacs knew their courage was exceedingly admirable.  Their courage had to feed on the vaguenes of drive-in theatres, cokes and hamburgers and some wisp of a girl wearing their silver wings at the USO.

If my name were Brentano or Harcourt Brace, I would give away many copies of this book to the returnee gunners I knew in Laredo, Denver, Phoenix.  It would make them very happy to know that the whole monstrous business had been set down in a book – a book that explains why teen age gunner veterans beat up three waiters and sob in the darkness on the way up the barrack stairs.  As Falstein puts it: “…a man does not weep like a child.  A man’s sobs are the sounds of anguish and despair.  They come to the surface with the difficulty of dry heaves.”

You close the book reluctantly, gratefully wanting to say: “never, never again.” But a wind is rising in Korea and already somebody way up top may be squinting at reactivation plans for Laredo, Tyndall, Kingman, Las Vegas.

Tail gunner to pilot.  Over.  All over again.

JOE DEVER.

________________________________________

10 Men In Liberator Live Furious Life
FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace and Co.; $3.00.

Reviewed by W.G. ROGERS, the Associated Press.

The Jackson Sun
August 27, 1950

… These men live for us with a furious vitality;
where there is passion, it is grand passion,
whether in the awesome intimate sessions in which the flyers guess at the chances of survival,
in the blood-curdling moments when they battle to survive,
or in the quick rest periods when they take their wine and women
with a fierce and maybe final frenzy.
Passages like this, at which you laugh and weep,
are the finest World War II writing done so far by any American author.

Fifty missions … that’s the rugged prospect facing 10 men who fly a fat-bellied Liberator on bombing raids from their Italian base.

Ben Isaacs, who as a youngster had fled to America from persecution in Europe, tells this stirring story. Almost 39, Ben is “Pop” to his fellows Poat, Fidanza, Ginn, Dula, Trent, Pennington and the rest.  Oh, they’d be heroes, they joked while training; they’d show Hitler.  Hitler had something to show them.  On their first flight, they discovered flak, the soundless puffs that blossom blackly in the midst of the formation, jolting their “Flying Foxhole,” rattling a deadly rain along its shiny sides, punching a hole in the hydraulic system.  They’re scared.  One man is scared of his shadow, and it, too, is scared; they’re so scared they can’t work their fingers, they vomit their fear, one uses his gun on himself, one tries to jump out

They grow hardened, yet still later the awful fright returns as they drive off fighters or feel blindly through the clouds.  The regulation assignment of 50 missions always hangs over them; though one counts on his Bible, another on his caul, and others on their lucky pieces, luck fails them one by one.  Ben knows why he’s in it, but the others haven’t this consolation; as a native says, the Americans are “armed magnificently … but spiritually they are naked.”

There is, perhaps, some spiritual nakedness about the novel, too, but it is possessed of sterling virtues.  These men live for us with a furious vitality; where there is passion, it is grand passion, whether in the awesome intimate sessions in which the flyers guess at the chances of survival, in the blood-curdling moments when they battle to survive, or in the quick rest periods when they take their wine and women with a fierce and maybe final frenzy.  Passages like this, at which you laugh and weep, are the finest World War II writing done so far by any American author.

________________________________________

‘Hero’ Finds Triumph in Losing Fear

FACE OF A HERO.  By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace: $3.

Los Angeles Times
September 3, 1950

To Ben it was the youngsters in his barracks who were the real heroes
and “most of them fought on sheer guts,
with hardly any knowledge of the causes for the war.” …

**********

… It arrives fairly late in the succession of war novels,
but it is as powerful as the best,
for it gains in depth what it sacrifices in scope
and shows a portrait with the shadows and smudges and few highlights untouched.

Traditional heroes were always men of exceptional valor and fortitude, models of noble qualities, and often of divine descent.   In our own time, the hero has become the typical man caught in the clutch of circumstance, altogether human in stature, capacity and ability.

The “heroes,” for instance, in Louis Falstein’s remarkable novel are men “huddled together momentarily against the unknown … bound ever so precariously only by mutual fears.”  They make up the crew of a Liberator bomber stationed in Italy during the last half of 1944.  Their story is told by Ben Isaacs, tail gunner, all of 35 and therefore Pop and Old Man to the rest of the bomber crew.

Survival Is Goal

“Survival, 50 missions, was the goal – not the winning of the war,” for these men, observes the narrator, who adds, “Survival for its own sake was a corrupt thing, like living only for the sake of living.”  Ben’s case was somewhat different because he was a Jew, had endured persecution as a youth in Europe, and at least had a personal reason for fighting.  But he, too, shared then: fears and fatalism, panic and fatigue, despair and cynicism, degradation and loneliness in the constant presence of death.

To Ben it was the youngsters in his barracks who were the real heroes and “most of them fought on sheer guts, with hardly any knowledge of the causes for the war.”  Ben wondered what made them persevere.  Was it an innate courage?  “But courage was a flower that blossomed slowly.  One could learn and gather courage.  What was it, then?  Approval?  Was it possible for men to go out and die because others died and because their environment approved of and demanded such acts?”

Triumph Achieved

Ben’s own personal triumph and jubilation stem from a self-conquest over vacillation and cowardice, over the fear of death.  Realization only comes with the final mission and it comes with no sense of glory but simply of feeling that “it does not matter,” of becoming unafraid.

There are no spectacular men in this book, but they are all men seen at close range in their small, distorted, violent world of war, in barracks and airborne.  All the elements of fiction are there – suspense, action, incident, characters – but the narrative seems carved straight from experience itself.  It arrives fairly late in the succession of war novels, but it is as powerful as the best, for it gains in depth what it sacrifices in scope and shows a portrait with the shadows and smudges and few highlights untouched.

MILTON MERLIN

________________________________________

War in the Air
FACE OF A HERO. By Louis Falstein.  Harcourt, Brace.  312 pp. $3.

The Washington Post
September 3, 1950

… This book tells it all with a vivid feeling of “being-there-ness”
that this reviewer has rarely come upon before.

The narrator is the tall-gunner, who, like the rest of the crew, is just an ordinary Joe.
All of them want only to complete 50 bombing missions from their station at Eboli
(where Christ is said to have stopped) and then so back to the States.
As it happened, the first of the 50 was almost the last, too,
and in Mr. Falstein’s hypnotic telling the reader goes through hell with the crew.

Mr. Falstein has written one of the strongest, truest and finest novels of World War II. …

ANYONE who wants to know what war is like for an airman has merely to read this book.  It will tell him, as powerfully as the printed word can, what it felt like to be in a Liberator on a bombing mission, driven by duty but gripped by fear, elated when the bombs were away but seared to death when the flak began hitting, and limp with exhaustion when the plane came in on a wing and a prayer.  This book tells it all with a vivid feeling of “being-there-ness” that this reviewer has rarely come upon before.

The narrator is the tall-gunner, who, like the rest of the crew, is just an ordinary Joe.  All of them want only to complete 50 bombing missions from their station at Eboli (where Christ is said to have stopped) and then so back to the States.  As it happened, the first of the 50 was almost the last, too, and in Mr. Falstein’s hypnotic telling the reader goes through hell with the crew.

Mr. Falstein has written one of the strongest, truest and finest novels of World War II.  His prose style is less experimental than Norman Mailer’s and his picture of men in action not as all-encompassing; but it has an emotional focus and tautness that Mailer’s book lacked.

________________________________________

BRIEFLY NOTED
FICTION

FACE OF A HERO, by Louis Falstein

The New Yorker
September 16, 1950

… he feels himself to be an outsider but which tends to reflect his spirit rather than his anger.

(Harcourt, Brace).  A sincere account of the Second World War in Italy, written from the point of view of an American aerial gunner.  Though the gunner, Ben, speaks with authority and emotion, he spoils his effect by a persistent air of peevish dignity, which comes mostly from the fact that he feels himself to be an outsider but which tends to reflect his spirit rather than his anger.

________________________________________

FIFTY MISSIONS

FACE OF A HERO, by Leo Falstein (Harcourt, Brace; $3).

David Davidson
The New Republic
October 2, 1950

… another war is on him before he has been able to get his own off the presses.

**********

…In its directness,
in its skill at drawing the reader into sharing the combat experience of the characters,
it is as successful an account of the sky-slogging airman
as Van Van Praag’s Day without End was of the mud-caked foot soldier.

**********

… On a documentary level, however, it is one of the best-told tales of air combat in World War II.

THERE WERE TIMES when a writer could count on his war novel staying current for at least a dozen years.  Today, the war novelist who doesn’t want to become suddenly dated must bring out his War and Peace in a form something like an evening newspaper – with flashes, extras and replates.  Otherwise, as in the case of Leo Falstein’s warmhearted, honestly-told tale of the Italy-based Fifteenth Air Force, another war is on him before he has been able to get his own off the presses.

Where the New War plays a little hob with Face of a Hero is in Falstein’s pre-publication assumption that the dreadful sufferings of our flying men in World War II were to be made worthwhile by the peace, decency and brotherhood which were going to descend on mankind immediately after the last bomb bay was closed.  It has not worked out quite that way.

But as a kind of documentary of what life was like in a bombing plane, as a revelation of the day-to-day agonies of the men whom the infantry dismissed as the “fly-boys,”  Face of a Hero has a good deal still to tell us.  In its directness, in its skill at drawing the reader into sharing the combat experience of the characters, it is as successful an account of the sky-slogging airman as Van Van Praag’s Day without End was of the mud-caked foot soldier.

Centering his story on the 50 missions to be sweated out by a 35-year-old tail gunner before he can go home (which was the author’s own war experience), Falstein shows us that those crews of ten inside the fragile aluminum skins were anything but the Fancy Dans they might have looked like before or after their 50 missions.  They lived in desolate barracks in the midst of nowhere, with almost no contact with the native population except when they got drunk between missions, and were bound to show themselves at their worst.  They rose to fight in the dark hours when most other men, at their weakest, were deep in sleep.

The most fervid travelers of all times, they roamed the skies of a continent, hopping over three and four countries on a single journey, but they knew the capital cities only by the density of their flak.

Ploesti, whose oil refineries were all too well guarded, they called a graveyard.  And Vienna, with its 400 antiaircraft guns, evoked such frightful associations that they never mentioned its name if they could help it.  Their favorite cities were those where the flak fell well short of bombing altitude these were “the milk runs,” and loved dearly.

What they envied most about the infantryman, ironically, was his foxhole.  In the air, against flak, there was simply no place to hide as the monstrous black roses bloomed all about you.  Either you got through or you didn’t; it was completely out of your hands.  Against enemy fighting planes it was a little better: the gunners had something to answer with – but for the four officers of each crew it was the worst of all.  Pilot, co-pilot, bombardier and navigator went unarmed and had to sweat through each such engagement in agonized impotence.

As a novel, Fare of a Hero does not perhaps go as deep as it might into the character of people as people (though the author has a keen ear for the varied configurations of their speech).  On a documentary level, however, it is one of the best-told tales of air combat in World War II.

DAVID DAVIDSON

David Davidson is the author of “The Steeper Cliff” and “The Hour of Truth”; his new novel, “in Another Country,” will be published late in October.

________________________________________

The Army Stereotype Again

FACE OF A HERO.  By LOUIS FALSTEIN
HARCOURT, BRACE.  312 pp.  $3.00.

Reviewed by NATHAN HALPER

Commentary
March, 1951

In a book like Louis Falstein’s, the majority of the soldiers are merely historical pushovers.

ONE day, the first sergeant came out to watch us on the drill field.  Being green, we were mortally afraid of non-coms.  Especially top kicks.  This one was tall, bony, with leather face, bull frog voice, and a large wad of tobacco working like a nervous tic in the middle of his cheek.

When it came to doing push-ups, many of us fell on our face.  The sergeant stared at us with a succulent unbelief.  “Jeez!” he said, “What in hell is the matter with you young guys?  It’s no trouble.  I can do it.  And I was forty-three yesterday.”  Whereupon, all the men, two hundred and sixty men, sang, “Happy Birthday to You.”

Happy birthday, dear sergeant

Happy birthday to you.

This is something I remember every time I read a war book.  It’s a side of army life which our writers won’t discuss.

Writers did not like the army.  They knew they shouldn’t and they wouldn’t before they even entered it.  In a sense, their books were written before they ever were experienced.  The time spent in the service only added local color.

Their ideas of what would happen, though they were far from being accurate, did contain a core of truth.  The army had a lot of evils.  The writer put them in his book.  But, because of his preconceptions, the writer also managed to see many ills that were not there.  He put these in his novel too.  Nor was he at all restricted to thing which he though he had seen.  Any rumor or surmise, just as long as it was hostile, had in it the ring of fact.  It went into his novel too.  If, after all this, he still had a memory of something that was pleasant, he knew it was proper to delete it.

Of a thousand meals a year, surely one or two were edible.  Of a thousand mess halls, surely one or two were adequate.  But, since it is dogma that the army food was bad, no soldier in a war book ever is allowed to get a single decent cup of coffee.

Give the author a kleptomaniac, a dope head, or a rapist.  Or give him a poor fellow who murdered the children in Dusseldorf.  He will drench them with compassion.  He will show they’re not to blame.  They are products of heredity, of environment, of these awful times we live in.  Give the writer a lieutenant.  He will show you and obscenity without the ghost of a redeeming trait.

The GIs, on the other hand, are the writer’s fellow victims.  As such, they get his sympathy.  But they also are a part of the writer’s army experience.  As such he views them with distaste.  They’re the people; little people.  In a way, they are fine.  Certainly, as opposed to the officers.  At the same time, he himself as a sensitive, intellectual, and idealistic liberal.  And, compared to that, they have such narrow minds, small perspectives, mean horizons.

Put him in the heart of China.  He’ll respect their local customs.  Give him a tribe of Solomon Islanders.  He will try to feel at home.

Give him sailors, loggers, riveters, give him a couple of truck drivers, a few Cape Cod fishermen.  He will turn a double cart wheel because they are so Rabelaisian.  However, once these men put on an army uniform, their swearing, drinking, wenching suddenly become the marks of a tawdry poverty of spirit.

In his scenes of combat, he will show you farmers falling while the tanks lunge through the furrows.  He will show you the civilians while the bombs fall over London.  He will show you refugees caught between two hostile armies.  Fire, blood, famine, fever, nothing has the strength to faze them.  The people are indestructible.

Put these people in the army.  They immediately lose their fiber.  In a book like Louis Falstein’s, the majority of the soldiers are merely historical pushovers.

In his novel, he describes life in a bomber.  Ben Isaacs, the narrator, is a fellow like the author.  The members of the crew are the traditional samples of heterogenous men coming from every section of the country.  It begins with their first mission.  It ends with Sergeant Isaacs after he completes his fiftieth.  In between, his colleagues suffer a wide assortment of disasters, both physical and psychological.

The life in a heavy bomber was not any kind of joy ride.  Over proves it.  He has one man blow his brains out.  A second uses his parachute before he even reaches the target.  A third one gets obsessive guilt.  Something striking happens to every character.

I am sure that happened somewhere.  He puts them in a single plane.  It is like the Grand Guignol.  Once you get the idea, you sit and wait for Lot’s curse to strike the next one.

It’s the same, same old book.  This is strange for the writer, Louis Falstein, isn’t at all the usual writer.

He has neither guilt nor guile.  He is gentle and judicious.  The sort of a scholarly fellow who engages in meditation as he fingers his machine gun while they zoom above Ploesti.

But, instead of writing a book that he might have written, he has taken as his model the cliches of his predecessors.  We still get a sense of a fair and thoughtful man.  But this merely serves to add a rather incongruous touch to the immoderate proceedings.

Though he follows the precedent of using the Jewish soldier a his chief victim spokesman, one stereotype which Falstein forgoes is that of using anti-Semitism as the chief symbol and vehicle for the GI’s resentment at his fate.  He does not close his eyes to it.  But when he shows its presence, he does so without that querulous hypersensitivity which we find in so many war books.  For this we can be grateful.

________________________________________

Inventing the War Novel
In 1948, five novels about World War II dominated the best-seller lists.  They were all written by Jews.

It surely signified something about the progress that American Jews had made that,
when Heller wanted to make his hero an outsider, casting him as a Jew no longer worked.
So he turned him into an Assyrian, or Armenian, or something.
Only many years later did Heller admit that,
whatever his official ethnicity,
Yossarian was really “very Jewish.”

Margolick, David
Wall Street Journal (Online)
December 24, 2015

At the outset of this scholarly and provocative book, Leah Garrett points out a couple of remarkable facts.  First, the five books about World War II that dominated the New York Times’s best-seller list in 1948, including Norman Mailer’s “The Naked and the Dead” and Irwin Shaw’s “The Young Lions,” were all written by Jews and had Jewish soldiers as protagonists.  Second, four of the best-selling war novels from that year set in the European theater, again all written by Jews, culminated in the liberation of Dachau.

In perhaps the last era when novels were the primary form of civic instruction, books like Mailer’s and Shaw’s-as well as novels soon to come like Herman Wouk’s “The Caine Mutiny,” Leon Uris’s “Battle Cry” and Joseph Heller’s “Catch-22”-”created the template through which Americans saw World War II,” Ms. Garrett writes.  All featured Jewish perspectives and Jewish (or Jewish-style) characters and, more than the works in any other medium, brought the catastrophe that had befallen European Jews into the American consciousness.

The war, and the literature it spawned, and the Jewish soldiers depicted in it, helped Jews enter the American mainstream.  It also helped Jews overcome enduring wartime stereotypes as shirkers and weaklings, connivers and cowards.

The enormous audiences that these novels enjoyed-”The Caine Mutiny” sold more books than any novel had since “Gone With the Wind” – meant, Ms. Garrett argues, that Jews “became the popular literary representatives of what it meant to be a soldier.”  Even widely read war novels by non-Jewish writers, like James Jones’s “From Here to Eternity,” featured sympathetic Jewish soldiers.  In John Home Burns’s “The Gallery,” a Jewish Gl is practically the only likable soldier around.

Of the 16 million Americans who served in World War II, 500,000 were Jews.  Jews (my father among them) volunteered in greater proportions than the general population, and 11,000 of them were killed.  Their rate of service was three times that of Jews during World War I, and not surprisingly: Many in that earlier era had been newly arrived immigrants hardly eager to return to the benighted, blood-soaked continent from which they had only recently fled.  Their roles in the literary depictions that followed the two wars varied correspondingly.

The authors of some of the most critically acclaimed American novels of World War I weren’t Jewish and, as their writings make amply clear, didn’t much like Jews either.  In “Three Soldiers,” for instance, John Dos Passos describes Eisenstein as a “little man of thirty with an ash-colored face and a shiny Jewish nose,” whom his fellow soldiers dismiss as a “kike” and a kvetch.  In E.E. Cummings’s “The Enormous Room,” a Jewish soldier is known as “The Fighting Sheeney.”  Americans forever braying about their exceptionalism should compare these calumnies with Rosenthal, the deeply sympathetic Jewish soldier in “Grand Illusion,” the classic French film of the Great War.

But by the time the world went to war a second time, the composition of the armed forces had changed, and so too did the writing that ensued.  More Americanized American Jews, most of them second-generation, participated eagerly in World War II, both to help their country and to save the Jews of Europe.  (Mailer had an additional incentive.  He believed that war, especially in the more dangerous Pacific Theater, would help him write the Great American Novel.)

The bumper crop of novels during and shortly after 1948 also offers a highly disconcerting portrait of the United States and the American military.  Jewish soldiers faced prejudice, as did their families.  In Ira Wolfert’s “An Act of Love,” a bereft Italian-American mother hysterically boards the train carrying her son off to war, but the hero’s Jewish mother, fearing embarrassment in front of the Gentiles, betrays no emotion at all.  Jews, Wolfert explained, “felt they didn’t have the right to behave like people.”  To Wolfert’s hero, bigoted country-club Americans “were stronger enemies of his than the Japanese ever could be.”

Ms. Garrett, a professor of Jewish life and culture at Monash University in Australia, writes that Shaw’s “The Young Lions” “is as much an exposition of anti-Semitism in Europe and America as it is a portrait of war.”  In basic training its hero, Noah Ackerman, is called “Jew-boy,” “Christ killer” and “herring eater”; he is repeatedly beaten; and he is told that the Jews are why everyone’s fighting in the first place.  In Miller’s “That Winter,” an enlisted man tells Lew Cole (ne “Colinsky”) that the Germans “had some pretty good ideas” about the Jew.  No wonder Jewish characters in several of these novels undertake suicide missions; they’re desperate to prove, once and for all, that they’re not wimps.

These characters are almost uniformly sympathetic-sensitive but tough, courageous but intelligent.  Still, judging from their almost-apologetic feelings about their background, plenty of the Christians around them remain unconvinced.  Self-hatred suffuses their souls.  They are invariably ignorant of their faith and eager to escape it, often by changing their names or finding themselves good Christian (even anti-Semitic) wives.  Only Jew-hatred makes them Jews.

That may be why the Holocaust, as yet unnamed and barely understood, figures so prominently in these books: It infused new meaning into Jewishness for some Jews.  The choice to write about it was as much reportorial as literary: Because the American press had largely ignored the slaughter-as had American movies and, newly arrived on the scene, American television-the wartime novelists, Ms. Garrett argues, felt bound to describe it.  (Of the four writing about Dachau, only Gellhorn had actually been there; J.D. Salinger, who helped liberate a camp near Buchenwald, did not write about it.)  Probably not all this was quite as high-minded as she suggests.  To a degree, these novels were precursors of cynical ahistorical films like “Inglourious Basterds,” which exploit the carnage for cheap thrills.  Dead Jews can make great props.

What Jewish soldiers did, and what Jewish novelists later wrote, surely helped protect American Jews during the 1950s, when the prominence of Jews in the Rosenberg case and the Hollywood witch hunts could easily have produced a wave of demagoguery.  But Mr. Wouk and Uris, whose more “middlebrow” books appeared in the early 1950s, took no chances.  They rejected the skepticism and individuality of Mailer and Shaw-and their criticism of the military – in favor of conformity, loyalty, gratitude, obedience.  Suddenly, Jewish characters were not only full-fledged patriots but were lecturing everyone else about patriotism.

All this is embodied in Lt. Barney Greenwald, the savvy military lawyer who gets the mutineers on the Caine-the ones who seized command from the meshugah Capt. Queeg-off the hook.  Greenwald, too, has the Holocaust on his mind: Were it not for all the Queegs, crazy or otherwise, in the U.S. military, he insists, his own Jewish mother would have become soap.  Or, as he puts it, for all their flaws Queeg and his ilk “stopped Hermann Goering from washing his fat behind with my mother.”  Unsurprisingly, that bit was omitted from the movie.  Also unsurprisingly, Mailer-precisely the kind of critical smart-ass soldier that Mr. Wouk was targeting-disagreed.  “The Caine Mutiny,” he wrote to an Army buddy, was “about the best slick novel I ever read until I got to the last fifty pages which were pretty god-awful.”  Jews, after all, hadn’t done so well with people “just following orders.”

Just in time for the 1960s, the pendulum between skepticism and reverence swung back, with “Catch-22.”  It surely signified something about the progress that American Jews had made that, when Heller wanted to make his hero an outsider, casting him as a Jew no longer worked.  So he turned him into an Assyrian, or Armenian, or something.  Only many years later did Heller admit that, whatever his official ethnicity, Yossarian was really “very Jewish.”

Ms. Garrett’s book can be repetitious, but in academic books of this kind you’re almost grateful for that: You can be sure you’ve understood the more opaque passages.  While phrases like “mediated novelistic discourse” pop up, and “privilege” becomes a verb, such jargon is mercifully scarce.  Ms. Garrett is clear and clear-eyed.  But I do have one quibble.

We Jews aren’t entirely consistent about who’s actually Jewish.  When it involves scandal or crime, we’re highly restrictive-e.g., David Berkowitz (“Son of Sam”) was adopted-but when shepping naches (celebrating accomplishments) our definition becomes far more encompassing than either Jewish law or Israel’s Law of Return.  Still, Martha Gellhorn was barely Jewish, and Merle Miller not Jewish at all.  Meantime, Ms. Garrett relegates such forgotten World War II novelists as Gilbert Wolf Gabriel, Martin Dibner, Alan Marcus, Murray Gitlin, Louis Falstein, Mortimer Kadish, Joseph Landon, Sam Ross, Saul Levitt and Irving Schwartz to one intriguing footnote.  Maybe their books aren’t any good.  But they’d probably have been more representative and maybe even more revealing.

Mr. Margolick is a contributing editor at Vanity Fair.

Some Things to Refer to…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – VI: The Art of The Novel

After many words, it’s time for some pictures!  

And so, here are images of the covers of the successive editions of Face of a Hero

First, here’s the exterior art of the Harcourt, Brace and Company’s 1950 first edition of the novel.  This illustration by Ben Shan shows a man’s face, above which is superimposed an image of a group of B-24s under attack by enemy fighters.  The painting is finished in shades of red – bright red to black-red – while for the airplanes, and the circle superimposed on the figure’s right eye, the only other color is no-color-at-all: white.  It seems that rather than create a literal rendering of a B-24 in flight, or, an aircrew standing before their plane, Shahn has taken the novel’s title quite literally, and simply shown a man’s “face”, the group of airplanes almost being an afterthought.  

The title page is straightforward in presenting the book’s title and publisher, but it maintains a theme of military aviation through the sketch of an airman’s helmet, goggles, and oxygen mask.  Oddly, for a novel set relatively late in the Second World War (1944 through early 1945) the sketch shows an A-8 oxygen mask, dating from 1940.  The name of this little sketch’s artist isn’t listed.

Here’s a close-up of the sketch…

…which is embossed on the front cover in red.  

______________________________

Pocket Books’ 1951 paperback edition of Face of a Hero is very, very different, and not just in size and binding!  Al Schmidt’s cover art is very literal to the novel, featuring a clench-jawed aerial gunner pressing the firing handles of his twin fifty-caliber machine-guns, as a flaming German fighter plane – visible through his turret’s broken plexiglass – dives to earth.  Well, the painting certainly catches your attention and unambiguously communicates the nature of the story.  But, there’s a problem here:  Being that our determined gunner has neglected to actually don either his oxygen mask, and assuming that his plane is at typical B-24 bombing altitude (certainly above 15,000 feet), he’d have a hard time staying conscious.  (Oops.)

______________________________

The Popular Library (US, New York), and Panther (UK) paperback editions of Face of a Hero (British title The Sky is a Lonely Place), both published in 1959, approach the novel’s cover illustration in a manner utterly different than by Shan and Schmidt.  Both cover paintings are mild variations on a theme of Good Girl Art, albeit much more so for the Popular Library than the Panther edition.  The latter is a bit more sedate, in 1960s drugstore-spinning-metal-book-rack-romance-novel kind of way.  But, I guess this would’ve helped sales!

The reader unaware of the true nature of Face of a Hero would be surprised (and disappointed?) to discover that there’s no romance in the novel, and whatever eroticism is present (if one can charitably deem it eroticism in the first place!) is intentionally characterized as fleeting, perfunctory, and coarse.  At best.  

Popular Library edition, cover art by Raymond Johnson

_______________

Panther edition, artist unknown

______________________________

Steerforth Press’s 1999 publication of Face of a Hero, the impetus for which arose from Lou Pollock’s 1998 letter to the London Sunday Times concerning the ostensible parallels between Falstein’s novel and Catch-22, bears a cover design that is simple and completely realistic:  Instead of image symbolizing the story, or, a realistic and detailed depiction of a B-24 Liberator in combat, we have a instead a portrait of Louis Falstein in flying gear with a B-24 as a backdrop, as shown in this post.  Smartly, the publisher added indirect praise for Falstein’s novel by mentioning Catch-22 on the cover.  

As an homage to or inspired by the book’s 1950 Harcourt, Brace and Company edition, the publisher included an element from that edition’s title page: An aviator helmet with goggles.  

It would be interesting to consider the design and art of a future edition of Face of a Hero, but as of 2022 – and a world where collective knowledge of the Second World War is inexorably sliding beyond the horizon of memory – I think that eventuality is nil.  C’est la vie.   

Just Three References…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Pocket Books, Inc., New York, N.Y., 1951

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – V: Excerpts From the Novel – Jewish Aviators at War

“You have excellent weapons! 
Imagine a Jew given an opportunity to fight from an airplane!” …

… “You envy me my weapons and I envy you your hatred which is pure and fiery.”

__________

“…I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need,
when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me.”

Sergeant Ben Isaacs, Face of a Hero

____________________

Here’s an excellent depiction of a 450th Bomb Group B-24 Liberator, showing the markings carried by the Group’s aircraft in the closing months of the war.  The image displayed here, the “box art” of Hobby Boss’ 1/32 B-24J plastic model, shows aircraft 44-40927, “MyAkin?” of the 722nd Bomb Squadron, identified as such by the two-digit plane-in-squadron number, “51”, on the rudder.  The panting immediately reveals why Louis Falstein dubbed Sergeant Ben Isaacs’ imaginary Bombardment Group the “Tigertails”:  Note the vertical yellow and black stripes on the fin and rudder, and similarly colored horizontal stabilizers and elevators.

Nose art of the real MyAkin?, from the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association.

The real MyAkin? was flown by the crews of Jack G. Kath and James L. McLain, the latter’s crew including navigator Lieutenant David Fanshel.  Dr. Fanshel wrote an absolutely superb memoir of his experiences as a combat aviator in the European (Mediterranean, really) Theater of War, which – as the only Jewish member of his crew – can be viewed as the non-fiction counterpart to Face of a Hero, though obviously from an officer’s vantage point.  His substantive, deep, and thoughtful book – Navigating The Course: A Man’s Place in His Time  – is still available through Mz.Bezos.Store.  Not a plug: Truly a great book.

Lt. David Fanshel in 1944 or 1945, from his biography page at the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association.

You can gain a glimpse of Dr. Fanshel’s superb writing via his essay, “In the Vortex of History“, at the Cottontails website.  He passed away in 2013.  Here’s an excerpt, which has remarkable resonance with what Louis Falstein penned decades earlier.  I’ve italicized the most telling passages:

When I come to understand my father’s letter it shakes me up.  In the mixture of his improvised Yiddish-English writing, he is able to convey an intense anguish.  He specifically addresses my status as an active participant in the air war against Germany and defines my purpose in being in Italy.  Not having the foggiest notion of my duties as a B-24 navigator on combat missions, he nevertheless wants me to do everything I can to wreak havoc on the enemy.  He wants me to kill all the Germans I can.  Personally!  It is as if he imagines me somehow throwing our 500-pound bombs from our plane.

***

I have not mentioned my father’s letter to any members of my crew.  I reason that we are all honorable and have our own individual motives for flying combat missions in Italy.  I do not feel comfortable in seeking to define for my crewmates the nature of their motivations for risking their lives.  For some men of the 450th Bomb Group it is a macho thing: “It is manly to engage in combat and fight for one’s country.  Combat is not for sissies.”  …  “The guys at school signed up and so did I.”  For many others, enlisting in the military is an expression of patriotism: “My country was at risk, and as a good citizen I had to participate in its defense.”  Some men present a more self-serving stance:  “I was going to be drafted anyway so I chose air combat because something about it was more preferable to fighting in the infantry.  It seemed to offer a cleaner life.”

Hyman’s letter is disturbing to me in ways I do not fully fathom.  I sense that a paradox is operating within my psyche.  Here I am in Italy participating in the death and destruction associated with the Allied bombings taking place over German-occupied Europe.  Dozens of flying comrades in the 450th have been killed in the course of a few weeks after our arrival as a replacement crew.  And having seen Colonel Snaith’s plane receive a direct hit with the apparent loss of all aboard, I ask myself: Why should the news of the death of two children I have never met create such an intense emotional reaction?  [Here, David Fanshel is referring to the loss of the 721st Bomb Squadron B-24H Liberator flown by Lt. Col. William C. Snaith over Rumania on July 15, 1944.  The only one survivor of the eleven airmen aboard this aircraft, “Strange Cargo“, serial number 42-51153, the loss of which is covered in MACR 6995, was Lt. Col. Snaith himself, then the Operations Officer of the Cottontails.]  

For days after receiving my father’s letter I have weird dreams about direct encounters with him.  Like Hebrew prophets of biblical times he shouts his cry of despair in the language he normally uses with me.  In Yiddish, the words enter my inner being in more penetrating fashion than if delivered in his broken English.  “Meer muz harginin de Deitcher.  Zeyzennen merderers fun kinder.  Zoizey farbrendt verren in gehenen!”

Self-conscious and unsure of myself, I do not think I can successfully convey to my crewmates an understanding of the hodge-podge of circumstances, foreign to their experience, that are background to what has taken place in our family.  They are more securely rooted in the native soil of our country than I am.  In this context, I recognize that the men I am fighting with are not in Italy to save the Jews of Europe.  I do not see this as an expression of anti-Semitism but rather as a reflection of the irrelevance of the subject in their lives.

[Lt. David Fanshel (far right) and his fellow officers stand for a snapshot at Manduria.  Left to right: Michael J. Heryla – Bombardier, Jim Dunwoody – Co-Pilot, Jim McLain – Pilot.  Image from David Fanshel’s biography page at the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association.]

For all my fitting in with my crewmates – we really do get along with one another quite well – there seems to be a lack of self-confidence that I can convey the history of the Fanshels in a comprehensible form.  I sense that the exotic nature of the events experienced by my family would have an aura for them of life taking place on another planet: A family wandering in Europe for a year after the Russian Revolution; a young female child dying on the boat coming across the Atlantic; a brother confined for deportation on Ellis Island and whisked out of a window by the bribery of a guard; an aunt left in Russia whose two children are murdered by the fascists; and Hyman as the conveyor of this information.

My complicated relationship with my father reverberates within me as I go through the war experience.  In my ruminations about my family, Hyman clearly gets defined as the bad guy.  And yet I feel there is more to our relationship than my earlier rejection of his letter would indicate and something within me argues for his receiving a better hearing.  I realize that I do not understand his thinking very well.  I sense that in his growing up in Russia he was exposed to the kind of pain we Fanshel children were spared in America.

____________________

Akin to the experiences of Lieutenant David Fanshel, an unarguably central – but hardly the only – theme of Face of A Hero revolves around Ben Isaacs’ identity as a Jew.  So…  Segueing from Fanshel’s “real-life” reflections and thoughts to those of fictional Sergeant Ben Isaacs, I’d first like to offer a brief “preface” by way of the evocative, short poem “Then Satan Said,” by Natan Alterman.  

Namely:

“How will I overcome
this one who is under siege?
He possesses bravery, ingenuity,
weapons of war and resourcefulness.”

And he said: “I’ll not sap his strength,
Nor fill his heart with cowardice,
nor overwhelm him with discouragement
As in days gone by.
I will only do this:
I will cast a shadow of dullness over his mind
until he forgets that justice is with him.”

__________

This is what the Satan said and it was as if
the heavens trembled in fear
as they saw him rise
to execute his plan.

____________________

____________________

Nathan Alterman, from ynetespanol.

Alterman’s poem remains true, as discussed by Daniel Gordis and Zeev Maghen at Israel from the Inside.  

And true, it seems, it shall remain, even in Israel; even in the year 2022.

Now, back to Face of A Hero…

____________________

____________________

Sgt. Isaac’s identity as a Jew is manifested in terms of his interactions with his crew members, particularly nose gunner Mel Ginn and flight engineer Jack Dula.  There’s a startling character transformation (spoiler alert! – spoiler alert!) in the the latter, who in the novel’s early pages certainly seems to be explicitly and intentionally antisemitic,butt the story’s end has undergone a marked character change, openly expresses entirely sincere concern about Ben’s well being and survival.

A different interaction has an outcome – specifically, a moral and psychological outcome – for which there may be no solution.  This occurs through Ben’s encounter with a strangely anonymous crew chief – also a Jew – who poses to Ben a question concerning the implications of flying combat missions over Germany with an “H” (for “Hebrew”) embossed on his dog-tags, which symbol in the eventuality of capture would immediately identify Ben to his Axis (German) captors as a Jew.  The crew chief’s encounter with Ben leaves him particularly agitated, for it forces him to confront a possibility that he previously seems to have ignored or calculatedly avoided: The implication of being a Jewish prisoner of war in German captivity.  (Well, that’s something I’ve touched upon in numerous prior posts.)

However, paralleling and going far beyond the above two encounters, Ben’s meeting with a group of Jewish refugees is the longest (paragraph wise!), most meaningful, and most emotionally fraught part of Falstein’s novel, at least in terms of the implications of his being a Jew in military service.  Obviously based on and extensively elaborated from his real-life encounter (which actually seems to have been very brief!) with Jewish refugees in Italy, as reported in The New Republic in 1945, these passages allow Ben (or, is it Lou Falstein?) to give free expression to his thoughts and beliefs about Jewish identity, and – in the context of the late 1940s – then-contemporary Jewish history. 

This primarily emanates from a discussion of the respect and awe with which the refugees hold Ben upon learning that he’s a flier (they incorrectly assume he’s a bombardier, when he’s really an aerial gunner), and, the sense of defiance and pride voiced by a Mr. Weiss, a shoemaker who participated in the Warsaw Ghetto Revolt.  The passage is interspersed with Ben’s own thoughts, which are characterized by an empathy for the refugees that is simultaneously mellowed and rendered uncertain by his realization of the sheer distance – not just geographic, but historical; not just historical, but social; not just social, but psychological – between the experiences of Jews of the United States, and, those of Eastern Europe.  Specifically, “The victims were the same and so were the sighs.  I recognized them and knew them and walked hand in hand with their sorrow.  But beyond that, I was a man apart from their world; a “free” Jew, as one of them called me; a stranger from America, the fabulous, safe land where no bombs fell and Jews lived without fear of being massacred, and people ate white bread and meat and slept in peace at night.  Were it not for the fact at I was a “bombardier” they would have resented my intrusion.”

Despite all the warmth of the encounter, it does not have an entirely positive outcome.  Ben is deeply upset.  He goes through a reverie of flashbacks, recalling his youth in the Ukraine, the travails of his family during the Russian Civil War, his grandmother’s suffering and eventual death – in 1920 – after witnessing the terrible suffering of the Jews of the former Pale of Settlement, his own escape from the Ukraine into Bessarabia, and his eventual departure from Europe.  

“Stepping back”, it’s difficult to tell here where Lou Falstein ends and Ben Isaacs begins, for I believe that the author imparted knowledge about the Shoah (that was probably available only at the war’s end) into a late-1944, pre-war’s-end scenario.  So, while the writing is compelling, in a purely literary sense – in terms of the novel’s flow and sensibility – the feeling is forced and out-of-place.  It would’ve made far more sense to set these paragraphs within Ben Isaacs’ postwar, post-retirement reveries about his military service, from the vantage of the 1990s or early 2000s.

Then again, in 1950, for an author to project himself decades forward in time – and then look back – would’ve required a degree of prescience and imagination that would have resulted in a novel immeasurably different from Face of a Hero

Still, I particularly note the following two sentences, “I wanted to dwell on the story my friend had told me before we parted late in the afternoon.  Out of that story of the Uprising I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need, when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me.” 

And within those lines, Ben Isaacs – or was it Louis Falstein? – or was it both? – one can see an anticipation of the thoughts expressed by Nathan Alterman in Alterman’s poem “Then Satan Said”.

So, some excerpts from the novel…

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Ben’s perception of himself as an American, then as a Jew, and then as an American Jew, serving in combat against Germany…

Like a young person who rejects thoughts of death,
I tried not to speculate on what would happen to me if I were shot down over Germany.

But for some reason which I could not explain to myself,
being executed as a spy did not hold as much terror for me as being put to death as a Jew.

The Jewish crew chief, whose ship Violent Virgin we were flying on the mission to Munich, whispered to me as I was taking the last nervous puffs on a cigarette before takeoff, “If I was you, Isaacs,” he said, “I wouldn’t take along your dog tags to Germany.  If the Nazis bring you down and see that H for Hebrew on them tags, it’ll be tough on you.”

“That’s nonsense,” I said, taking offense quickly, although momentarily I was grateful for his solicitude.  “There’s the Geneva Convention setting down behavior toward prisoners of war.”  Then I proceeded to explain to him that according to this convention, signed in Geneva by the present belligerents, a prisoner of war was required to give only his name rank, and serial number.  And no more.  The Germans, we understood, had ways of coaxing information by intimidation, ruse, threats, and physical violence.  They threatened to inject recalcitrants with syphilis and other diseases; they put men in solitary confinement, and on occasion they killed “while the prisoner was trying to escape.”  I never dwelled on these matters or I could not go on flying.  Like a young person who rejects thoughts of death, I tried not to speculate on what would happen to me if I were shot down over Germany.

“But you’re a Jew,” the crew chief said significantly.

“That hasn’t a thing to do with it,” I said, resenting his reminder.  “I’m an American.”  I suddenly disliked this chubby, inoffensive man for adding fuel to my already considerable fears, for spreading rumors for which he had no proof, and for displaying a persecution complex which always surprised me when I found it among American-born Jews.

I dismissed his warning and thought no more about it until we started crossing the Alps into Germany proper.  Suddenly I took off my identification tags, without any thought or reason, and dropped them in one of the dark crevices on the turret floor where nobody would find them.  My action was completely irrational, influenced no little by the terrifying mountain peaks that rose to a height of sixteen thousand feet.  The Alps looked like a monstrous forest of jagged rocks jabbing up at us, as if they were the first harbinger of what was to follow once we entered the enemy land.

Aside from the dog tags I had no other identification with me, and according to the same Geneva Convention which I had quoted to the ground man earlier that morning, my captors were entitled to execute me as a spy.  But for some reason which I could not explain to myself, being executed as a spy did not hold as much terror for me as being put to death as a Jew.  I hadn’t the slightest idea what they did to captured American soldiers of Jewish extraction.  I started cursing the crew chief who was safe, back in Italy.  I ground the metal dog tags with my fleece-lined boot, mumbling crazily to myself: So the Nazis will inject syphilis in my veins.  They’ll kill me.  They’ve killed six million Jews already; this will make it six million and one.  The point is: one must act with dignity.  Remember: in the face of threats or intimidations you tell them only name, rank, serial number; name, rank, serial number; name, rank, serial number…  (pp. 54-55)

***

Ben’s encounter with Jewish refugees in Italy…

Twenty-five years! 
And nothing had changed. 
The victims were the same and so were the sighs. 
I recognized them and knew them and walked hand in hand with their sorrow. 
But beyond that, I was a man apart from their world;
a “free” Jew,
as one of them called me; a stranger from America,
the fabulous, safe land where no bombs fell and Jews lived without fear of being massacred,
and people ate white bread and meat and slept in peace at night. 
Were it not for the fact at I was a “bombardier” they would have resented my intrusion.

“You have excellent weapons! 
Imagine a Jew given an opportunity to fight from an airplane!” 

You envy me my weapons and I envy you your hatred which is pure and fiery. 

On the way to the camp along the rocky coast of the Adriatic while the jeep was churning our breakfasts inside of us, I almost told the driver to turn back and forget about this mission.  But something drew me irresistably to these people.

We came upon the camp suddenly.  There weren’t any wires or compound.  The camp headquarters, workshops, and synagogue were all located in a large villa overlooking the sea.  Almost two hundred Jewish refugees, escapees from Germany, Austria, Yugoslavia, concentration camps, and the Warsaw ghetto, worked in or about the crumbling old villa.  The general manager of the camp, a Mr. Weiss, introduced himself to me in a soft Yiddish.  He had been a shoe manufacturer in Belgrade.  For some inexplicable reason he wore a mustache which had a painful resemblance to Hitler’s.  He marched me into the hall holding my arm and telling me proudly how their workshops were all busy and producing.  “Would you believe it,” he exclaimed, “our co-operative here is self-sufficient?  Yes, absolutely self-sufficient!  We take your American and British discarded articles, like clothing, shoes, wires – but only discarded – and create new clothes and shoes and bedsprings and toys.  We depend on no one.”  He kept squeezing my arm, emphasizing the self-sufficiency of the camp as if that was of paramount importance.  “All those who can work are busy.  But we have many old people who cannot work any longer.  Most of our young people have been slaughtered by him.  Oh, what great woes he has caused us!”  The word Hitler was not mentioned; Hitler was referred to as he or him.

Mr. Weiss let go of my arm and summoned the few old people who were wandering about aimlessly in the hall and corridors of the villa.  “Follow me,” he said eagerly.  “We are honored today.  An American Jew has come to see how his brothers live.”  The old people stirred.  They followed Mr. Weiss into the hall reluctantly.  Curiosity had been wrung out of them, as was the zest for living, I thought, watching them move slowly in response to the manager’s summons.  At that moment I was sorry I had come; I felt like an intruder; I felt looked upon as an intruder from another world that did not know the smell of crematoria and the yellow Star of David.  And if they resented me I did not blame them.  They were the survivors of the six million slaughtered Jews, not we American Jews.

Mr. Weiss said something about “the guest,” referring to me, and a few of the old people began to show some curiosity.  They formed a circle, touching me, fingering my gunner’s silver wings and my chevrons; all this performed in grim silence.  Finally an old man with little goatee murmured, “A Jew …  A free Jew, yes?”  He whispered the words, weighing them on his tongue as if the sound of them was the proof of his surmise.

“He’s a flyer,” said Mr. Weiss proudly, “and he’s been bombing him!”

“A bombardier!” a little old lady exclaimed.  “A bombardier, God bless him!”  She suddenly began to weep, grabbed her skirts and ran out summoning the younger folks in the shops down the corridor.  “A Jewish bombardier who has been bombing him has come to visit us!”  She screamed and pointed toward us.  “There he is!  May he live to one hundred and twenty, Riboinoy shel Oilom.  Come, Jews, behold him!”

I stood in the center of the hall surrounded by people who were hurling questions at me; people, particularly the old ones, touching me as if I were a curio or a statue, a man from another world, a world from which they had been torn.  They kept hurling the word bombardier at me and I nodded, realizing how silly it would be to tell them I was a gunner who fired bullets and not the man who dropped bombs.  They wanted a bombardier for that was the symbol of striking back at him.  The bomb!  I remembered how while we were in Tunis some black Jews had stopped us on the street and inquired: “And which one of you is the bombardier?”  And when Dick Martin had responded, rather sheepishly, they had blessed him and promised to say a prayer for him.

“Do you know, son,” said an old man tugging at my sleeve, “six million of your brothers and sisters are slain?  Remember that, my son, when you drop those bombs on him.”  He pulled at my sleeve as if he had a secret to tell me which could not be shared with the crowd.  “I see your bombers going over the Adriatic each morning,” he whispered.  “I make my business to get up early to see them.  Everybody asks me: ‘Chaim, why do you rise so early, almost in the middle of the night?’  But that’s my job.  I guide you across the Adriatic by saying a prayer to the Lord.  And when you’re safely across, I go back to bed.  It’s the least I can do.”

I’m from Vienna,” a middle-aged man with thick-lensed glasses said to me.  “I make bedsprings out of telephone wire.  In Vienna I had one of the largest furniture stores.  Have you ever bombed Vienna?”  I nodded.  His face lit up.  “Ah, gut!  Gut!  I have a great house there, but I do not care.  Bomb it.  He is there!  I do not care if you destroy the house so long as you wipe out the evil genius.  I don’t care about the house at all.”  Suddenly he grasped my hand and cried: “Thank you!  Thank you very much!” (pp. 152-154)

***

“Young man,” a little wizened woman piped, “would you do me the honor and visit our casa?  My husband can no longer walk.  I would like for him to see a Jewish bombardier.”  At the casa, in the one room occupied by two army cots, they offered me an orange.  It was the only food they had.  “Take it, take it,” the old woman insisted.  “You need the strength.”

Then she sat on the cot and rocked slowly, and the wrinkled face and the shawl on her head suddenly made me think of my grandmother.  The similarity was striking and overwhelming.  My grandmother had died twenty-four years ago, but the sigh was the same and the rocking motion, the upper part of the body moving forward and back, was the same.  The sigh was a lament passed on with generations like a cherished heirloom.  Listening to the old woman sigh I remembered my grandmother.  And strangely enough, the only audible sounds I remembered about my grandmother were her sighs.  She had sighed more than she talked.  She had sat in the marketplace in that small Ukrainian town, clad in coarse, patched clothes, huddling over a container of coal, her frozen red hands buried in the sleeves.  She had sat there and rocked and sighed, and waited for someone to buy her clay pots.  I had never seen her make a sale.  Once, when I asked my grandmother why she sighed, she regarded me soberly and replied, “My child, a Jew who does not sigh is not a Jew.”  I was five or six at the time and the explanation puzzled me.  “But I’m a Jew, and I don’t sigh,” I said.  “One becomes a Jew slowly,” she said in her kindly, patient voice.  “One is not only born into it.  One is beaten into it.”

And now again I was tempted and I asked the question: “Tante, why are you sighing?”

The little old woman considered my question with that rocking motion and replied, “I do not need to sigh.  After all these years of woe it sighs by itself.”

A quarter of a century separated my grandmother from the little old woman who sat rocking despondently on an army cot in a Displaced Persons Camp somewhere in Italy; twenty-five years and another war and a continuous flood of tears.  But little else differed between them.  My grandmother had died in 1920, soon after her offspring fled from the Ukraine.  Hers had been a life of woe, poverty of the crudest kind, denial, and ghetto.  In her declining years she had seen her people decimated by mercenary bands of Petlura, Denikin, and others.  In one aspect my grandmother had been lucky.  Her children had fled to America, to a haven.  Later, death had come as a merciful gift from God.  My grandmother had been more fortunate than the little woman in the DP camp.  This one lived to see six million of her people exterminated; her own kin burned in his ovens while she and her husband had been spared.  My grandmother had found her haven in merciful death.  But this poor woman had no home.  Her home was where she could sigh and rock, sigh and rock.

Had nothing changed?  Across the space of twenty-five years the memory of the camps and depots and hiding places choked with refugees came back to me.  The gaunt, terrified faces hurled me back to the days when we ourselves lived in fear and slept with our clothes on in attics and cellars ready to flee when the alarm sounded.  From 1917 until 1920, when civil war raged in the Ukraine, it was a time of hiding in dark places and learning bewilderedly that for some reason a Jew must cower and hide and fear for his life.  I had learned this before I learned my ABCs.  And after that there were five long tortured years as a refugee.  There was the crossing of forbidden borders from the Ukraine into Bessarabia, and the hunger for bread and home, of being separated from my parents, of being consumed by lice and vermin, of drinking water out of scummy puddles, of sleeping in gutters and haystacks and caves, of begging, of stealing food.  And all along the route there were the gaunt, terrified faces in the refugee camps where old people sighed and rocked, sighed and rocked.  And after that, how many years had it taken to shed the word “refugee”?

Twenty-five years!  And nothing had changed.  The victims were the same and so were the sighs.  I recognized them and knew them and walked hand in hand with their sorrow.  But beyond that, I was a man apart from their world; a “free” Jew, as one of them called me; a stranger from America, the fabulous, safe land where no bombs fell and Jews lived without fear of being massacred, and people ate white bread and meat and slept in peace at night.  Were it not for the fact at I was a “bombardier” they would have resented my intrusion.

Mr. Weiss led me to the shoe-repair shop.  “I want you to meet a survivor of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising,” he said.  “One of the very few.  You do know about the Uprising,” he said, looking at me dubiously.  (pp. 154-155)

***

“Of course I do,” I said.

“We Jews must be very proud of it!” the manager said hastily as if to appease any indignation that might have been aroused in me by his patronizing question.  “It ranks with the feats of the Maccabees and Bar Kochba.  It shattered once and for all the false legend about Jews not being fighters.  This nonsense about the Jews being passive!” he said, stopping in the middle of the road.  “We must tear that word passive out of our vocabulary.  Enough!  We’ve had enough of it!  Our fathers raised us on it; we got it with the milk of our mothers, and it was all false.  The meek shall not inherit the earth!  Often our people were massacred while they were in their temples praying.  Slaughtered like sheep.  Our wise men taught us to respect the Word; to love the Word.  But while we sat in our yeshivas and learned the Word, the enemies were building cannon.”  He broke off the tirade and ran ahead, as if he were done with the nonsense of emotion and was in a hurry to lead me to another of the many interesting points in the camp.  “Come on, you will meet this man who fought in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising.  Let him tell you about it!”

I followed Mr. Weiss into the small alcove which had been turned into a shoe-repair shop.  A young man in his late twenties sat on a low stool, driving nails into shoes.  He looked up and stared at me; after we’d been introduced he went back to his nail-pounding.  I sat down and reached for a cigarette and offered him one.  He took it unsmilingly and his eyes rested on me again.  His eyes were hard and they made him appear old.  I started the conversation, about shoes, of all things, while, in fact, I wanted to hear about the Uprising.  But I felt as soon as I’d sat down that he resented me and would not talk about that event.  I pound nails into shoes,” he said to me harshly, “but it is a gun I want!

“You were in the Warsaw ghetto,” I said.

“That’s a pile of rubble!”

“You were in the Uprising,” I said, trying to bring him around. 

“So were forty thousand others,” he said. 

“Why are you interested in the past?  Tell me better how I can throw away these nails and shoes and get a gun and fight those who murdered my wife and child.  The past does not interest me.  Why are you here?”

I told him about our crash landing, the hospital, and three-day rest.

He was silent for a while, ignoring me completely.  Then he said, “You have excellent weapons!  Imagine a Jew given an opportunity to fight from an airplane!”  His blue eyes suddenly lost their hardness and the webs on his face melted and there was a suggestion of a smile, but it wasn’t really a smile.  Nobody in the DP camp smiled, not even once; perhaps their facial muscles were no longer capable of smiling; time and circumstance atrophied those muscles.  “You have wonderful weapons!”  he said, pounding the nails fiercely on the shoe leather.  “What more could a man ask for?”  He looked at me across the little wooden partition and I wondered whether this man from another world, this stranger and yet brother, suspected that I was unworthy of the wonderful weapons.  Perhaps he was aware why I was there, seeking courage from him and the others, trying to rekindle my anger and sustain my passion.

“A man needs much more than weapons,” I wanted to tell him.  “Hatred, like love, is a delicate thing.  It must be nourished and tended; it must be fanned and kept glowing.  Strange, how very strange.  You envy me my weapons and I envy you your hatred which is pure and fiery.  The crematoria has robbed you of your loved ones, and the barbed-wire fences of the concentration camps and DP camps removed you from the world, but you took with you that pure anger and fanned it and made it into a glowing, searing flame.  Your wives bore children in the shadow of the death ovens – in defiance – and suckled your young ones on the milk of anger.  I envy you because for you there is no rationalizing, no choice, no retreat.  For you the essence of living is resistance – and if I could achieve that state I might indeed consider myself fortunate.”

The shoemaker hardly said another word.  But when I got up to leave, he followed me outside the villa and ran down the road after me.

“I didn’t want to talk in the presence of the others,” he said.  “But you must do me a favor.  There is a Jewish brigade fighting up north.  I’d like to get in that brigade.  Will you help me?  Perhaps you can prevail upon the higher-ups to assign me.  I’m an excellent shot, a sharpshooter, in fact.  Please, I’ll be forever grateful to you, I, I’ll never forget you.  If I remain here, pounding nails into shoes, I’ll go insane.”  We stopped on the road.  Around us were the soft, tender little noises of peace: the birds, the lazy palms, and the sparkling Adriatic.  And we stood there momentarily, oblivious of the peace.  The fact is,” my friend said, “we have enough young people right here in this camp to make up a squad.  But the British will become suspicious if many of us run away.  And I can’t wait.  If you could arrange to smuggle me up to Naples in one of your trucks, I’ll get up to the Brigade somehow.

“But how is it possible?” I said helplessly.  “Naples is two hundred miles north of here.  Besides, the Brigade consists largely of Palestinian Jews, under British command.  And they’re up around the Po Valley – “

“You can’t refuse me,” he implored, “I’ll die if I remain here.”

I shrugged my shoulders impotently and lied, saying, “I’ll speak to people.  I’ll try.”  And we shook hands, my friend and I, and suddenly we embraced.  We walked up the alien road, arm in arm, and he told me about the Warsaw ghetto… (pp. 156-157)

***

The impact of this encounter upon Ben…

This was the one reassuring aspect:
waves rolling against the shore sounded alike everywhere.
Closing your eyes
you could well imagine yourself listening to the waves of Lake Michigan beating against the dunes,
or the slightly more angry variety of waves at Miami Beach in late September.
They were like the South Atlantic waves I heard in Belem and Natal in Brazil,
or the Tyrrhenian Sea waves licking the shores not far from our base.
Theirs was the kind of Esperanto you understood and did not need to translate.
But everything else seemed out of joint, unreal, incongruous.

I wanted to dwell on the story my friend had told me before we parted late in the afternoon.  Out of that story of the Uprising I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need, when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me. 

In the evening there was a moving picture on the terrace of the officers’ hotel.  The dialogue and the music reached up to our room and mingled in my mind with thoughts of the Jewish DPs.  It was a most fantastic setting: dialogue of a Western thriller, thoughts of refugees, Santa Casada.  I lay in bed, my eyes shut, but I could not sleep.  The only aspect in the whole mosaic that did not seem fantastic was the roll of the waves against the shore.  This was the one reassuring aspect: waves rolling against the shore sounded alike everywhere.  Closing your eyes you could well imagine yourself listening to the waves of Lake Michigan beating against the dunes, or the slightly more angry variety of waves at Miami Beach in late September.  They were like the South Atlantic waves I heard in Belem and Natal in Brazil, or the Tyrrhenian Sea waves licking the shores not far from our base.  Theirs was the kind of Esperanto you understood and did not need to translate.  But everything else seemed out of joint, unreal, incongruous.  In the movie the bad men were riding, and I could hear the gallop of the horses on the sound track, but before my eyes were the gaunt faces of the refugees and the survivor of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, savagely pounding nails into shoe leather.  I pulled the pillow over my head and stuffed the ends of it in my ears to shut out the noises coming from the terrace.  I wanted to dwell on the story my friend had told me before we parted late in the afternoon.  Out of that story of the Uprising I was determined to carve out at least one clear image that might serve me in time of need, when my anger faltered again and the corrupt thoughts of survival came to plague me.  But the picture was vague: for twenty-eight days several thousand Jews, the remains of three hundred thousand, rose against the might of his armies that were hemming in the ghetto.  Only forty thousand were left by that time, too late, too late, but suddenly they rose in a final magnificent gesture and struck back.  They were entombed behind the ghetto walls and underneath the rubble and corpses of their people.  They fought, famished and skeletal, out of the holes in the ground, fought barehanded, but with a fury and a passion that came only from knowing there was no other choice.  For a month the whole Nazi garrison of Warsaw blasted at the entombed Jews.  But they burrowed in the ground, deep into the death caverns, emerging periodically to hurl their defiance.  But soon their homemade grenades and rifle bullets gave out and soon their strength gave out and when the incredulous Nazis finally stormed the ghetto walls, after a month, they found smoldering rubble; not a Jew alive, not a Jew in sight, only a huge, slow pyre with the smoke curling toward heaven the last active token of resistance.  “Too late,” my friend had said, “we rose much too late.  But at least we fought.  And we stunned them.  And we killed them.”  (pp. 158-159)

Some References…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Fanshel, David, Navigating the Course – A Man’s Place in His Time (ISBN 978-0-972369-6-4), Valley Meadow Press, San Geronimo, Ca., 2010

_____, Navigating the Course – All to the Good (ISBN 978-0-9836786-5-6), Valley Meadow Press, San Geronimo, Ca., 2013

Nathan Alterman…

he.wikipedia

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – V: Excerpts From the Novel – An Aviator’s Life and Thoughts

Having presented a summary of the characters and events in Face of a Hero, “this” and the next two posts present excerpts from the novel which I think best express its multiple and overlapping themes.  All page numbers refer to the 1999 Steerforth Press edition.

So, to start with… The following five excerpts pertain to social interactions between combat aviators and non-flying support personnel, Ben Isaacs’ “place” in his crew, and, the mundane aspects of military life between missions.  These passages reveal Louis Falstein’s skill at describing the thoughts and feelings of central and secondary characters, as well as – especially – his ability to reveal Ben’s unspoken thoughts.  They also reveal Falstein’s ability to crisply construct a setting or place – symbolically as well as visually – with an economy of language.  

________________

Some images are historic, others emblematic, and a few – like the photograph below – are both. 

This image and its enlargement show the end of a 460th Bomb Group B-24 in the European skies of 1944.  Though an event now nearly eighty years in the past, the photograph, Army Air Force photographs 52110AC / A5050, and, 52555AC / A5052, which have appeared in numerous books and magazine (and now websites), such as Steve Birdsall’s Log of the Liberators, stunningly captures only one aspect of the air war of American heavy bombers crews.  

Here’s 52555AC, as it appeared in Steve Birdsall’s 1973 Log of the Liberators, nine years before the declassification of the Missing Air Crew Reports.  (Image 52110AC appears below…)

The event was the 460th Bomb Group’s mission to Vienna of June 16, 1944.  Flying at an altitude of approximately 22,000 feet, B-24H 41-29508 of the 761st Bomb Squadron (identifying letter red K, nicknamed either This Is It or General Nuisance) was struck by anti-aircraft fire and almost immediately turned into a flying inferno.  This is immediately evident from the picture, which shows the fuselage filled with flames from the bomb-bay back.  

The plane exploded and disintegrated moments later, the wreckage falling to earth two kilometers south of Goetzendorf, Austria, shortly after eleven in the morning.  The aircraft’s loss is covered in MACR 6095, and reported upon in Luftgaukommando Reports ME 1468 and secondarily ME 1469.

Of the bomber’s ten crew members, there emerged three survivors:  The bombardier, co-pilot, and flight engineer.  The navigator was unable to leave the plane before it exploded, while the pilot, First Lieutenant Frederick Bruce Smith of San Diego, remaining at the controls to give his crew a chance to escape, was killed.  If you copy-&-save this image and closely examine the cockpit, you can see him seated at the controls.  The crewmen in the rear fuselage, two or three of whom attempted to leave the plane through the waist windows, did not survive.

Besides Frederick B. Smith – listed as a First Lieutenant in the MACR, but having the rank of Captain on his tombstone – the bomber’s crew comprised:

Co-Pilot: Mansdorf, Harry, 2 Lt., Burbank, Ca. – POW
Navigator: Budriunas, Bronislaus (“Bronie”) F., 2 Lt., Athol, Ma. – KIA
Bombardier: Schwartz, John G., 2 Lt., Jersey City, N.J. – POW (Died December 4, 2003; probably buried in New Jersey)
Flight Engineer: Wilson, Herbert A., T/Sgt., Niles, Oh. – POW
Radio Operator: Redford, Edward W., T/Sgt., Independence, Mo. – KIA
Gunner (Nose?): Carter, Weldon B., Sgt., South Portland, Me. – KIA
Gunner (Waist): Summers, John W., T/Sgt., Buena Vista, Ca. – KIA
Gunner (Ball Turret?): DiMatteo, Leonard J., T/Sgt., Richmond Hill, Long Island, N.Y. – KIA
Gunner (Tail?): Bejar, Antonio C., Sgt., San Antonio, Tx. – KIA

From a purely technical vantage point (is that even possible for a photo of this nature?), this is one of the very few images of WW II aerial combat in which it’s actually possible to visually distinguish a crew member in a doomed airplane … as you can see in the enlargement below.  Scanned from the original print (at the National Archives) at the ridiculously high resolution of 2400 dpi (?!), this close-up shows either Lt. Mansdorf or Sgt. Wilson emerging from the aircraft’s emergency overhead escape hatch, which has already been jettisoned.  (Lt. Schwartz was blown out of the plane when it exploded.)  The man is facing forward, his back set against the now-empty dorsal turret (it’s been rotated with guns facing starboard rear), his left arm resting on the edge of the hatch, with his parachute visible against his chest.  If this is Sgt. Wilson, he was blown by the wind-blast back over the fuselage and between the plane’s twin tails, parachuting to land relatively uninjured.  If the person in the photo is Lt. Mansdorf, then like Lt. Schwartz, he was blown into space when the bomber exploded.  The two Lieutenants both seriously injured, were repatriated on the S.S. Gripsholm in February of 1945, while Sgt. Wilson spent the remainder of the war as a POW.

(Lt. Smith’s crew already had a previous “incident”:  They ditched in the Adriatic Sea on April 6, 1944, with seven of the nine crewmen surviving.  ( AFHRA Microfilm Roll BO609; Frames 30-31))

Ten months after the war’s end, Lt. Schwartz, recovering from his wounds at Valley Forge General Hospital, described what transpired aboard This Is It in a letter to the Army Air Force, specifically pertaining to the fate of his fellow crewmen.  This was in response to an inquiry concerning his knowledge of the fate of his fellow crew members, replies to which would eventually be incorporated into the Missing Air Crew Report (6095) for this crew, a process paralleling the AAF’s procedure for resolving the fates of other missing crews.   

Though I know nothing about him biographically, Lt. Schwartz’s letter immediately reveals a degree of education and excellent writing ability, for his account combines factuality and descriptiveness with a perhaps all-too-unavoidable and sadly inevitable sense of drama.  

Here’s his account:

Valley Forge General Hospital
Phoenixville, Pennsylvania
6 March 1946

SUBJECT             :              Casualty Information of Crew Members
TO                         :              Commanding General, Army Air Force, Washington, D C

In reference to AFPPA-8, I am in receipt of the individual questionnaires pertaining to my fellow crew members still remaining in a casualty status.  Lacking factual data because of circumstances surrounding the manner in which our ship was shot down, I find it next to impossible to answer the queries in the manner requested.  As an alternative, will attempt to relate the few details I do remember leading up to the disaster and ensuing events, thereby sincerely hoping some point in the story might be of material aid to the Missing Aircrew Research and Investigation Office.

On 16 June 1944 our ship, a B-24 Liberator, was part of a formation of Fifteenth Air Force bombers destined for Austria.  Briefed target was synthetic oil installations in and around the Vienna area.  Successfully reached target area and at approximately twelve noon from an altitude of 23,000’ bombs were released.  Were in the process of usual turn away from the target when anti-aircraft fire made contact with the ship.  As Bombardier on board, my station was in the nose of the ship along with the Navigator and Nose Gunner.  In this position I was hit with several minute pieces of flak about the legs.  Receiving no alarm over the inter-phone, naturally assumed the plane wasn’t mortally hit nor were any of the crew members fatally injured.  Few seconds later I glanced back through the tunnel leading from the flight deck to the nose and noted flickering motions.  Unhooked my oxygen equipment and crawled back to investigate – the entire bomb bay was a blazing inferno.  Scurried back to the nose, shed my flak suit, hooked on my parachute chest pack and kicked the navigator, Lt Bronislaus Budriunas, in the knees to draw his attention.  He immediately went through the same procedure after releasing nose gunner, Sgt Weldon Carter, from turret.  Was in the process of rehooking the inter-phone to inform the pilot, Lt Frederick Smith, and other crew members of existing danger when the ship suddenly lunged to one side.  Because of centrifugal force, we were hopelessly trapped in since the plane was either violently spinning or in a very deep spiral.  Fire raced up into the nose and unused rounds of .50 caliber ammo started bursting.  From here on out I am still not aware as to what occurred.  Apparently the plane exploded because I found myself floating through space.  Automatically pulled the rip cord and the chute opened.  Landed some two hundred feet from a German hospital at Geiselkirchen, Austria, when I was immediately carried in and given first-aid for third degree burns of the face, hands, legs, and backside.  Since I was unconscious until but a few moments prior to touching the ground, on mere speculation would say I was blown clear at about 10,000’.  Few days later on regaining consciousness learned I had been transferred to a prison hospital at STALAG 17A, Kaisersteinbruck, Austria, and that another crew member had managed to escape.  He was our co-pilot, Lt Harry Mansdorf, who was also brought to this place suffering from an ugly flak wound in his right knee.  On subsequent talks with him, attempted to learn what took place on the flight deck that particular day but derived little satisfaction insofar as facts were concerned.  I merely learned that both he and our engineer, Sgt Herbert Wilson, had escaped via the top hatch.  Because of his physical condition at the time I was unable to learn anything further save the fact that on parachuting out, he had landed at a place called Mannersdorf, Austria, and brought to 17 A at that very same day.  Was unaware of Sgt Wilson’s fate until I arrived in the states at which time I learned he had been a P.O.W. somewhere in Germany and subsequently liberated when the Allied Armies overran Germany.

On 21 February 1945, Lt Mansdorf and I were part of a repatriation movement that arrived in the states aboard the exchange ship “M.S. Gripsholm”.  At present Lt Mansdorf is convalescing at the AAF Regional Hospital at Santa Ana, California.  Were he to be contacted, possibly some pertinent data might be supplied by him, more so than I could attempt to give by word of mouth.

At no time during the course of our P.O.W. tenure were either of us approached by the Germans in regard to the matter of identifying bodies, nor ever given an inkling that there was a semblance of a plane wreck. 

In view of the incidents related, I can only suppose that considering the nature of the fire, in all probability it was raging on unnoticed by all within the ship.  On the other hand, if it had been detected and the alarm transmitted over the inter-phone the only plausible reason for not hearing it might have been due to the fact that entire inter-phone system was shot out by the burst of anti-aircraft fire.  Since all the crew members carried chest type parachutes, I can only sadly conclude that between the time I detected the flames and the subsequent dizzy descent of plane, the men whose status is still undetermined never had a chance to execute procedure for abandoning ship.

JOHN SCHWARTZ
1st Lt, Air Corps
0-685032

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Here are two photographs of the Smith crew on infinitely happier occasions, unfortunately without Lt. Smith himself.  The images were loaned to me by Harry Mansdorf some years ago.

First, photographed in Capri or Naples after the crew’s ditching of April 6.

Left to right: Lieutenants Mansdorf, Schwartz, and Budriunas. 

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Second, the crew as seen in the United States.  

Front row, left to right: Lieutenants Schwartz, Budriunas, and Mansdorf, and Sergeant Carter. 

Back row, left to right: Sergeants Wilson, Summers, Redford (mugging for the camera), DiMatteo, and Bejar.

The son of Max and Sadie (Klapp) Mansdorf of 1817 North Brighton Street in Burbank, California, Harry Mansdorf (0-1691614) was born in Manhattan on February 25, 1921.  A prisoner of war at Stalag 7A (Moosburg) until his repatriation, his name appears on page 49 of American Jews in World War II, which lists his military awards as the Air Medal, two Oak Leaf Clusters, and Purple Heart.  The mission of June 16 was his 28th.

Okay, back to Sergeant Ben Isaacs…

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Bens’ relationship with his crew…

We had not chosen one another as brothers; it had been ordained for us.

It occurred to me I must write to Ruth, but I didn’t know what to tell her.  A subtle wall was being erected between my wife and me because we had not shared this experience.  I realized with a shock that my wife was a civilian, safe back in the States.  And I suddenly resented those who were safe.  I was appalled at the ease with which I abandoned myself to self-pity even in my hour of triumph.  But aside from the corrupting but very comfortable stabs of self-pity there was no denying that my most profound experience had been shared with me not by Ruth but by nine comparative strangers.  They were now a part of my life, part of my joys and sorrows.  We had not chosen one another as brothers; it had been ordained for us.  Mel Ginn, a rancher from western Texas, was my brother.  I didn’t know much about him and he was suspicious of me because I came from a large city.  He was amused by my clumsiness with the guns.  He was puzzled that an “old man” had got himself mixed up in the fighting.  Mel had never met a Jew before and this confused him also.  Before our first mission we had little to say to each other.  But today we had been through life together.  Before our first mission Leo Trent and I had little in common.  Leo used to sell perfume in Hollywood before the war.  His heart had been set on becoming a pilot, but he had been washed out of cadet training “three hours before graduation.”  That was his story.  It rankled that his younger brother, who was twenty-one, two years Leo’s junior, was an ace Marine fighter pilot in the Pacific while Leo became a “venereal gunner.”  He was not a good gunner (this we had in common), and up in the air I saw him paralyzed with fear (this too we had in common).  Leo and I had never become close, perhaps because we each knew the other to be a coward who resented being found out.  That’s why he was wary of me.  He credited me with an insight that always sat in judgment on his weaknesses.  Also, he mistook my aloofness for snobbery.  He did not like riddles.  But I wanted him to like me.  He was, after all, my brother.  (p. 30)

***

The social exclusivity of the life of combat aviators…

We lived in an exclusive blood fraternity which no ground man was allowed to invade.
They seldom ventured into our barracks.

It was strange, this little America, complex, divided, stratified.  Though we all ate in the same mess halls and stood in the same endless lines and dove into the same foxholes when the Jerry planes came over to bomb us at night, we lived in two distinct worlds.  A clear, starry sky had a different meaning for a flyer than it had for a ground man.  For us a clear sky meant a mission on the following day while for the ground man it often meant hours at the beach.  When a flyer received his weekly ration of four cans of beer, he drank them all in one evening, fearing that he might not be around to drink tomorrow.  We envied the ground man because he could contemplate tomorrow and the day after.  He could think of the future.  He was safe – like the civilians back home.  We lived in an exclusive blood fraternity which no ground man was allowed to invade.  They seldom ventured into our barracks.  Behind our back they called us “hot rocks,” “hot pilots,” “wild-blue-yonder-boys.”  They argued that the flyers were crazy; how could a man in his sane mind go up there day after day and be shot at?  But many of them tried to emulate the flyers in the way they crushed their garrison caps.  And some of them put on gunner’s wings when they got far enough away from the base.  A few of them volunteered for combat.  (pp. 47-48)

***

Ben’s challenge in being notably older than most of his fellow fliers…

Often while in the process of doing something I suddenly stopped and said to myself,
“You are acting too old, must act younger…”
There was the great need to be accepted and approved.

And beyond the determination to introduce some normalcy into a barbaric existence, and the striving for continuity, there was the constant battle to adjust oneself and not to stick out in too many places as an old fogey, a creaking old gunner with bad eyes and hot temper and strange ways.  I was yet to learn the art of falling asleep with a half-dozen men playing poker at my table and two or three of them sitting on my cot and smoking constantly.  I knew they expected me to go blissfully to sleep.  But often I lay there, chastising myself: why can other sleep and you cannot?  I told myself I had to endure it because after all this was a just war, and one must discard the luxuries of privacy and the intellectual snobbery of civilian life.  And even though I was raging mad and wanted to turn over both cot and table – as I would have back in the States – I contained my rage, lay still, and turned all the blame on myself.  Often while in the process of doing something I suddenly stopped and said to myself, “You are acting too old, must act younger…”  There was the great need to be accepted and approved.  And this lightened the burden of the unicolored existence where the only object that did not fall into the drab color of khaki or fatigue green was Trent’s red-striped pajamas.  (pp. 53-54)

***

The challenge of finding a motivation to fly, and continuing to fly, combat missions…

The army spent a fortune to train me.
But do I navigate? 
I’m just a passenger in the ship, while the lead navigator does all the work. 
You men could fly without me.
It wouldn’t be so bad if I had a gun to fire. 
You don’t know what it means to be shot at and not shoot back. 

Would Andy laugh at me if I told him I was in this war because I wanted to keep America free?  I wanted to tell him I was in it not only because I was against Hitler; I was also for something.  I was convinced that after we won it, life would be better for all.  People would get along better; not only Missourians and Illinoisians, but Italians and Americans too…

But how do you tell these things to a frightened man, a man facing death?  I was afraid Andy would laugh at me.  Americans had an ingrained suspicion of words, any words smacking of patriotism.

Andy sat silent for a while, contemplating the pebbles on the tent floor.  “Oh, I’ll fly my missions,” he said.  “I’m no better or no worse than anybody else.  I certainly wouldn’t pull a stunt like Bowles pulled yesterday, shooting off his toe and claiming it was an accident.  I wouldn’t do a thing like that, nobody in our crew would.”  He regarded me searchingly to see whether I believed him.  He got up and went to sit on his cot.  “Oh, I don’t know,” the navigator sighed.  “It’s all mixed up in my mind.  In one way I feel I’m a sucker for being in this.  In another way I feel useless.  I’m supposed to be a navigator.  The army spent a fortune to train me.  But do I navigate?  I’m just a passenger in the ship, while the lead navigator does all the work.  You men could fly without me.  It wouldn’t be so bad if I had a gun to fire.  You don’t know what it means to be shot at and not shoot back.  You’re helpless, useless.  You go crazy.  If I could only keep busy in the air – maybe I wouldn’t have the time to worry so much about death…”  He slapped his thighs savagely and stood up and walked to the cone-shaped entrance of the tent.  “I don’t know what to think.  I’ve never been so mixed up and so scared in my life…”  (pp. 109-110)

Life at “Mandia” (actually, Manduria) during late autumn of 1944…

What the Jerry could not accomplish, the weather had done. 
We were helpless against the weather,
although we sent out radar ships at night to harass the enemy, and our formations,
when they did defy the cloud front, were led by Mickey [radar] ships.

THE LEAVES on the olive trees turned from green to a rich yellow and red.  The sky was covered over by a dense mantle of angry gray clouds.  With the clouds came the steady, pouring October rains of southern Italy.  At night there were Alert Lists posted for the following morning’s mission, but with the cloudy dawn came the order for a stand-down.  What the Jerry could not accomplish, the weather had done.  We were helpless against the weather, although we sent out radar ships at night to harass the enemy, and our formations, when they did defy the cloud front, were led by Mickey (radar) ships.

We wandered about the muddy field, seeking a break from the dullness and tenseness.  In the library, operated by Information and Education, Captain Wilkinson and his enlisted men were dug in for the fall and winter — playing poker.  A few small volumes of armed forces editions were strewn about the gaping shelves: Carl Sandburg, Bolitho, Zane Grey, Norman Corwin, and endless titles of books nobody was interested in.  The books were there because they had been sent along from some USO in the States that no longer had any need for them.  In the mess hall the rain came through the roof and into the mess kits on the tables.  Outside the mess hall the army of dogs, which grew constantly, waited for your drippings.  The dogs were mangy and wet.  Everything was damp and wet.

In Mandia, where we ventured like tired sleepwalkers, the streets were almost deserted.  The housewives, who had sat crushing beans for hours on end during the summer, were inside the dark hovels.  The rain drenched the walls and the last signs of Mussolini’s chipped image were obliterated.  His admonition, CREDERE — OBBEDIRE — COMBATTERE, appeared like a pitiful joke out of the past.  In the Laundry for American Solder, the four laundresses, Angelina, Maria, Lenora, and Gina, were working over Gl and officers’ shirts and there was hardly any light with which to see.  The girls were wrapped in torn sweaters and their hands were red with dampness and cold.  The Negro corporal sat in the gloom of the laundry, listening to the raindrops on the windows and the rapid chatter of the women.  In the bar where Luisa worked, one lone New Zealander, his beret moved back on his blond head, sat glaring hungrily at the swarthy young barmaid who was behind the bar with her stump of a pencil.  Just the blond Kiwi and the girl in the dark, damp, formless room; and the Kiwi telling the girl what a dinkum place was New Zealand, and Luisa saying, “No undershtanda.”  In the American Red Cross, Nellie Bullwinkle appeared even sallower with the change of the weather.  Her complexion looked sickly and her face was lined with little folds of flesh.  But she was as cheerful as ever, bustling about the place, giving off little sparks of benevolence.  (pp. 186-187)

…Just Two References…

Birdsall, Steve, Log of the Liberators: An Illustrated History of the B-24, Doubleday & Company, Inc., Garden City, N.Y., 1973

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Politics as History IV… Ken Burns’ PBS Documentary “The U.S. and the Holocaust”: “Why, Despite Good Intentions, Ken Burns’s “The U.S. and the Holocaust” Fails”, by Ruth R. Wisse

Power corrupts.
(Absolute power corrupts absolutely.)

_____

Powerlessness corrupts.
(Absolute powerlessness corrupts absolutely.)

______________________________

The October 13, 2022, issue of Mosaic features an absolutely superb essay by Dr. Ruth R. Wisse, Why Despite Good Intentions Ken Burns’s “The U.S. and the Holocaust” Failsconcerning Ken Burns’ documentary, “The U.S. and the Holocaust“.  She focuses on the central problem with the PBS production already noticed by Jonathan Tobin, Shmuel Klatzkin, and Daniel Greenfield: The three-part series explores events of the past not in order to directly interpret and understand that past, in terms of…

– the implications and political utility of Jew-hatred in terms what this inevitably portends for the health, future, and survival of any society, nation, or civilization;

– how best to assure the collective survival of the Jews.  Or, more aptly phrased, how the Jews themselves must best assure their own survival;

… but instead serves – first – as an ideological cudgel that not-so-indirectly draws fallacious parallels between the experience of European (and not just European) Jews from the 1920s through the 1940s, and, dire questions about the economic, demographic, and political future of the United States in 2022 and beyond.  And second – in the sadly and totally politicized world of the twenty-first century – as a minor, ambiguous (oh, but not so insubstantial!) form of validation for the cultural and social bona fides of PBS viewers.  (Hey, who needs epaulettes and badges of rank when you’ve got a tote bag?!)   

As is typical of Dr. Wisse, her thoughts are profoundly original and deep, while she has a superb talent for discerning analogies and parallels that might otherwise remain unnoticed.  Her work is above all refreshing in her ability to dismiss comforting rationalizations and deal with unpleasant realities (whether those realities are historical or contemporary) in an unflinching way.  This is immediately evident in the many videos and podcasts in which she presents her thoughts about the history of Yiddish (not just linguistically, but for what the language reveals about Jewish history), Jewish history “in general”, and especially, the implications of power in terms of collective and national survival. 

Or, to quote from the intro to the Tikvah Fund podcast on Jews and Power (see below): Lord Acton famously proposed that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”  In Jews and Power, Ruth Wisse provides an analysis of Jewish history that suggests the exact opposite.  With neither sovereignty, nor centralized government, nor even mechanisms of self-defense, the Jewish people reconceived the meaning of their nation in manifestly moral terms.  They fell prey to the danger of being corrupted by powerlessness.  Generations of exilic Jews sought to live as “a light unto the nations,” seeking toleration and protection from their host rulers.  But their political dependency left diaspora Jews vulnerable to being scapegoated – a tendency that has persisted despite the resumption of Jewish sovereignty in Israel.”

And so, akin to my brief excerpts from the essays of Tobin, Klatzkin, and Greenfield, below you can find numerous excerpts of Dr. Wisse’s Mosaic essay, which I think convey her central arguments most powerfully and effectively.  Still, these pithy and powerful thoughts – taken alone – don’t at all do justice to the totality of her thoughts, so I highly recommend (really!) that you read, and contemplate, and read again, her essay in full. 

Oh…  In the same way that I formatted the excerpts from the three other essays for easier and quicker reading, such has been done with these excerpts.  Also, I’ve inserted links (not actually present in Dr. Wisse’s essay at Mosaic!) to opinion pieces and news items that I think directly illustrate her points. 

So…!  

Why Despite Good Intentions Ken Burns’s “The U.S. and the Holocaust Fails”

The Public Broadcasting Service’s regular appeal for support to “Viewers Like You”
speaks not just to those who contribute financially
but to a much larger audience that is assumed to share its views and values.
Burns, who is not a historian or a political thinker but a filmmaker who satisfies that audience,
has mirrored their eagerness to do good and to atone for past iniquities.

The series’ heavy-handed apologetics for this Democratic icon –
absolving FDR of accountability for the people whom he installed,
the policies he administered, and the country he led –
appeared in sharp contrast to its unsparing exposure of the home-bred fascists
who drummed up support for Hitler.
In doing so, the series paid far greater attention to those who kept Jews out
than to those who helped secure their entry –
or who focused on winning the war.

According to Robert Lloyd, the TV critic of the Los Angeles Times,
“American nativism,
xenophobia,
and white supremacy,
having been given cover by the previous president [i.e., Donald Trump], are renascent,”
and the producers “make that connection explicit.”

In that last respect, most striking to “Viewers Like Me”
and others more familiar with the subject than the average PBS viewer
is how faithfully this documentary follows the rationale
of the exhibit and “narrative” of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington.
In telling their story,
the filmmakers include no questions,
information,
or political considerations
beyond those already calcified in the American version of “The Holocaust.”

In the United States,
where the Puritan ethic has made moralism something of a national trait
and moralizing a national posture, Americans have . . .
preferred to address themselves to the eternal verities,
the large questions of good and evil,
rather than to understanding how Nazi ideology and racist prejudice
were embodied in the [German] state’s institutions
and how the Nazi state enlisted those institutions in the murder of the Jews.
During the Eichmann trial in the early 1960s, for instance,
the American press, secular and religious,
moralized a lot about man’s capacity to sin and his propensity for evil,
but did not give much thought to Eichmann himself,
the deeds he did,
and the system that created him.
Blaming themselves for harboring racist prejudices and for being sinful creatures,
the editorialists intoned as one: “We are all guilty.”

[Historian Lucy] Dawidowicz, who by 1985 had moved from studying the events in Europe
to studying America’s role in the war,
was shrewdly suspicious of this contrition.

After working her way through all the “what-ifs,”
Dawidowicz concludes that preaching history,
as opposed to writing history,
turns the record of the past from what it was into a record of what it should have been.
She recommends that we concentrate instead on what history has actually revealed:
the mobilizing powers of anti-Semitism in whatever form it arises;
the indispensable role of military power in arresting it;
and, above all, the lesson “which every Jewish child now knows” –
namely, that without political power Jews have no chance for survival:
Had a Jewish state existed in 1939,
even one as small as Israel today,
but militarily as competent,
the terrible story of six-million dead might have had another outcome.

And that is the gist of it:
none of the lessons that Dawidowicz thinks history teaches us
can be derived from either the Holocaust Museum in Washington
or from the Ken Burns documentary series based upon it.

Communist influence in America was disproportionately present among the intellectual elites,
many of whose descendants (again, including disproportionate numbers of American Jews)
would continue to champion hard-left enmity to the state of Israel.
To this day,
bashing capitalism,
trashing liberal democracy,
and undermining confidence in America and Israel
continue to play out everywhere in American institutions.
In the Burns documentary, there is no mention of them.

I am persuaded that in the years since Lucy Dawidowicz warned against it,
the exclusive emphasis on Nazism –
deliberate in some cases, unthinking in others –
has become a means of deflecting attention
from the real and very present dangers now assaulting both the Jews and America.
Jewish parents should be aware, for example, that those are not proto-Nazis
making college life hell for their children from Berkeley to NYU.
In the U.S. Congress, those are not proto-Nazis fomenting hatred of Israel.
In the State Department, it is not neo-Nazis who are urging treaties and amity
with an Iranian regime that has vowed to exterminate the Jewish state and its people.
Nor is it neo-Nazis assaulting Jews in Brooklyn,
or neo-Nazis at the New York Times maligning the Jews and their homeland.
Yet sadly among those last-mentioned maligners are, to repeat,
American Jews and even some who pride themselves on repairing the world.

All of this is known to Ken Burns and to PBS,
which is why they and others have taken such care
to redirect any potential anxiety about the precipitous rise in anti-Jewish politics
away from such threats toward the more convenient and already disparaged far-right.

I am certain that Burns and his team did not deliberately set out
to obscure some of the world’s anti-Semites,
to undermine Jewish and American self-confidence,
or to allow the ongoing defamation of Israel.
But their documentary does just that,
with a significant segment of American Jewry,
wittingly or unwittingly,
cheering them on.

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – V: An Excerpt From the Novel – The Edge of Survival

The third and last of three posts presenting excerpts from Face of a Hero, this post presents a transformative point in Louis Falstein’s book:  The crash-landing of Ben Isaacs’ crew near Mandia, while returning from a combat mission, due to flight engineer Jack Dula’s misreading of the amount of fuel remaining in their B-24.

____________________

But first, to give an idea, here’s an illustration of a B-24 experiencing a bad landing at Manduria.  The aircraft is “Miss Fury“, squadron number 22, 41-29212, a B-24H of the 721st Bomb Squadron, and it’s snapping its port main gear strut while landing on Manduria’s rain-soaked runway on March 13, 1944.  Probably manned at the time by Lieutenant Merle W. Emch and his crew, the broken bomber was so badly damaged that it was declared salvage.  This set of images taken of the aftermath by the 1st Combat Camera Unit, viewing the aircraft from the left, clearly shows the damage incurred during the landing, and rather watery conditions at the base.  (The photo is Army Air Force image 51309AC / A22761.)

As described in the squadron history:  

“There was a mission scheduled today to bomb the Gorzia Airdrome in Northern Italy. The mission was scrubbed before the crews were even briefed due to very adverse weather conditions. The rainfall was very consistent and heavy at times. The runway at the present time is very muddy.

“The Squadron received 3 new replacement crews today. Lectures were given to these crews by the Group Operations Officer, Intelligence Section, and Communication Section. Major Davis, the Squadron Commander, gave the crews a general lecture on tactics and military discipline.

“A slight fire broke out in the mess hall at approximately 1600 today but was immediately taken care of. A movie was held at Oria this evening titled, “Presenting Lily Mars”.

The aircraft’s nickname and nose art, shown in the crew and post-crash photos, was inspired by the comic character Miss Fury, created by June Mills (a.k.a. “Tarpé Mills”).  Going by Wikipedia (?!) Miss Fury was the first female action hero, appearing in Sunday comic, and, comic book format.  She seems to have been a parallel to Batman in not actually possessing super-powers, her strength and speed instead arising from that skin-tight catsuit that she’s wearing. (!)

From MyComicShop, here’s the cover of the second issue of Miss Fury, published in 1942.

____________________  

Fortunately in “real life”, it seems that none of Miss Fury’s crew were injured in the plane’s landing accident, unlike the all-too-frequent occasions – in combat or otherwise – which eventuated in the injury, wounding, capture, or deaths of airmen.

In that regard, “this” blog post includes a list (linked below) of B-24 losses incurred by the Cottontails during the Group’s wartime service, the first page of which is shown here:

Reading from left to right, the data fields comprise:

1) Missing Air Crew Report Number, or secondarily, Accident Report Number
2) Date of Incident
3) Pilot’s surname
4) Pilot’s first (given) name
5) Pilot’s rank
6) Squadron7) Fate of crew, indicated by three-numbers-in-a-row: The “left” number indicates the total number of personnel aboard the aircraft, the “middle” number indicates the total number of survivors, and the “right” number indicates the total number of men who did not survive.
For example, “10-10-0” indicates an aircraft loss in which the entire crew survived; “11-2-9” indicates two survivors of a crew of eleven, and “10-8-2” indicates an aircraft loss where eight crewmen survived.
8) B-24 sub-type (primarily “G”, “H”, “J” versions, with 1 “L”, and 4 “M”s)
9) Aircraft serial number
10) Comments about the plane’s loss, typically for planes lost in accidents
11) Aircraft squadron identification number, as painted on the plane’s rudder
12) Aircraft nickname. In this case, I’ve tried to make the text, whether upper or lower case, or with quotes, identical to that painted on the actual aircraft.
(Next sheet!)
13, 14, 15, and 16) Repetition of the four data fields comprising MACR or Accident Report number, date of incident, pilot’s surname, and aircraft serial
14) General (very general) location of aircraft’s loss
15) Luftgaukommando Report number, if pertinent and / or known

This list was initially created by reviewing all pertinent MACRs, “in-person” at the microfilm reading room at NARA, in College Park, Maryland, via Fold3, and in a few cases, as fiche copies obtained from NARA.  Aircraft nicknames and squadron identification numbers are from a variety of sources.  These comprise MACRs, Wallace Forman’s published compilation of B-24 nicknames, and of course (!) the Cottontails website.  Information about aircraft “not-necessarily-lost-in-combat” – in accidents or other not-immediately-combat-related-events – is also from the Cottontails website, and is combined with and corroborated by information from Aviation Archeology.

Viewing this information as a whole reveals that a total of 1,513 airmen comprised the crews of the 156 B-24s listed in the table, of whom 967 (64%, or about two-thirds) survived. Curiously, if you limit personnel losses to the 131 B-24 losses only recorded in MACRs, the proportions remain almost identical: A total of 1,303 airmen were crewmen aboard these Liberators, of whom 821 (63%; again, about two-thirds) survived.

Aircraft losses by squadrons are:

720th: 44
721st: 36
722nd: 36
723rd: 40

Particularly bad days for the Cottontails – when the group lost five or more B-24s (I picked that number arbitrarily) were February 23, March 24, April 5, April 25, May 24 (the single worst day, with eight planes lost), and June 24, of 1944.

You can view this tabulation HERE, and references correlated to specific planes HERE.  

____________________  

Now, back to fiction and Face of a Hero, and an event far more serious and devastating…

____________________  

The nose gunner – Mel Ginn – dies of his injuries, while the pilot – “Casey Jones” Peterson – grievously injured, survives.  All the other airmen emerge alive from their demolished Liberator, but with this incident, the crew’s sense of identity as a crew markedly erodes.  And from this point on, the crew’s original sense of unity will completely unravel, through the assignment of new men to fill “vacant” crew positions, the loss of original crew members to other crew, and, combat fatigue.

Here, Lou Falstein’s use of language, whether in terms of his description of events, subtleties of speech, or presenting crewmens’ moods and thoughts is superb.  The writing is succinct where it need be and descriptive as it need be.  And yes, there is a parallel between the predicament of Peterson and that of a character in Catch-22, which has been remarked upon elsewhere.  To quote from Falstein’s novel:  “ACROSS FROM my cot lay Casey Jones Petersen in a white cast. He looked entombed in the cast, like an Egyptian mummy.  His arms were broken, and where his legs had been, there were cotton-swathed stumps.  Only his face showed out of the cast, and there were openings at the bottom for bodily functions.  He couldn’t move, nothing of him moved except his eyes.  An orderly, or nurse, held the cigarette for him when he smoked.” 

The parallel character from Catch-22 can be seen for a fleeting moment in the YouTube trailer for 2019 Hulu’s mini-series, fifty-four seconds “in”.  Here’s a screen-shot…  

…while you can view the full video here…

Given the crispness of Falstein’s prose, and the clarity and detail with which the crash-landing is described, I’ve wondered if this passage is based on the author’s own experience in the 450th Bomb Group.  In that regard, Lou Falstein’s name doesn’t appear in any Accident Report filed by the 450th Bomb Group.  Similarly, his name is absent from any of the 16,604 WW II Army Air Force Missing Air Crew Reports (MACRs).  

______________________________________

“God, you’re a coward!” I lashed out at myself, “You’re like putty. 
You must repeat this over and over to yourself: 
This is the only positive thing you’ve ever done! 
If you quit you’ll never be able to live with yourself. 
Nor will Ruth live with you when she finds out the truth. 
Look, take stock, think instead of whimpering like a fool. 
At thirty-five a man should act grown up. 
Others think you’re grown up. 
In Chicago they think you’re a hero. 
Most of your friends are either on Limited Service in the army or overage and out of the war. 
You’re probably the oldest gunner in Group. 
It’s not an honor, but nothing to be ashamed of. 
You’ve flown thirty missions. 
Not an honor, but some people give up much earlier. 
And the war. 
Think! 
We’re winning. 
The Allies are deep in France and the Russians are in Romania. 
You’re part of it. 
This is your war, remember? 
Rekindle your anger. 
You must rekindle your anger. 
Remember, your life is like a tracer bullet; let it glow once – just once – briefly. 
Let it light up the sky for others to see. 
Don’t snafu the deal, oh, brother, don’t snafu the deal. 
Tomorrow you must get off the cot, crawl if you have to, but get out of here!”

***

He had not looked for gentleness or even conciliation.
“All right, son,” spoken softly by this woman who looked like a mother,
caught him off guard and he was suddenly defenseless.
She had her arm around his waist, leading him back to his cot.
At first he tried to shake her off but soon he gave up the struggle,
and when she helped him onto his cot and raised his legs after he lay down,
Dooley could stand it no longer and wept like a little child.
Only a man does not weep like a child.
A man’s sobs are sounds of anguish and despair.
They come to the surface with the difficulty of dry heaves.

Casey Jones brought the ship off the target with a sharp turn to the right.  The Number Four engine was smoking from a direct hit.  We were losing gas.

“We’ll catch up with the formation,” the pilot said to Dooley who was on his guns in the top turret, “then you’ll come down and feather Number Four and transfer the gas to the good engines.”

We did not count the holes in the ship.  There were a hundred of those, but that didn’t matter because a checkup revealed that nobody had been hurt.  We were worried about the dead engine, which would slow us down.  But we anticipated no undue difficulties because our escort of Lightnings and Mustangs picked us up off the target to fly us home.

“You know something,” Martin said, “I think we missed the target.”

“Who gives a s_____?” Petersen said.

Over Lake Baloton [sic – Balaton], in Hungary, Dooley started transferring the gas.  When he’d drained Number Four, the engineer went to work transferring the remaining gas from the auxiliary tanks, the Tokios.  His pumps indicated that the auxiliaries were all drained.  But Dooley didn’t know, at the time, that you could not trust the pumps on a B-24.  He computed his gas at six hundred gallons, all that was left of the twenty-seven thousand gallons we’d started out with on the mission.

“Are you sure?” Casey Jones asked, a note of concern in his voice.

“That’s what the pumps say.”

“We couldn’t of lost that much gas,” Casey Jones said.  “Take another check, will you, mate?”

The panic crept over us in slow, subtle stages, like water inundating an area.

The formation was streaking for home, there were wounded aboard on many of the ships.  And in order to keep up with the pace set by the formations, the pilot was feeding the three remaining engines a rich mixture of gas and oil.

“I don’t know,” Casey Jones said.  “Be frank with you, I don’t understand what happened to our gas.  There should be more of it in those Tokios.”

“Not according to my pumps,” Dooley said.  He wasn’t sure of himself-

“In that case, fellas, it’s going to be a tight squeeze,” the pilot said.  “We might even have to bail out over Yugo.”

“Maybe we ought to fly her on auto-lean,” the copilot suggested, “even if we have to leave the formation.  Save gas that way.”

We dropped out of formation.  Chatter died in the ship.  We moved as little as possible, as if hoping that inaction would nurse along our gasoline a little longer.  “If Pennington were at the stick,” I thought.  The ship held no mystery for him.  But Pennington was probably on the ground, in Italy, smiling sardonically at our dilemma.  Or so it seemed to me.

Over Yugoslavia, Casey Jones called to say: “My indicator is mighty low, fellas, but I’ll try the Adriatic.  Take a chance.  Might have to crash-land after we cross it.  Unless you want to abandon ship here.  What do you say?  Rugged either way.”

There was no response to the pilot’s words.  The silence indicated that the decision was being left up to him.  Only one of us had been in a crash landing before — Charley Couch.  He was in the waist section smoking a cigarette when the pilot’s words came over the interphone.  Suddenly he seized his head with his hands and started shaking it vigorously.

“Oh, God, no,” he whispered.  I saw his face drain of the blood and it was almost chalk white.  “Not again,” he whispered, rolling his head from side to side.  “This time I’m afraid Mama Couch’s boy ain’t gonna make it.  Oh, my God, my aching scrotum.  I shore musta sinned awful bad.”  He sprang to his feet and looked about him in terror as if he’d just awakened from a frightful nightmare.  Pressing on his interphone button, he screamed into the mike: “Lieutenant, I’d do anything but crash-land if I wuz you.  I done it once, walked away from a ship that hit the dirt, but wasn’t many that walked away with me.  We gotta set her down, Lieutenant, why doncha try an’ set her down?”

We’re over water now, Charley,” Casey Jones replied.  “But we’ll fly as long as we can.  Might even try and make it for home base.”

The mention of home base kindled a brief hope.  Momentarily I believed we would make it.  We had made it before.  Always there was something, but we had made it.  Perhaps my caul had something to do with it after all.  There were these uncomputed, incalculable, unforeseen factors in war that made the difference between life death.  How else explain the incident of the tail gunner who had been shot away from the ship and went hurtling down in his turret and lived to tell the story?  And yet, the realization that I was placing my hope on miracles increased my anxiety.  I knew that a B-24 was not built for crash landings.  (The ship was built to stay on the ground.)  But never having been in a crash I did not know what to fear or what to expect.  The fact of the matter is, there are all kinds of crash landings.  It depends on the space, the terrain, the control of the ship.

We crash-landed suddenly.  Six miles from home base.  The crash came with such suddenness, our flaps were down only twenty percent.  There had been just enough warning from the pilot, who screamed: “DITCHING POSITIONS!  HURRY!  WE’RE GOING IN FOR A CRASH!”

I was sitting on the floor, leaning my back against the ditching belt, facing to the rear of the ship.  Against me, Charley Couch was propped, my legs wrapped around his body, Trent sat between his legs.  We were all propping our necks with our hands when the twenty-eight-ton ship telescoped into the ground on its belly.  There was a deafening thud accompanied by the anguished cry of crumbling aluminum.  I felt as if my insides had been pulled out of me; my eyes were sucked into the back of my head, the delicate fibers dangling, stretched, on fire with pain.

When I was able to open my eyes, I saw dust outside the open waist windows, dust rising on both sides.  I listened for explosion or the sound of fire.  But I saw only dust.  Then I noticed Billy Poat’s lean, bent figure.  He rose with difficulty, gripping his middle as if he were holding on to his guts.  He moved toward the waist window, leaned over it, and fell out.  I heard him shout, call for help.  Inside the ship, Trent was bleeding from the head, Charley Couch was moaning softly, trying to get to his feet.  He finally succeeded and moved toward the waist window.  He was shaking his head like he did when the pilot had made the suggestion about crash landing earlier.  His store teeth were dangling, protruding out of his mouth.  I saw one of his hands go up, fix his teeth by lodging them in proper place as if he were fixing his toilette before going out to meet a girl.  Then he too leaned over the waist window and fell out.

I tried to move, but could not.  My hands were feeling about my body for blood; there wasn’t any.  I could move my right foot, but not the left one.  When I tried to sit up, my body would not give.  It seemed nailed to the ship’s belly which was dug into the hard rock.

In the front end of the ship were Casey Jones, Oscar Schiller, Andy Kyle, Dick Martin, Mel Ginn, and Dooley.  I heard Dooley’s voice.  It was very weak.  “We can’t get out up front, you guys.  Pilot’s arms, legs broken …  in his seat.  Mel’s hurt awful bad, unconscious.  We’re locked in, you guys.  Do something….”

Then I heard the chattering: Italian.  And Billy Poat’s voice.  “In here,” he said, “mi amicos.”  I saw the heads of two Italian laborers.

Aspetta, aspetta,” one of them said.  I pointed toward the front of the ship where the rest of the men were entombed, but the Italians continued saying “Aspetta, aspetta,” and carried Trent and me out and laid us on the ground about fifty feet away from the ship.  Then they ran to the front of the plane, led by Billy and Charley who were both bleeding from slight wounds about their faces.  They examined the ship carefully, speaking mostly in sign language.  One of the Italians took off across the road and came back with an acetylene torch.

“If there’s gas in that plane,” I heard Billy say, “they’ll be blown to hellengone.  And so will we,” he added as an afterthought.  But he did not move away from the plane.

“I’m for trying it!” Charley counseled.  “Ain’t no other way to get ‘em out.  By the time the field sends down the meat wagon, fellas are liable to be dead.”

“Okay, paisan,” Billy nudged the Italian.  “Drill!”

Did the two Italians realize that they were endangering their own lives by applying the torch to an Americano plane which was full of 100 octane, volatile, highly explosive fumes?  If they did, they gave absolutely no indication of it.  They seemed completely concentrated on the gun bit which was chewing away at the aluminum body of the plane.  Billy and Charley were shouting to Dooley whose face appeared in the glass over the copilot’s seat.  The glass had not shattered.  “Hold on …  Just hold on,” Billy yelled.

The two Italians changed off on the torch.  Both of them were dipping sweat from the heat of the hot July sun.  Both of them smiled as they worked.  Their smiles reached across to us like warm handshakes.  Without these two Italians, two men working on a casa six miles away from the airfield, without them my comrades would have perished.  By the time the ambulance arrived with Doc Brown and three medics, the two strange Italians, or gooks, as we American called them, sawed off enough of the ship to reach the entombed men.  Schiller and Andy almost made it on their own power but Casey Jones was carried out like a sack of broken limbs, and Mel Ginn was an unconscious, bloody mess.

***

ACROSS FROM my cot lay Casey Jones Petersen in a white cast.  He looked entombed in the cast, like an Egyptian mummy.  His arms were broken, and where his legs had been, there were cotton-swathed stumps.  Only his face showed out of the cast, and there were openings at the bottom for bodily functions.  He couldn’t move, nothing of him moved except his eyes.  An orderly, or nurse, held the cigarette for him when he smoked.  “The Doc said I’ll be like a new man after one year in the cast,” the pilot said to Billy, who was on the next cot.  “A year won’t take long.”  He didn’t know his legs had been amputated.  “Looks like you fellows might start shopping around for a new pilot.  What do you think, Poatska?”

“Oh, you’ll make it, Lieutenant,” Billy said.

“I sure busted you guys up real bad,” Petersen said.  “I’m awful sorry.

“Did the best you could,” Andy said.  He and Schiller had walked away from the crash, suffering from shock.  An MP had found them wandering on the road and returned them to the base.  Every day Andy came to visit us at the hospital.

“How’s Mel?” Dooley asked continually.  He could hardly sit up on account of his bruised back, and his eyes were still half shut from the lacerations and cuts.  He kept repeating the question in his sleep: “How’s Mel?”  When awake he couldn’t keep his eyes off the stumps which had been Casey Jones’s legs.  When Dooley discovered Mel was on the Critical List with an internal hemorrhage and busted kidney, he said, “If that kid dies, it’ll be on account of me.  The whole thing’s on account of me.”  He was sure now the crash had been his fault, but somehow he couldn’t put his finger on it.  “I f_____ up some place,” he muttered.  He was constantly striving to get up from the cot to be nearer Mel, but the nurse forbade it.  “You aren’t ready for it yet,” she said.

“Please, nurse, can I talk to him one minute?”

“Somebody ask for me?” Mel inquired.  His eyes didn’t focus any longer and he wasn’t able to see, but his voice was still clear, though weak.  “I don’t look my best today,” he would say by way of a joke, “but I’ll be okay by tomorra when you come to see me, I guarantee ya that.”

“Sure you will,” said Mel’s neighbor.  He was a Negro from Engineers, with a busted arm that was in a white cast.  He was able to walk around, and when the orderlies were not in the ward he offered his help cheerfully.  “Anything you want?”

“Wanna write a letter to my wife, Sharon,” Mel said.  “I ain’t wrote to her in a coon’s age.  Trouble is, fella — “  He hesitated, looked at the colored boy without seeing him and said: “What’s your name, fella?”

“Phil.”

‘You’re my buddy, Phil, my good buddy.  Trouble is, Phil, I don’t know what to write half the time.  Feel queer as a three-dollar bill ever’ time I sit down to write.  Why don’t you just write and tell her I’m doing fine.  Just doing dandy.  I’ll be much obliged to ya….”  He slumped in his bed as if the effort of speaking and the attempt at humor was too much for him.  He looked so thin, emaciated, and his skin had the pallor of death.

The heat was unbearable.  Though the rooms of this former high school turned hospital were without doors, the air stood still and heavy.  Everywhere there were army cots placed so close together there was hardly any room for a patient to put his feet down on the cement floor.  The severe cases, like Mel and Petersen, lay in real hospital beds.  Above some of the beds were pulleys and weights and limbs dangling from them in the real stateside manner.  There were about thirty men in our large room.  Nurses flitted in and out, looking Very busy, always looking busy and solemn and just a bit surly as if they disapproved of the goings-on.  And always there was a captain from Public Relations walking forlornly among the cots with a stack of Purple Hearts and a list of names.  When Dooley saw the captain for the first time he said, “When they write me up for one of them things, I don’t want it.  I want no part of it.”  The captain was about say something, but he turned away and left the ward.

The only comic aspect in this unbearable place was Leo’s shaven head.  His golden hair had been cut right on top of the head where his wound was.  A bandage covered the spot.  Charley, in the cot next to Leo’s, slept most of the time.  Dick Martin hobbled about on a crutch I, too, was promised a crutch.

***

Pennington came to visit us in the evening.  I was sorry he came and was relieved when he left.  I knew it wasn’t fair to blame him for our disaster.  But I couldn’t help feeling it was on account of his heroics that this thing had happened.  I watched his face while he talked to us, but he was genuinely sorry and wanted to be helpful.  Nevertheless, I hoped he would not come again.

***

The nurse brought me the only book she found on the premises: Salsette Discovers America, by Jules Romains.  One passage in the book fascinated me to such an extent I couldn’t get over it: “Your cooks don’t like to prepare sauces [said the protagonist, about America].  Now, sauce is cooking, sauce, I mean, in the broadest sense.”  Sauce in the broadest sense!

***

There was no question about it: our crew was finito.  They would send Casey Jones back to the States to be placed in a hospital somewhere near Duluth where his wife might come to see him, and hold his cigarette for him.  Mel was bleeding internally and there was no way to stop that bleeding.  The doctors, majors and lieutenant-colonels stood over him, consulting.  But nobody could help him.  Mel was bleeding to death.  “Phil, where’s Phil?” he chattered feverishly.  “Have you wrote that letter to my wife, Phil?”

“I’m working on it —”

“That’s my good buddy.”  The words came with difficulty now.  “You’re my buddy for life.  After I get up — “

Billy Poat lay on his back, stiff, unmoving, staring at the dirty ceiling that had once been pink-colored.  Billy stared at the ceiling with a feverish concentration as if he were entranced by the dirt and the flies scampering over it.  When he looked at you, his eyes were far away, as if he were contemplating some terrible decision.  Dooley hardly spoke at all.  The guilt for the crash seeped slowly into him, like a poison.  He was sure the crash had been his fault, although he didn’t know what he had done wrong.  But at the field, the crew chiefs were not long in determining the cause.  They said if Dooley had advised the pilot to raise the bomber’s wings alternately and drain the gas from the wing tanks, instead of relying on the faulty pumps, there would have been no crash.  An investigation of the ship disclosed 200 gallons of gas in the auxiliary tanks – after the crash.  But Dooley was not told about it while in the hospital.  Nothing existed for him except Mel’s thin moans.  His own injuries did not concern him.  He couldn’t lie still.  He couldn’t sleep at night.  He was forever watching Mel’s bed.  It was like a deathwatch.  When he thought Mel needed attention he shouted for a nurse, doctor, or orderly.

***

I had always associated hospitals with the color white.  Hospitals were quiet, cool, drowsy places, with long, clean corridors and muted bells and effortless efficiency.  Nurses and doctors and even orderlies all worked with purposeful concentration.  Ruth had been in such hospitals in Chicago.  I’d always loathed them because my wife spent so much time in them, but now I reflected on how restful it would be to lie in one of those quiet, cool, white rooms.  And sleep.  I had an insatiable need for sleep.  Sleep to shut out thoughts of tomorrow and of the chaos here.  I would sleep around the clock if they let me.  But even in a hospital one was still in the army.

The color was khaki: the cots, the blankets.  There were no sheets.  The food was served on plates instead of mess kits, but it was still c ration food.  Vy-ennas.  The orderlies wandered about indolently in the manner of overworked PFCs and corporals who have learned in the Army that the best way to avoid doing anything was to pay no attention to the world about you.  And there was the noise, constant noise.  Noise and unbearable heat and somber-faced nurses, and naked, peeling walls and hard cement floors.  The only note of onerousness was supplied by the venereals who were billeted in tents out in the courtyard.  There was no order in the place.  There was only chaos and confusion.  It was amazing that anybody ever got well there.

***

Through my constant half sleep I heard planes overhead.  I knew they were coming back from a raid because it was late afternoon and the heat was suffocating and my cot was wet with perspiration.  I wondered what target they’d struck today.  I wondered what day it was.  It didn’t really matter what day it was.  I was lost in the vastness of time.  Time and events were a swift whirlpool and I was spinning on the rim of it and there was never an end.  I had been in this whirlpool all the conscious years of my remembrance.  There had been no other existence.  Perhaps there had been a time once, when the hour, the day, the year was of import, when one moved of one’s own volition.  But that must have been long ago.  Before the army was invented.  Before merciful sleep was invented.  It was T.S.  Eliot who wrote in that poem: “Good night, ladies …  good night, sweet ladies …  goonight…”  A very profound line!  When I got out of the army I would sleep forever.

I had a most alarming dream.  I dreamed I shot off my big toe on the right foot quite by accident while cleaning my pistol.  My comrades took me to the medics’ casa where Doc Brown examined the wound and said: “I’ll give you a letter to the Adjudication Board in Bari, recommending that you be grounded.  You can’t fight any more.  It’ll take that wound some time to heal, and after it heals that stump will bother you in altitude.  Besides, you’ve had enough, Ben.”  He put his hand on my shoulder, kindly and warmly.  “You’re too old to fly anyway.  It was all a fluke, letting you fly in the first place.  How many missions have you now?  Thirty?  That’s good enough.  You’re a hero.  Fought a good war.  My comrades nodded agreement and said: “Doc, he tried his best.  Accidents happen, though.  He didn’t mean to shoot off that toe.  He’s an okay guy, Doc.  Nothing phoney about pop.”  We all got in a jeep, and suddenly I was alone on the road to Bari.  I was abreast of the big sign: AMERICAN MILITARY CEMETERY.  Suddenly Cosmo came out on the road and stared at me.  “Where you going, doc?” he asked.  “No place,” I said.  I woke up-What alarmed me was that my subconscious had gone berserk with neat schemes of escape.  So the vacillations had been there all the time, lurking where one could not reach for them and tear them out by the roots.  The dream frightened me; in fact, it terrified me; in it grasped too eagerly for safety, abandoning my comrades.  I was ashamed, and yet it was no lie: I wished it were reality, not a dream.  I was tired of endlessly fighting, trying to reconcile my fears with my beliefs and fighting against the army.  The struggle had sapped all my energies.  The crash had capped it all.  I was too old, too tired, too sick….  I wanted to go to sleep and never wake up again.  I was tired of this life of conflict and violence.  I almost envied Casey Jones.  For him there was no more violence.  He would be cared for the rest of his life.

But Petersen was a cripple!  What would Casey Jones say if he were in mv position?  “God, you’re a coward!” I lashed out at myself, “You’re like putty.  You must repeat this over and over to yourself:  This is the only positive thing you’ve ever done!  If you quit you’ll never be able to live with yourself.  Nor will Ruth live with you when she finds out the truth.  Look, take stock, think instead of whimpering like a fool.  At thirty-five a man should act grown up.  Others think you’re grown up.  In Chicago they think you’re a hero.  Most of your friends are either on Limited Service in the army or overage and out of the war.  You’re probably the oldest gunner in Group.  It’s not an honor, but nothing to be ashamed of.  You’ve flown thirty missions.  Not an honor, but some people give up much earlier.  And the war.  Think!  We’re winning.  The Allies are deep in France and the Russians are in Romania.  You’re part of it.  This is your war, remember?  Rekindle your anger.  You must rekindle your anger.  Remember, your life is like a tracer bullet; let it glow once – just once – briefly.  Let it light up the sky for others to see.  Don’t snafu the deal, oh, brother, don’t snafu the deal.  Tomorrow you must get off the cot, crawl if you have to, but get out of here!”

***

At night Mel cried feverishly.  The nurse kept coming back armed with a hypodermic needle.  She had ceased counting three-hour intervals.  The doctor had instructed her to give him the needle.  “Might as well keep him as comfortable as possible,” he had said.  “The poor fellow won’t last much longer.”

“And when you write that letter to Sharon,” Mel whispered hoarsely, his mind already wandering on the periphery of death, “I wancha to say I’m a faithful husban’ to her.  And if she stick by me I’m gonna make it up to her.  ‘Cause I don’t care any for them Eyetie gals.  I guarantee ya that…  Just put down ever’thing I say, Phil, ’cause I’m busy right now fixing to shoot down that there ME-109 —”

Dooley crept off his cot and started toward Mel’s bed.  The engineer’s face was frozen with terror.  “Mel —”

“What is it, Phil?  You writing down things like I said?”

“It’s your buddy, Dooley —”

“Well, you just tell her I meant to write alia time, but somehow — didn’t ever get ’round to it.  She’ll unnerstan’.  She knows I’ll make it up to her.  When I git back home — “

The nurse came in the ward and saw Dooley standing over Mel’s bed and said: “You had no business getting off your cot, soldier.  You’re not well enough to —”

Dooley paid no attention to her, concentrating his stare, his whole being, on the dying man.

“Soldier, go back to your cot!”

“I gotta help him,” Dooley muttered, talking to himself.

“You can’t do a thing for him,” said the middle-aged, sallow-faced woman who walked with a slow and tired gait and looked so out of place among the young, sturdy, swift-moving nurses.  “You can’t do a thing for him, boy.  And you’re liable to injure yourself — “

“Somebody’s got to help him, you can’t let him —” He seemed afraid to mention the word “die.”

“We’re trying to make him as comfortable as possible,” the nurse said.  “As for you — “

“Comfortable!” Dooley cried.  “You’re letting my buddy die!  If my buddy dies it’ll be all your fault.  It’ll be the army’s fault!  I’ll hold you all responsible!”  He was suddenly hysterical, hurling his own feeling of guilt at the army, transferring the guilt that had been on him like a terrible weight since the crash.  “I’m warning you!” he cried, waving his arms.  “I’m — “

“All right, son,” she said gently.

Her words struck him like an unexpected blow.  He had not looked for gentleness or even conciliation.  “All right, son,” spoken softly by this woman who looked like a mother, caught him off guard and he was suddenly defenseless.  She had her arm around his waist, leading him back to his cot.  At first he tried to shake her off but soon he gave up the struggle, and when she helped him onto his cot and raised his legs after he lay down, Dooley could stand it no longer and wept like a little child.  Only a man does not weep like a child.  A man’s sobs are sounds of anguish and despair.  They come to the surface with the difficulty of dry heaves.

The ward was silent a moment, then Mel resumed his chatter.  “Tell her when I get back home, Sharon and me is going in for ourselves.  Ain’t gonna have to live with my old folks no more.  Gonna get us some cattle and start in for ourselves, like we said.  I do declare, if n there’s one thing I miss in this Eyetieland, that’s seeing cattle.  Sure is funny, a land without no cattle.  Now you take western Texas —”  He sniggered, amused at the thought.  He coughed.  He lay still for a while.  I heard the roar of engines, away in the distant sky.  Dooley’s cot creaked.  He sat up.  We were all sitting up, our eyes glued on Mel’s bed, listening to the last thin fibers of his voice.  “I can’t breathe so good …  must be my oxygen hose working loose …  Damn …  Nose gunner to bombardier, nose to bombardier, over; open my turret door and check my hose, I can’t breathe….”  He coughed.  “Oh, God …  oh, God, oh, God —”  He died before morning.  (pp. 128-139)

Just One Little Reference…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – IV: The Events of the Novel

Having presented Louis Falstein’s five New Republic articles, it’s now time to move on to Face of a Hero.  To that end, it would do to present an overview of the novel, in terms of characters and events, relating these where possible to actual combat missions and aircraft losses of the 15th Air Force in general and the 450th Bomb Group – the Cottontails – in particular.  

So, in three upcoming posts, I’ll present excerpts from the novel which illustrate Louis’ writing style, exemplify his thoughts and beliefs, and in one case, relate a turning point in the novel in terms of the life of Sergeant Ben Isaacs and his fellow crewmen.  

And so, on to the highlights of the story…

____________________________

“And I’m not afraid.”

____________________________

Here’s an example of what an airman might fear, though in this instance with a fortunate ending!

The date?  May 31, 1944.

The setting?  A mission to Wiener-Neustadt, Austria.

The event?  A rocket fired by a Messerschmitt-110, which perforated the starboard rudder of a 721st Bomb Squadron Liberator, B-24H 41-28827, otherwise known as “Number 34“, otherwise known as “Impatient Virgin The II“.  The plane’s still-intact, white-painted rudder, clearly reveals the inspiration for the 450th Bomb Group’s appellation of “The Cottontails”.  

Despite the dramatic damage, pilot Lt. Irving Weilert and his crew brought their Liberator back to Manduria, where it seems that the plane was repaired, for it reportedly crashed a few months later, on June 13, 1944.  This official Army Air Force photo (52222AC / A23324) lists the men’s names as:

Front row, left to right:

Smith, Robert, Sgt., Chicago, Il.
Dobbs, Dal, T/Sgt., Copan, Ok.
Lewis, Richard, S/Sgt., Wareham, Ma.
Rizzo, Joseph, Sgt., Chicago, Il.

Rear row, left to right:

Harvey, Robert, Lt., Washington, D.C.
Weilert, Irving, Lt., Webster, N.Y. (pilot)
Gardner, John, Pvt., Albion, Mi.
Lumovich, Victor, Lt., Kenny, Mn.
Grossman, Donald, Sgt., Melrose Park, Il.
Crapps, Lorach, Lt., Miami, Fl.

A review of the National WW II Memorial registry reveals that all ten men survived the war.  

____________________________

Back to the novel…

____________________________

Ben Isaacs’ fellow crew members:

Original Pilot: Albert Pennington, Jr., otherwise known as “Big Wheel”. From Boston, he’s married to Myrtle. Upon return from a mission to Ploesti, Rumania, he will be removed from the crew, due to breaking formation to provide escort to a straggling, damaged B-24.
Replacement Pilot: George “Casey Jones” Peterson (otherwise known as “Big Swede”), a truck driver from Minnesota.
Co-Pilot: Chester Kowalski, from Hamtramck, Michigan. In civilian life he sells plastics on Joseph Campan Street, Detroit. While stationed at Mandia, he’s having an affair with Miss Nellie Bullwinkle, Red Cross director in that city. She’s twice his age.
Navigator: Andy Kyle, from Opal, Missouri. (In our world, an unincorporated community in Lawrence County.) His wife is Opal.
Bombardier: Dick Martin, from New York. (State or city is unspecified.) Prior to the war he was a Civil Service employee.
Flight Engineer: Jack Dula, a.k.a. “Jack Dooley”, from Pittsburgh.
Radio Operator: Billy Poat.
Nose Gunner: Mel Ginn, a rancher from “Ozone” (in our world, Ozona), Texas.
(Original) Ball-Turret Gunner: Cosmo “Mouse” Fidanza, from Cleveland, who has family in Italy
(Replacement) Ball-Turret Gunner: Charley Couch, a gold prospector from Arizona. He has a predilection for no-limit poker, wears false teeth, and despises his wife. His main interest in life is reading Studs Lonigan.
Right Waist Gunner: Leo Trent, from Hollywood. Twenty-three years old, he sells perfume in civilian life. His twenty-one year old brother is a Marine Corps ace in the Pacific Theater.

Other dramatis personae

Master Sergeant Arthur Sawyer: In charge of the Squadron orderly room.
Major Paterno: A Squadron ground officer.
The anonymous crew chief of “Violent Virgin”, one of the B-24s in which Ben’s crew flies combat missions.  This man is a Jew.  A question he poses to Ben Isaacs marks a moment upon which Ben considers the symbolism of being a Jew in the context of flying combat missions over German-occupied Europe, and – in case of his capture by the Germans – the implications of being a prisoner of war, and identified as a Jew.  This is not the only point in the novel at which Ben ponders his identity.

Three B-24 Liberators

Besides “Violent Virgin” and “Flying Foxhole” (the latter being the first Liberator which the Pennington crew flies after their arrival in Italy), Ben’s crew also flew combat missions in “Dinah Might“.

Ben Isaacs’ combat missions

#1: Wiener-Neustadt, Austria, over which the crew witness a B-24 being shot down by flak.
#2: Turno-Severin, Romania
#3: Ploesti, Romania, on June 6, 1944.  Lt. C. Maxwell’s B-24 is missing. Though in “real life” the 15th Air Force lost 12 B-24s (and 1 B-17) on this date, none of the Liberators were from the 450th Bomb Group.
#4: Munich, Germany. Cosmo is wounded in the left leg by flak, and hospitalized at the 53rd Field Hospital.
#5: Ploesti once again.  A B-24 is shot down by enemy planes, and the B-24 “Wolf Pack”, piloted by Lt. Wensley, drops out of formation over Yugoslavia and is abandoned by her crew.

A gap in the account follows, during which the crew completes nine more missions.

By July of 1944, the crew has also flown missions to:

Brod, Yugoslavia
Belgrade, Yugoslavia
Sofia, Bulgaria
Salonika, Greece
Budapest, Hungary
Miskolz, Hungary
Constanza, Romania
Pitesti, Romania
Giurgiu, Romania
Osijek, Yugoslavia
Zagreb, Yugoslavia
Ploesti, Romania

Events during subsequent missions

During the crew’s 27th mission, a “milk run” to Zagreb, Cosmo is killed in his turret by flak. He is buried at a U.S. military cemetery at Bari.  His replacement is Charley Couch.

On a mission to Regensburg, Germany (did the 15th Air Force actually fly missions to that city? – I don’t think so!) the Liberator “Betty Lou” crashes into the Adriatic Sea, killing all ten crewmen.

Then, another B-24 is lost, but in very different circumstances: A bomber crashes on take-off while en-route to Naples, with the loss of a crew who’d completed all their missions “without a scratch on the plane”.

On a mission to Brux, Czechoslovakia, the crews of Vern Matchek (of Croatian ancestry, from Scranton, Pennsylvania), and Danny Smith are missing.

By now, Lt. Pennington has been removed from his crew to be replaced by George “Casey Jones” Peterson. With his departure Lt. Kowalski also leaves the crew, and is replaced by Oscar Schiller, whose family ancestry is from Vienna.

A crash-landing

Things get much, much worse.

On return from a mission to Vienna, “Dooley” miscalculates the quantity of fuel remaining in their plane. Pilots Peterson and Schiller, believing their aircraft incapable of safely reaching Mandia, crash-land their bomber 6 miles from their base. The result? Ben, Trent, Poat, and Couch, all in the aircraft’s waist, are stunned, but survive. Peterson, Schiller, Kyle, Martin, and Dooley, trapped in the nose of the aircraft, are freed from the wreck by two Italian laborers.  But, two of the crew – Peterson and Ginn – are very badly hurt and have to be extricated and carried away from the smashed plane.

Ben, Peterson, Ginn, and Dooley are hospitalized. Peterson’s arms are broken, and his legs are so badly injured as to eventually necessitate amputation. Mell Ginn is hurt worse of all. Occasionally conversing with Dooley and Ben, sometimes to talking to no one-in-particular, sedated, passing in and out of consciousness, he succumbs to internal injuries before the next morning.

But, as Ben observes of Dooley, in anguish and guilt over Mell’s suffering, “Dooley could stand it no longer and wept like a little child. Only a man does not weep like a child. A man’s sobs are the sounds of anguish and despair. They come to the surface with the difficulty of dry heaves,”

A civilian diversion:

Then, an interregnum: Ben visits a refugee camp, in a passage presaged by Lou Falstein’s article “From a Flier’s Notebook” in The New Republic of August 20, 1945.

A return to combat

On the day after Ben’s return, Dick Martin flies with a new crew, and their plane is shot down over Bucharest. Later, Schiller is assigned to a newly-arrived crew.

The Tigertails commence missions to Southern France a few days prior to Operation Dragoon, which begins on August 15, 1944.

On August 14, aboard a B-24 piloted by Lt. Fitzsimmons, Andy Kyle cracks up and, while witnessing a fuel leak from the plane’s #4 (outer starboard) engine, attempts to parachute from the waist window. Restrained by the crew, he is grounded by a medical board.

The same and worse for Billy Poat: He jumps out a waist window while flying with a new crew over Vienna, after previously having requested to be grounded. This has terrible effects on Andy Kyle: Upon hearing this news, he goes berserk. Physically restrained and bodily placed on a plane going to Naples, he is sent back to the Zone of the Interior.

Ben’s original crew having thus fallen apart, he’s relegated to the position of “extra gunner”, to be assigned to fill in on other crews as needed.

On a mission to Vienna aboard Lt. Mathis’ Liberator, Ben witnesses a burst of flak shear the two port engines from Pennington’s plane, and then clearly observes Pennington himself bailing out.  Lt. Smiley’s B-24 collides with another plane, and both aircraft explode. Worse: The ball turret gunner on Lt. Mathis’ plane commits suicide with a .45 pistol.

The final toll of the mission is “100 men missing from Group.”

Though in the novel there are no missions between October 15 and mid-November, in reality, the 450th Bomb Group completed nineteen missions between October 16, 1944, and November 15, 1944. Roughly during this interval, Ben suffers frost-bite in both feet.

By now, the only survivors of the ten members of Ben’s original crew – at least, those physically and mentally intact and remaining with him at Mandia – are Jack Dula and Charley Couch.

Ben’s 40th mission is to Munich, Germany.

Ben’s war is complete…

On December 16, 1944, he flies his final mission with the crew of Lt. Short, to Innsbruck, Austria. This date accords with the 450th Bomb Group’s history, which denotes the December 16 mission, to that city, as having been the Group’s 194th mission.

…and the novel concludes

“I felt suddenly as if my whole body was arrayed against me,
hurling its war legacy of pains at me, demanding submission.
And I retorted with numb lips,
“It is too late.
There comes an end.
This is the end.
And I’m not afraid.”

***

I remember that morning.
I remember how out of the blackness of the receding Alps three aircraft rose in our direction.
And suddenly I awakened from my numbness and my lips whispered over the interphone:
“Three unidentified aircraft at six o’clock high!”
I raised my guns and suddenly I dropped them and a cry of joy burst forth from me.
“They’re ours! P-38s!” I cried.

I remember that morning and the three pursuit ships which were the loveliest of all sights.
I lowered my guns and we lost some altitude and I felt warmer.
And the sun came streaming in through the Plexiglass and I began to cry.
How splendid were the mountains receding along the Po!
And how beautiful the earth!
I cried for the deep serenity inside me,
a serenity which made me forget,
momentarily that the war was not over and tomorrow men would be dying.

Yes, I remember that morning and the tears and the sorrow, and finally the calmness.

Some Books to Refer to…

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Pocket Books, Inc., New York, N.Y., 1951

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Rust, Kenn C., Fifteenth Air Force Story, Historical Aviation Album, Temple City, Ca., 1976

Politics as History III… Ken Burns’ PBS Documentary “The U.S. and the Holocaust”: “Ken Burns Exploits the Holocaust”, by Sultan Knish (Daniel Greenfield)

This is my third (and last, for now!) post pertaining to Ken Burns’ PBS three-part documentary The U.S. and the Holocaust, which by its conclusion becomes – as clearly described by Jonathan S. Tobin and Shmuel Klatzkin – an ideologically motivated reflection upon contemporary American politics and culture, that ultimately has little do with the Shoah, per se.  

Arriving at a similar conclusion is Sultan Knish (the alter ego of Daniel Greenfield), who at his blog, and FrontPageMagazine, presents parallel thoughts about Burns’ documentary in his own compelling and wonderfully forceful style.  As I’ve done for the essays of Tobin and Klatzkin, some of the most telling excerpts of Sultan’s essay appear below, while you can read his thoughts in full at the link.

My only real disagreement with Sultan’s thoughts, identical to my opinion about Tobin’s essay, is far more literary than political.  Namely, as I’d advocate for most any writer, pundit, or essayist, I’d eschew the word “liberal” for a term (or, terms?) more explicit and pointed, such as “leftist”.     

After all, to understand something, it’s necessary to call it for what it is, not what it purports to be.   

 Ken Burns Exploits The Holocaust

The only story about the Holocaust that Burns would make,
PBS would air and liberals would buy
is one in which conservatives are villains
and liberals, including FDR, are heroes.
And the Jews, unless they have the right politics,
are the villains, while the two million illegals crossing the border are the new Jews.
Burns combines revisionism and supercessionism in one.

……….

The reason for his popularity
is that Burns excels at telling his older liberal audience exactly
what they already know at great length,
flattering their sensibilities by pre chewing pop history.
“The U.S. and the Holocaust” reduces the mass murder of six million Jews
to racism and immigration,
digesting the extended horror into contemporary woke talking points.

………

The same liberal American Jews
who rushed to give everything for the civil rights movement
did next to nothing when six million Jews were murdered.
And they went on worshiping FDR.
They were willing to fight segregation and [for] other progressive causes,
but not the Holocaust,
because they engage in such passionate activism to escape their Jewishness,
not to articulate it.

“The U.S. and the Holocaust” quickly universalizes the Holocaust
and replaces the Jews with illegal aliens.
Ken Burns gives secular liberal Jews what they really want
by remaking the Holocaust so that it’s no longer Jewish.
Much as many Holocaust museums are already doing.

………

The lesson of the Holocaust is not that countries shouldn’t have borders,
it’s that stateless minorities,
like the Jews,
should have their own countries and borders.
And it’s that there is a world of difference
between economic migrants and refugees fleeing death.

The trouble with the remembrance of the Holocaust is not,
as some say, that the world has learned nothing from it.
No one should have expected otherwise.
Ken Burns is the latest in a long line of ideologues
appropriating the murder of six million Jews to push his pet agenda.
The real tragedy is that American Jews,
the people who have invested more energy than any other Jews
in the world to memorialize the Holocaust,
have learned nothing from it.

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – III: First Published Writings: “Molto Buono”, and, “The New Republic”

Louis Falstein’s literary oeuvre commenced at least five years – and probably more – before the 1950 publication of Face of a Hero, based on this very brief news item from Molto Buono (Italian for “Very Good”), the unofficial wartime newspaper of (first) the 723rd Bomb Squadron, and (subsequently) the 450th Bomb Group.  The article specifically mentions that Louis was an editor of New Writers and Midwest magazines, and was solicited to write articles for Free World, a publication affiliated with the United Nations.  

The article confirms Lou’s service as a combat airman in the 723rd Bomb Squadron, the article’s publication date, February 3, 1945, placing an approximate time-frame on the period of Lou’s service with the Cottontails: The latter part of 1944 through early 1945.  

Molto Buono, February 3, 1945

723rd Notes

Did you know that S/Sgt Lou Falstein, who very recently wound up his missions and took the long but wonderful voyage home, is a professional writer, a former editor of “New Writers” and “Midwest” Magazines?  Just before leaving, Lou was asked to write a series of monthly articles on the development of democracy in Italy for “Free World,” an outstanding international publication, dealing with United Nations economic and political problems.

________________________________________

To give an appreciation of the technical aspects of being a B-24 Liberator tail gunner, this video, “Consolidated B-24 Tour – Subscriber’s Request! – Part 1“, at Kermit Weeks’ YouTube channel, shows the interior of the rear fuselage of a B-24J Liberator, with particular emphasis on the interior of Louis’ crew station, the Emerson tail turret.  The aircraft is “Joe”, 44-44272.    

________________________________________

It seems that Louis’ first published writing appeared in a periodical of great significance: The New Republic.  From August of 1945 through January of 1946, he authored five articles for that magazine, three of which were based upon his experiences in the Armed forces, the other two reporting on the development of the atomic bomb.  The commonality of the articles is their very “human” approach to their subject matter: they emphasize neither Lou’s military experiences per se, nor the purely technological and scientific aspects of the extraction and refinement of uranium for use in atomic weapons.  Instead, they focus on Lou’s impressions of civilian refugees, fellow soldiers, and scientists and their families, paying particular attention to language, speech, and emotion.  However, the final two articles are somewhat analytical, one covering moral and political controversies arising from the use of atomic weapons, and, the other entirely straightforward discussion of veterans’ organizations in the post-WW II United States.

These are the article titles and their publication dates:

“From a Flier’s Notebook” – August 20, 1945
“You’re on Your Own” – October 8, 1945
“Oak Ridge: Secret City” – November 12, 1945
“The Men Who Made the A-Bomb” – November 26, 1945
“Veterans Welcome” – January 28, 1946

Full transcripts of all five articles are given below, with each article “headed” by quotes – in dark red, like this – that I think exemplify or highlight the article’s central point.  The two articles about the Oak Ridge National Laboratory are accompanied by images of cartoons (one from P.M., the other from the Daily Mail) that actually appeared in those pieces.  

Of special note – for the purpose of this series of posts – is Lou’s very first article: “From a Flier’s Notebook”.  Note that in the first paragraph Lou mentions “our crew”, the only non-fiction reference to his fellow crew members – whoever they were – that I’ve found.  And, in light of the statement, “Today we find ourselves in a luxurious palace.  We’re on a high hill, and below our rocky cliffs flows the bluest of seas, so blue it hurts your eyes; its waters so clear you can see many fathoms down from your window,” was the un-named location of their “luxurious rest” Capri, or, Naples?

Of much greater import in terms of Face of a Hero is Lou’s detailed and moving account of his interactions and conversation with Yugoslavian refugees, both partisans and civilians, at a nearby rest camp, the article concluding upon his crew’s encounter with Jewish refugees from Yugoslavia, Austria, and Poland, at a “refugee colony on the coast.”  Both of these encounters would be the basis a very lengthy passage in Lou’s then-future novel. 

There, Sergeant Ben Isaacs feels an intense and immediate sense of identification – if not empathy – with these people, his awareness of this shared history giving rise to memories of escaping the Ukraine and reaching America in the wake of the Russian Civil War.  And yet, even with closeness, there is distance:  He comes to the realization that the trajectory of his life – the passage of time, and, his years in America, as an American – have created a near-unbridgeable gulf between himself and the people who in both symbolism and reality, embody his past.

But, that’s for later.

Here are the articles:

August 20, 1945 – “From a Flier’s Notebook

October 8, 1945 – “You’re On Your Own

November 12, 1945 – “Oak Ridge: Secret City

November 26, 1945 – “The Men Who Made the A-Bomb

January 28, 1946 – “Veterans Welcome

________________________________________

From a Flier’s Notebook

The New Republic
August 20, 1945

Today we find ourselves in a luxurious palace.
We’re on a high hill,
and below our rocky cliffs flows the bluest of seas,
so blue it hurts your eyes;
its waters so clear you can see many fathoms down from your window.
We are here for a three-day rest.
Combat fatigue.

There is a Yugoslav rest camp nearby….

**********

In the shoe-repair-shop were two elderly people – Viennese.
The woman, still showing signs of former good living, looked up and smiled.
“A guest,” she said, and embraced me.
Vienna.
Had I ever heard of Vienna?
Yes, I said, I’d had occasion to hear of it…
“Ah, you’ve been bombing it!” she exclaimed.
“Goot! Goot! I have a great house there, but I don’t care.
Bomb it.
Hitler is there.
Destroy it!
Destroy the evil genie!”
America – would I tell them something about America, the outside world?
She held onto me: “Please come to our casa, if only for an hour…”

They live on this rocky, craggy coast, far away from their native lands.
They work and pray in their little synagogue.
They are very dexterous with their hands and are self-supporting.
But they have no place to go.
They are strangers here and strangers in their homelands.
Some of them talk of Palestine, of America.
But most of them live with nothing to look forward to.

The manager saw us to the road.
He shook my hand and said:
“Please come back.
We are apart from the world…
Shalom (Peace be with you).”

IN WAR things change very quickly from the sublime to the ridiculous, and vice versa.  Yesterday our crew was in very Spartan surroundings eating C-rations and sleeping on the hard canvas bunks.  Today we find ourselves in a luxurious palace.  We’re on a high hill, and below our rocky cliffs flows the bluest of seas, so blue it hurts your eyes; its waters so clear you can see many fathoms down from your window.  We are here for a three-day rest.  Combat fatigue. 

There is a Yugoslav rest camp nearby, and in the beautiful village below our palace I met several Yugos at the well.  Many of them wear uniforms, British style, and all have Partisan caps, even babes in arms.  We started a conversation with a couple, of lads and found that we could understand one another quite well.  They invited us to an affair which was to take place that evening.  As we talked, a fierce mustachioed giant came over.  A Yugo M.P.  He listened to our talk, nodded approvingly and finally said in – English: “You come tonight to party, h-okay.  H-eight o’clock, h-okay.”  And he put his huge paw gently on my shoulder and concluded: “American aviaticheri very good, sure.” 

The show took place in a monastery.  The program consisted of short sketches – crude, agitational, but good front-line stuff.  The poetry is on a high level.  These people sing well and are impressive even to those who do not understand them.  And they sing at the slightest provocation.  The blind, emaciated accordionist would strike up a tune, and the whole assemblage of men, women and children would join in lustily.  Then someone would shout in their language: “Death to Fascism, Freedom to the People!” and there would be an echo.  They have a fine, proud, dignified bearing.  They are poor, but offer you cigarettes.  British.  (You prevail upon them to take your American smokes.  They accept, but reluctantly.)  The children have mature faces.  They do not beg or accept candy like many of the little Italians who ask for “chungum…chocolat…caramel…”  They follow the sketches intently.  Some of the twelve-year-olds have seen action in battle.  The women are big, some quite attractive; they carry rifles, like the men. 

Blaj Bralle, the blind Dalmatian, plays the accordion like a master.  I met him in a cool wine cellar.  He agreed to share my bottle of wine if he could reciprocate.  “I’ll play for you,” he said.  He played and sang in a high passionate tenor voice and drank for three hours.  While Blaj and I were drinking, the giant mustachioed M.P. lumbered in.  He dented my back with his huge paw and said he was very happy to see me, but he could not stay; he was on duty.  Very sorry.  But he would have just one sip.  A quick one.  He tossed off one glass, wiped his mustaches and said, “I go now.”  I asked him to have another.  “H-okay.”  He drained another glass.  “Good!”  He said he sure missed the wine when he was imprisoned by the Germans for three full years.  Then he excused himself, said duty called; he would have just one more drink.  He told me how he’d starved, how the Nazis tied his hands over his head for days, how they shot people.  He showed me an old copy of Stars and Stripes which carried his fierce mustache and an article detailing his experiences as a Partisan and prisoner of war.  We killed the bottle, and he finally left, saying: “H-okay, h-okay, I’ll see you…”

It’s been a long time, and I’ve flown many missions.  Back at the rest camp facing the blue sea.  I fell in love with this spot on my first visit here two months ago: The warm sun and the beach are far away from the droning planes and early alerts.  The grim war-life is erased from my mind for a few brief days. 

I cannot find my old friends among the Yugoslavs here.  A young lad, Dmitri, promised to take me to another accordionist who might have word of Blaj.  Dmitri is fifteen, a dignified, taciturn peasant boy.  He is a veteran guerrilla, recovering from wounds received in action.  He wears a Partisan cap with five-point-star, but no shoes.  We went to the “home” of Professor Nikita.  A barren, cavernous room with a mattress on the stone floor.  Two broken chairs.  Nothing else. 

Professor Nikita is also blind.  Blaj Bralle is no longer here, he said.  He is sick with tuberculosis and has been taken away.  (These people have so little, so tragically little, to eat.)  “I will oblige you with some accordion playing.”

The accordionist and I drank.  His wife poured the wined with delicate hand like a hostess accustomed to gracious manners.  I sat on the floor, but she refused to sit on the chair, insisting that I take it.

I had one cigar in my pocket, our week’s ration.  I offered it to Nikita.  He refused, but finally took it.  He fondled the cellophane wrapper for a long time.  Then he undid it ceremoniously, mumbling: “Ah, my dear friend!  What a treat!  It’s been so many years…  But you are depriving yourself- “

“Smoke it, please,” I said.

“Surely, surely,” Nikita exclaimed, his strong, stony face beaming.  “Mama, we’ll proceed to smoke this wonderful thing.  Mama, smell it.”  We lit the cigar.  “Mama, come here.  The sheer fragrance of it.  Now I’m happy.  I shall smoke it slowly and I shall play some songs for our dear comrade.”

As we played and sang, a young bespectacled Italian priest in dark brown cassock and his boy assistant entered.  The hostess gave him her seat.  They spoke Italian.  The priest asked for some operatic airs and sang in a strong tenor voice.  His face grew red and sweaty.  My Luckies made the rounds.  The hostess stood and smiled graciously, wanting her guests to be happy.

How poor these people are!  But what dignity!  “Our land is afire!”  the accordion player said.  “It is a beautiful land, but the incendiaries have put it to the torch.  You can do the same to them.  You and your mighty airplanes.”

The other night the Red Cross gave a party for us and Invited Dmitri.  He came reluctantly.  He has no shoes – and he doesn’t like to sit at dances.  As we walked to the hotel, we met several friends of Dmitri’s and I invited them too.  There was one husky girl, her left hand in a cast.  Her name was Zinka.  She is of peasant origin, wears a Partisan cap and trousers and there are three battle stars on her jacket.  She has a peasant’s suspicion of city folk, of strangers, of Americans, too.  She spoke very little.  Dmitri told me that she had been a commander, of three hundred Partisans, with a legendary reputation for heroism and leadership.  Her husband was killed at her side.  She doesn’t laugh much nor smile.  Her hatred is grim, but the children here, the many Yugoslav orphans, love her.  She is very tender to them.  We danced a waltz together.  “I like these,” she said.  “When there was music at home, we danced much.”  I brought Zinka some punch and cake.  Later in the evening she offered me some.  “Take it,” she said.  “But I’m full,” I told her.  “You brought me some before,” Zinka retorted.  “Now you will share mine.”  She hails from the mountains and her dialect is not easy for me to understand, but we managed.  She has killed many Germans.  “You have too?” she asked.  “Many?”  I said I didn’t know how many.  “But you kill them.  That is what matters.  That makes us brothers-in-arms.”

Yesterday we played Santa Claus to a group of Yugoslav children.  A truckload of us took off for a coastal town where the orphans are housed.  We carried several cartons of candy with us.

In an improvised hospital with cold, drab rooms were little tots, all feverish eyes in dry, white faces.  The English Red Cross worker, named Mercy, led us among the children.  They knew instinctively the meaning of a toy: a teddy bear or a clumsy dog made of olive drab.  But candy – few had ever seen it.  One youngster reluctantly accepted the bar I gave him.  He gazed at it blankly, no reaction on his face.  We removed the cellophane wrapper and suggested that he taste the candy.  He did, hesitantly.  Finally he realized that candy is to be eaten.

The older children, aged nine or ten, understood the occasion.  They lined up solemnly, not like our kids yelling with joy and anticipation.  They did not reach out.  But as we made the rounds, each one upon taking the candy said quietly: “Chvala (Thank you).”

In the evening a bonfire was built in the village square.  The youngsters marched in, singing as usual, and sat around the fire.  A silver-bearded old guerrilla who looked like a professor, played Santa Claus.  He wore a big white robe, and a Partisan cap.  Before passing out the toys and candy, Santa Claus made a brief speech.  He told the children of the gifts brought them by their allies; gifts which they must gladly accept, some day to be repaid.  He said it was necessary to move up this Christmas celebration because they were all going back to Yugoslavia where great tasks awaited them and their leader, Tito.  The children cheered Tito, the Allies and Santa Claus.

Earlier in the afternoon we had visited a Jewish refugee colony on the coast.  Here were Yugoslav, Austrian and a few Polish Jews.  In a huge villa, once inhabited by rich fascists, these homeless people have set up workshops.  They make bedsprings of telephone wires, as well as clothes, toys and shoes.  They have access to discarded materials only.  Yet their work is superb.

The general manager, with a Hitler mustache, showed us ground.  “Out of 70,000 Jews once inhabiting Yugoslavia, only 6,000 are left,” he said.  “And they are alive today because they are with the Partisans.”  He was once a big businessman in Belgrade.  Now he has nothing, expects nothing.

An old nearsighted Austrian Jew was wiring bedsprings in a dark room.  There is no electricity.  He asked me eagerly from where I came.  “New York,” I told him.  “Ah, New York!” he exclaimed.  “Do you know the Schumans on Eighty-sixth Street?  Please see them.  Tell them of my plight…  Please…” 

In the shoe-repair-shop were two elderly people – Viennese.  The woman, still showing signs of former good living, looked up and smiled.  “A guest,” she said, and embraced me.  Vienna.  Had I ever heard of Vienna?  Yes, I said, I’d had occasion to hear of it…  “Ah, you’ve been bombing it!” she exclaimed.  “Goot!  Goot!  I have a great house there, but I don’t care.  Bomb it.  Hitler is there.  Destroy it!  Destroy the evil genie!”  America – would I tell them something about America, the outside world?  She held onto me: “Please come to our casa, if only for an hour…”

They live on this rocky, craggy coast, far away from their native lands.  They work and pray in their little synagogue.  They are very dexterous with their hands and are self-supporting.  But they have no place to go.  They are strangers here and strangers in their homelands.  Some of them talk of Palestine, of America.  But most of them live with nothing to look forward to.

The manager saw us to the road.  He shook my hand and said: “Please come back.  We are apart from the world…  Shalom (Peace be with you).”

SERGEANT LOUIS FALSTEIN

________________________________________

You’re on Your Own

The New Republic
October 8, 1945

There was no hell-raising in the barracks.
If there was any joy in our hearts, it was an inner joy.
We asked each other, somewhat sheepishly: “What do you intend to do for a living?”

**********

A private from New York, said:
“I can just see myself …
riding on the Eighth Avenue subway. …
All of a sudden I feel inside my shirt and discover I ain’t got my dog tags on …
I’m scared stiff an MP will catch me and I’ll get restricted.
“So I pull the emergency cord for the train to stop, and I run home for my dog tags. …
I can just see it.”

**********

For most of us it was the last night in the Army.
No doubt some felt a sentimental twinge in parting with a life so thoroughly lived
that its imprints would linger forever in one’s being.
It had not all been blood and sweat,
and even for those of us who had seen the burial of our comrades,
there had also been many moments of joy and warmth and common feeling of accomplishment.
And some of us spoke freely of joining the Reserve
and even reenlisting if we could not make a go of it in civilian life.
An infantry sergeant who had been through the hell of Anzio, said:
“For months now I’ve been sweating it out, looking forward to this.
Now that it’s come, I’m afraid.”

ELEVEN of us boarded the train in Chicago with orders to report at Fort Dix for, separation from the Army.  We were a jubilant bunch of high-point men.  It was our last train ride as GIs, and one we had been looking forward to for many years.  We found our Pullman compartments but did not stay in them long.  A feeling of great excitement and anticipation imbued each of us.  The club-car was crowded; the washrooms, platforms and passageways were loud with talk and handshakes and back-slapping.  There were hundreds of us riding the Freedom Train.  In the dining-car we presented our government meal tickets and received the inevitable stew, but this time we did not resent it.  For this was the last time.  We were lavish in our tips.  We called each other Mister.

The following morning we arrived at Fort Dix.  At the gate we saw a GI coming in our direction, a barracks bag slung over his shoulder and a shiny, new cloth discharge emblem on his shirt.  “How long does it take to get a discharge?”  Joe Myron, a waist gunner who had flown with the 15th Air Force, asked.  “Forty-eight hours,” the brand-new civilian replied.

“That’s too long for me,” Joe said as we moved on.

Forty-eight hours isn’t a long time after years in the Army.  But even the most stolid and patient among us considered one day’s delay in our discharge as an irreparable blow to the progress of mankind.  We were in a hurry.  And here, finally, was the opportunity.  No golden promises awaited us outside, and many looked with fear and uncertainty to the future.  But now, getting out was the important thing.

We were issued bedding, assigned to barracks in the Casual Area, and told to listen to the public address system and read the bulletin board.  “Your names will appear on the roster tomorrow,” the non-com from Operations said indifferently, “Most of you will get on it tomorrow, but some won’t.  And if you don’t, you’ll know your service record is not in order.  And please don’t come to Operations and ask us why you didn’t make the roster.  We just work here – 24 hours a day.”

In the barracks we found three men who said they’d been there four days already.  One of the men, tall, flabby, with six overseas bars on his shirt-sleeve, talked with the bitterness and cynicism one finds so frequently in the Army among those who feel trapped.  “Four days I been here!” he said.  “I ain’t no dischargee.  If you ask me, I’m a retainee.”

Twice daily, rosters were posted along a large wall in front of a modest little building called Operations.  These rosters contained the names of men and the schedule for their discharge processing.  The most prevalent question among us was: “Did you get on a roster?”  Of our original group of eleven men, ten got on.  Jimmie Moore, former radio-operator-gunner, didn’t make it.  “You’ll get on tomorrow,” we consoled him.  But Jimmie was broken-hearted.  “I know my service record is in order,” he muttered dejectedly.  “It always happens to me.”  He lay in his bunk and sweated it out.  We, the lucky ones, thought of tomorrow, our first day of processing, and many obstacles loomed in our minds.  Suppose we flunked the physical test and the Army refused to release us?  Suppose Finance snafu-ed the works?  We built a thousand pessimistic suppositions.  A former paratrooper in dirty uniform and sparkling jump-boots summed up our feelings: “You ain’t out of the Army till you got that white piece of paper.”

Our processing began in the afternoon.  About fifteen hundred of us crowded into a large, unfinished auditorium to hear a welcome speech by a lieutenant, and an outline of the processing steps.  Then the Protestant chaplain, who looked like a tough racket-buster, offered his three principles to guide us when we changed over from khaki to civvies.  “Take it easy,” he thundered.  “Have confidence in God,” and “Help build a better America.”  It was a big order on a warm afternoon; and orientation talks never were popular among GI’s.  But we were in a festive and magnanimous mood.  And the chaplain had a sense of humor.  “Take it easy,” he counseled, “no matter what you undertake. … If you want to get married, think it out, take it easy.  If you want to use the vocabulary you acquired in the Army, think it over, take it easy.  Ask for the salt if you want it; no adjectives needed, they’ll know what you mean…”

An Over-age Destroyer-a man 38 or more being released because of age-said philosophically: “The only way to beat the insurance companies is to die young.”  How to convert bur government insurance was the most debated question.  We argued it among ourselves in the barracks, and sought clarification on the following morning when our group started processing in earnest.  The counselors sat in plywood-partitioned cubby holes, armed with our service records and large, unpleasant-looking tomes.  My counselor, a staff sergeant who’d toured the globe for the Army, had a friendly handshake for me.  He said he would give me as much time as I desired.  He was here to help me and advise me on my rights as a veteran; how to convert my insurance, and so on.  We scanned my service record thoroughly, and toward the end, when we got up, he put his hand on my shoulder and said in paternal fashion: “I’d also advise you to have some children.  In old age they make life much brighter.”

In the afternoon the much dreaded physical examination came up.  It was as thorough as the one I had during induction several years ago, but much less personal.  The doctors and medics seemed more harassed and colder; they worked at a swift pace, and there was little time for oral questioning.  One doctor regarded us with envy and said: “I heard a rumor the Army is going to discharge a doctor this year.”  We were thumped and jabbed and stabbed by needles and shoved along in assembly-line fashion until we were thoroughly explored and recorded and ordered to dress and leave.  My friend, the waist gunner, was told to stay; the doctors discovered a murmur in his heart.  He sat in misery, upstairs, awaiting reexamination.  Some were advised to file claims with the Veterans’ Administration for service-connected disabilities.  One fellow with large, feverish eyes who suffered from recurrent malaria, asked: “If I file a claim, will it hold up my discharge?”  He was assured that it would take only an additional ten minutes to file a claim with the VA.  Of course, one was not certain of having the claim approved, but it was best to have it -on record, for some of the service-connected disabilities were liable to grow worse in the future.  By filing now, one would save a great deal of time and red tape.  But there were many men who did not file claims because they feared it might create another obstacle in their path to liberation. 

We were through for the day.  In the evening we drank beer out of small paper cups at the PX, and studied the merchandise on the shelves.  It reminded me of the evening before our crew took off for overseas.  We had done a great deal of shopping.  We bought razor blades, pipes, tobacco, candy, cigarettes; our co-pilot took along silk stockings and rouge and lipstick in order to establish a good bargaining position with the girls in the ETO.  Now we were studying the shelves again, wondering what to buy before taking off into the unexplored domain of civilian life. 

There was no hell-raising in the barracks.  If there was any joy in our hearts, it was an inner joy.  We asked each other, somewhat sheepishly: “What do you intend to do for a living?”  Most of us did not intend going back to our old jobs.  The future for us was tomorrow – when we would get that White Piece of Paper; beyond that was a blank.  Jimmie Moore, who’d spent the day listening to the loudspeaker and scanning the many rosters, was more dejected than ever.  “Tomorrow will be two days, and I ain’t on yet.”  Some men played poker; not recklessly, not like overseas when money meant little, when you did not know whether you would be alive the next evening to play again. 

The lights went out at 10 p.m.  One tech sergeant, who had flown missions out of England and had been wounded and, much decorated, mused out loud: “Seems to me,” he said in mock dejection, “I never will get that Good Conduct Ribbon.”  His record was spotless, he assured us, but it seemed, he never was stationed in one place long enough to receive that award.  His service record stated that he was “favorably considered” for that’ high honor at eight different camps.  “Now it’s too late,” he said with resignation.  “What will I tell my grandchildren, when they ask: ‘Grandpa, did you receive the Good Conduct Ribbon in the Great War?’”  Beneath the sergeant, in the lower bunk, a high-point cook’s helper outlined his plans for the future: “I’m going back to Italy,” he said.  “I got a woman there, and she’s got two kids.  I never seen a cook like her in all my life!”  A private from New York, said: “I can just see myself … riding on the Eighth Avenue subway. … All of a sudden I feel inside my shirt and discover I ain’t got my dog tags on … I’m scared stiff an MP will catch me and I’ll get restricted.  “So I pull the emergency cord for the train to stop, and I run home for my dog tags. … I can just see it.”  Another man said: “Tomorrow I’ll be a civilian.  From tomorrow on I ain’t stationed in a place, I live there, see!  And when I decide to travel, it ain’t ‘…in accordance with AR 20-64, said EM ordered to report at destination no later than …’  I report when I please.  And when I go some place, it ain’t on a furlough 15 days plus traveling time-it’s a vacation and I stay as long as I want.  Tomorrow I’ll be a free man.”

The waist gunner who was held back because of his heart murmur did not indulge in flights of fancy.  And neither did a couple of other men who were scratched from the roster for further check-ups.  They could sweat it out several days more; but each day was eternity.

For most of us it was the last night in the Army.  No doubt some felt a sentimental twinge in parting with a life so thoroughly lived that its imprints would linger forever in one’s being.  It had not all been blood and sweat, and even for those of us who had seer the burial of our comrades, there had also been many moments of joy and warmth and common feeling of accomplishment.  And some of us spoke freely of joining the Reserve and even reenlisting if we could not make a go of it in civilian life.  An infantry sergeant who had been through the hell of Anzio, said: “For months now I’ve been sweating it out, looking forward to this.  Now that it’s come, I’m afraid.”

In the morning-our last morning as soldiers-the omnipresent loudspeaker from Operations instructed us to turn in our bedding and to fall out in front of Operations with our baggage.  We said goodbye to the men who stayed behind.  Jimmy Moore, who had finally got on a roster, remarked: “You guys will be unemployed just two days longer than me.”  A guide with an orange armband marched us off at 7:30 past the mess hall where German PWs were sweeping the cement sidewalk and eyeing us blankly.  Among us there were some angry mutterings, and then someone in our ranks started humming: “When this war is over, we will all enlist again, When this war is over, we will all enlist again, Like hell we will, like hell…”

We were marched into a long, fluorescent-lighted building to sign the discharge papers.  Even for the average Army cynic the impending ceremony had a touch of solemnity in it.  We lined up along a tall table and our service records were placed in front of us, on large blotters covered in ink with many names that preceded us.  We were told to sign three copies, one in indelible pencil.  The instructions were concise and simple; certainly there could be no room for error.  Arid yet we were nervous.  And the huge, sandy-haired man whose name was Dombrowski trembled when he took up the pen and, beads of perspiration stood on his forehead.  After the signing and finger-printing we stood outside briefly to relax from the ordeal. 

At the clothing-exchange shed, grimy shirts and trousers were discarded for new ones.  A doggie parted reluctantly with his high infantry combat shoes.  “They ain’t even-good for work,” he said.  Someone suggested they were perfect for hunting.  “Not job-hunting,” the doggie said, trying on a pair of GI shoe, “sand that’s the only kind I’ll do for a while.”

For some days we’d looked with envy on men who had the cloth discharge emblem sewn on their uniforms.  We deemed such honor and accomplishment beyond our reach.  Now it was our turn.  A battery of sewing machines which lined two sides of a large shed was operated by GI’s with bored expressions.  They grabbed the shirts and blouses we threw down on the tables, and the needles raced above the right breast pockets, wedding the shiny, golden emblem irrevocably to our shirts.  We dressed and patted the emblem lovingly, and we were off again, to Finance, this time.  On the company street we saw a group of Negro dischargees march by; they were processed separately, as if belonging to another army.  But they too wore happy grins.

At Finance, the pay roster was called, and we lined up again to receive our final pay.  This was the last hurdle.  The room was filled with smoke and nervous chatter.  The paratrooper who still had his shiny boots on, said, “Soon as I get the dough from the cashier, I run.  Don’t matter if I get overpaid or underpaid.  And by the time they find the mistake, I’ll, be in Buffalo.”  The loudspeaker interrupted our speculations and warned us that of the money due us, all but $50 would come in check form.  It was for our own protection, the loudspeaker said, for there were instances in the past when a man who carried $500 with him when he left the discharge center would beg an MP for carfare to get out of Trenton.

We were paid and given our lapel discharge button.  The paratrooper did not take off across the fields.  Everything went smoothly and efficiently.  Outside, a Permanent Party non-com said: “Everybody put on a tie and smarten up because we’re going to the chapel from here for the discharge papers.”

About 300 of us took our seats silently in the big, mural-covered chapel: I remembered the one at Grand Central Palace in New York when I was sworn in.  The room was dark then and hushed in silent bewilderment.  This was a little different.  The windows were open and the bright sun came in.  A major with narrow eyes sat on the podium underneath a flamboyant mural depicting George Washington reviewing two armies: the Continentals and the Army of today.  In the pear, on the balcony, the organ played softly: “America”  We looked back, and the Wac at the organ winked at us: The Jewish chaplain said a brief prayer.  I did not hear the prayer.  And I caught only snatches of the major’s speech who said he was bidding us a warm farewell in the name of the Chief of Staff.  I watched the faces of my buddies, and; like myself, they were impatient to hear their names called.  The major stepped down from the podium.  He took up the envelopes which contained our discharges and the names were read off.  A name was called and a man stepped forward to salute for the last time and to receive his paper after a hearty handshake.  The ceremony proceeded quietly.  Occasionally the major found it difficult to pronounce names that were of Polish, Czech or perhaps Armenian origin.  And they were all there, in this small group, names from all the lands and religions that forged out of their blood the flaming letter V. 

LOUIS FALSTEIN

________________________________________

Oak Ridge: Secret City

The New Republic
November 12, 1945

I asked my driver, a young woman from this Bible Belt country, where the plants were.
“Well git to ‘em,” she said with a knowing smile.
“It takes time.”
And like a trained guide she pointed to the neighborhoods and called them off:
“Where you’re staying, that’s Jackson Square, main residential and business section.”
I scribbled in my notebook:
Pine Valley, Elm Grove, Grove Center, Jefferson Center, Middletown, Happy Valley.
While pointing out the neighborhoods,
she also suggested that I jot down the A&P’s,
the Farmers’ Market, Supermarkets,
and a hot dog stand selling Coney Island dogs for ten cents.
She called my attention to the fact that in the Trailer Camps
the streets were named after animals: Squirrel, Terrier, Racoon.
But I didn’t ask her how come there was a Lincoln Road in the heart of Tennessee.

EIGHTEEN MILES WEST of Knoxville lies the town of Oak Ridge, birthplace of the atomic bomb.  We drove over a recently constructed road and I asked the driver, a young private, when the road was built and how far it extended.  He smiled obligingly, hesitated and finally said: “Suppose it’s perfectly all right to tell you, but I wish you’d inquire about it from the proper authorities when we get to Oak Ridge.”

____________________

Drawing by Eric Godal.  Copyright by Field Publications, Inc., and reprinted by courtesy of PM

____________________

That was my first lesson in what is a habit of long standing with Oak Ridgers: security.  I found out that security includes not only the Clinch River and Cumberland Mountains which keep the outside world from this atomic city.  I saw gates within gates and barbed wire fences and signs warning of “Prohibited Zones” and “Restricted Areas.”  And posters in dormitories, offices and stores: “Protect Project Information….”

People in authority say, “Don’t quote me on this” or ‘This is off the record.”

A young scientist told me, “Even those who talked m their sleep learned to keep their mouths shut.”  I asked naively wherein lay the danger of talking in one’s sleep, and the reply was: “What if the wife heard you?”  Things aren’t so bad now, he said with relief.  “There was a time, coming home from the lab, when I couldn’t talk to my wife at all.  I pretty well knew what the Project was making, but I couldn’t tell her.  We’d sit around the dinner table and the strain was terrible.  A man could bust.  Then we started quarreling.  Over nothing, really.  So we decided to have a baby.”

A psychiatrist at the Oak Ridge Hospital told me of his increased work load during the days before the Bomb was dropped.  “The strain was terrible,” he said.  “I had my hands full.  But practically no one talked.  One fellow couldn’t stand it, so he told his wife.  But she felt the secret was too much for her and she told it to a friend.  So they had to terminate all three of them in a hurry.”

Actually very few of the 75,000 Oak Ridgers knew what was being done on this great reservation.  Some rumors had it that synthetic rubber was being made.  Wiseacres said they were getting ready to manufacture buttons for the Fourth Term.  One plant didn’t know what the other was doing, and even within plants the work was completely departmentalized.  The people on top knew, the scientists knew, but they didn’t talk.  The Bomb hit Hiroshima and the Oak Ridge Journal ran a banner head: “Oak Ridge Attacks Japan.”

But the people still don’t talk.  The whole world knows what Oak Ridge is producing.  What isn’t known is how it’s being produced.  As an outsider you will be heard out with tolerant suspicion when you talk of atomic fission or the Bomb, but if you mention plutonium or U-235, the cold stares set in.  The more polite Ridger will listen to your question, dig into his pocket for the Smyth Report, and pointing to a well worn page, will say: “There is your answer.”

The fact of the matter is, the Smyth Report contains more information about the Bomb than most people in this town possess.  The ones who know more keep it to themselves, and the rest feel it’s none of your business.

At first glance you wonder what all these thousands of people from all parts of the United States are doing in this hidden Tennessee country.  From the ridges-which lace the reservation in all directions, you look in vain for signs of industrial activity.  Finally you discover several smokestacks.  But they are smokeless.  All over the place, seemingly planless at first, are a jumble of hutments, barracks, dormitories, trailer camps.  Perched on the ridges are the dormitories on stilts looking like chicken coops, the houses and permanent apartments.  The over-all impression is a combination of army base, boomtown, construction camp, summer resort.  The “Colored Hutment” section looks like an Emergency Housing Slum Area.

I asked my driver, a young woman from this Bible Belt country, where the plants were.  “Well git to ‘em,” she said with a knowing smile.  “It takes time.”  And like a trained guide she pointed to the neighborhoods and called them off: “Where you’re staying, that’s Jackson Square, main residential and business section.”  I scribbled in my notebook: Pine Valley, Elm Grove, Grove Center, Jefferson Center, Middletown, Happy Valley.  While pointing out the neighborhoods, she also suggested that I jot down the A&P’s, the Farmers’ Market, Supermarkets, and a hot dog stand selling Coney Island dogs for ten cents.  She called my attention to the fact that in the Trailer Camps the streets were named after animals: Squirrel, Terrier, Racoon.  But I didn’t ask her how come there was a Lincoln Road in the heart of Tennessee.

“I want you-all to write a good story about Oak Ridge,” she said warningly.  “There’s been many of you writers from the North, but I ain’t seen a good story yet.  You fellas don’t seem to git the sperit of this place.”  I heard a great deal more on the subject of “the spirit” from articulate residents during my stay.

“There’s 53 old cemeteries here,” my informant continued, “spread over the 95,000 acres of Roane an’ Anderson Counties.  When the people was moved off the land for the Project to commence, the Army promised it would take care of the cemeteries.  And they do.”  On Decoration Day the approximately 3,000 former inhabitants of these ridges are all granted passes to come and decorate the graves, “What happens when somebody on the Project dies?” I asked.  “Well,” my driver said, “they’s shipped back home where they’s from.”  What’s more, she added, few people ever die here, because most of the workers are young.  “I never seen a grandmother in two years I been here,” she said.

The plants are widely dispersed and hidden in the valleys.  Miles of wooded areas separate them from one another and from the residential districts.  Mountains and ridges prevent any observation until you are actually near them.  First come the warning signs, then the big fences and guard towers, and in the background are the massive atomic fortresses.  Again there are smokestacks, and no smoke pours out.  I said to my guide it didn’t seem to me as if anything were going on inside those plants.  “Plenty going on,” she replied, “just ain’t no smoke to it.”

The mystery deepened even more with the realization that while a great many things entered the huge structures, very little seemed to come out.  Later I learned that it required big quantities of ore and many complicated processes – done here and elsewhere-finally to isolate the negligible bit of precious uranium from the mixture of U-235 and U-238.

There are several methods of extracting the uranium.  The Tennessee Eastman plant, known as Y-12, and comprising 270 buildings, uses the electro-magnetic process.  Carbide and Carbon Corporation, K-25, occupying 71 buildings, obtains the same results by gaseous diffusion.  S-50, operated by the Fercleve Corporation, employs the thermal-diffusion method.  All these processes have been tested, and they all work.  X-10, the Clinton Laboratories, formerly connected with duPont, are doing research on plutonium, the main plant being at the Hanford Engineering Works in the State of Washington.

Three shifts keep the plants in operation day and night, and thousands of workers and technicians from Oak Ridge and its environs check in past the maze of fences, guards and more guards.  Few of them ever see the finished product, and before the Bomb struck Hiroshima they hadn’t the least inkling of what was going on behind the thick walls that separated them from the radio-active uranium.  Charlie Chaplin’s awe at entering the super-modern factory in “Modern Times” was nothing compared to what the Project workers first experienced in the plants.  Charlie at least saw what he was making.  The Ridgers still can’t see, but they know.  There’s a purpose to all the button-pushing; and fantastic equipment.

“I still don’t see how a gadget can take the place of a brain,” a worker said philosophically, “but leave it to them long-hairs to think things out.”

Three years ago the Manhattan Engineer Distict was a plan.  The Black Oak Ridge country was chosen as one of the three atomic sites for its electric power, supplied by the TVA, its inaccessibility to enemy attacks, its water supply and the then uncritical late area.  The small farmers who inhabited these ridges were moved off the land with proper remunerate and dispatch.  They could not be told why.

The bulldozers moved in, and with them arrived the jeeps and the automobiles.  The army, having the scientists in mind at first, built several hundred permanent houses and put fireplaces in them.  Often the fireplaces were there before the walls were up.  Then the plans were changed, and more houses were built.  More workers arrived, and the need for shelter became acute.  They started building barracks, hutments and the TVA came to the rescue with those square, matchbox demountables.  And finally the trailers were bought in and set up below the ridges.

IT WAS not an inspired migration.  Many were lured by high wages; others by promises of comfortable living.  The scientists, those who had worked with the Project in other parts of the country, knew the reasons.  The GIs came because they were told to come.  One woman said it was a good way of getting rid of her husband.  “I knew he couldn’t follow me past the gates.”

They waded in the red-clay mud, and some walked about barefoot for fear of losing their shoes.  The clay was hard and they had to water it at night in order to dig it next morning.  People knew there was no gold to be found in the Cumberlands, and therefore it is the more remarkable that they worked with such fervor and pioneering zeal.

When Oak Ridge had 15,000 inhabitants, there was only one grocery store in town.  Businessmen, unable to find out the potential number of customers or clients, were reluctant to move in.  One five-and-ten concern asked for a contract barring competitors for a period of ten years.  Slowly, warily, entrepreneurs set up shop in Oak Ridge.  And they’ve done quite well by themselves, so well, in fact, that the OPA has had to step in on occasion to curb some enterprising souls.

Roads were laid out, buses started to operate, taxi-cabs were brought in.  Neon lights went up on business establishments, and some people started calling Oak “Ridge “home.”  They cut weeds and planted Victory gardens and raised pets.  People started having children, many children.  “Pretty near all there was to do in those days,” a father said.

Today the city has its Boosters and Junior Chamber of Commerce, and a Women’s Club.  It has beauticians; one hair stylist advertises as being connected “formerly [with] Helena Rubinstein’s Fifth Avenue, N.Y.”  There are tennis and handball courts.  A symphony orchestra, composed of Project employees, is led by a prominent scientist.  There are seven recreation halls into which people can wander and join a bridge game or participate in community singing.  There are several movie houses and a Little Theatre and a high school.  But Oak Ridge still has no sidewalks.  “When I first came here,” a youngster of ten said, “I missed sidewalks most.  Now I don’t care.”

Some people point with pride.  Others point at the “Colored Hutments,” where living facilities are primitive, to say the least, though comparable to some of the housing for white workmen.  Negro children are not permitted to go to school with whites; they journey to nearby Clinton for their education.  And for that reason many Negroes did not bring their children to Oak Ridge.  Plans are now being made to provide school facilities for the Negroes as soon as a sufficient number of children are enrolled to justify it.  They have one recreation hall, the Atom Club, and one movie house, which is located 12 miles from their hutments, in the K-25 area.

The GI scientists point to the great discrepancy in salaries.

No one points at the food served at Oak Ridge cafeterias, and that’s as it should be.

One of the town’s most interesting institutions is the Oak Ridge Hospital.  It is an experiment in what its brilliant young director, a lieutenant colonel, says “has absolutely no relationship with socialized medicine.”  He calls it “The Group Insurance Plan.”  Nevertheless, I advise Dr. Fishbein not to be lulled by the colonel’s reassurances.  The plan works something-like this: each family head pays $4 a month, and the medical services include all his children below the age of 19.  Doctors make private calls, but the fees go to the hospital.  There is no private practice.  The hospital has 300 beds and can handle 1,500 in-patients monthly.  Five psychiatrists are attached to the institution, and their emphasis is on what they call group therapy.  The hospital is staffed with high-caliber practitioners, many of them from the Mayo Clinic.  Everybody in Oak Ridge can afford to enjoy good health.

THIS is the only city in the United States which has no unemployment and no reconversion problem.  There are no election headaches, since the councilmen act only in an advisory capacity to the District Engineer, who is both an army officer and the mayor.  Those who acquire an additional child try to move from a B-house to a C-house, and so on up to a F-house, which rents for $73 a month.  And those who marry and are lucky move from their “Single”‘ dormitories to an A-house.  But no matter where they move, most of it is Cemesto (cement and asbestos rolled into sheets).  And there’s a feeling of temporariness about the whole place.  The one bank in town is bulging with assets, for which the state of Tennessee is not ungrateful.  The inhabitants of Knoxville have learned to tolerate the outsiders, if not for their ways, for the revenue they’ve brought. 

There is a tendency among many to talk about the “past” and about “the spirit” they had “in those days.”  A few have left for the other “home,” but most are waiting.  The Bomb that pulverized Hiroshima was the reason for their existence.  The world was shaken to its very foundations.  Now the people who’ve unchained this fury are thinking of its implications not only lor their immediate tomorrow, but for the world’s also.

Louis Falstein, recently discharged from the Army, flew 50 missions with the 15th Air Force.  Now in New York, his working on short stories and a novel.  He visited Oak Ridge as a special correspondent for the New Republic.

________________________________________

The Men Who Made the A-Bomb

The New Republic
November 26, 1945

In July, 1945, the A-Bomb was tested in the desert of New Mexico.
I’m told that a flyer who was sent up to observe the explosion from a safe distance
was so startled by the bomb’s flash that he radioed a terrified message to the ground:
“The damned long-hairs have let it get away from them!”

The flyer was wrong.
The bomb was a success.
Many of the men who made it then petitioned the President
not to use it on the remaining Axis power, Japan, without prior warning.
However, they felt it was more dangerous for the world’s future to keep the bomb secret
than to explode it over Japan and thus shorten the war.
They wanted it to be used in some way,
realizing their own responsibility for the consequences.

With Hiroshima came the end of an epoch.
“When the papers came out with news and it was no longer a secret,”
an Austrian refugee scientist relates,
“we rushed it out in the streets and hollered ourselves hoarse:
“Uranium … graphite pile … uranium… Then we got drunk.”

X-10, OR CLINTON LABORATORIES, lies hidden between the ridges and is surrounded by great forests.  The plant, inscrutable like all plants at Oak Ridge, shows no sign of life or activity.  Three smokeless stacks and the white buildings give the impression of an abandoned ghost factory, and the guard towers and barbed-wire fences seem as if they are there only for the purpose of assuring peaceful slumber.  Nearby, a big sign depicts a lazy sun coming up over the horizon with the inscription: “Dawn of Peace.  Lee’s Make It Forever.”  It’s a serene picture, but a false one.  X-10 is very much alive.  It works three shifts making plutonium for experimental purposes.  And it has a greater concentration of scientists than any other plant at Oak Ridge, among them many G.I.s.  Lately, these scientists have been very vociferous.

____________________

The Atom Squatters

Illingworth in the Trans-Atlantic edition of the London Daily Mail.

____________________

To Oak Ridgers the scientists are known as “long-hairs.”  To mountaineer Southerners on the Project the long-hairs are a peculiar lot who were at one time in favor of interdenominational services, “all praying in one church and at the same time,” I heard said with obvious disapproval.  And their children in school are forever clamoring for more student representation on the council.  “They got ‘em that Symphony Orchester playin’ classical stuff.”  Some of them don’t like segregation of the Negroes into “Colored Hutments” at Oak Ridge.  Now they’re raising a fuss about what should be done with the A-Bomb.

I was introduced to my first long-hair in the lobby of the Oak Ridge Guest House.  He was a tall young man of about twenty-five, and was absorbed in the funnies when I came up.  “I like the funnies very much,” he said, “but Orphan Annie’s politics make me mad.”

In the evening I met another long-hair.  He, too, was in his twenties.  His wife looked like a girl recently out of college.  “And this is my dog, Pluto,” the young scientist said, “named after plutonium.  A very intelligent dog.”  He turned to the dog and said: “Pluto, would you rather work for duPont or be a dead dog?”  Pluto rolled over on his back and played dead.  The owner tossed him a biscuit.  Then he said: “Have you seen the May-Johnson bill?  It’s suicide.  Something must be done …”

There are 75,000 people at Oak Ridge connected in one way or another with the Project.  The Project is making atomic bombs.  The war is over, and the Ridgers are well aware of the fact that atomic bombs are not needed for peace.  They’re thinking of the A-Bomb and the future, but only the scientists have made themselves heard.  I wondered whether the others were silent because of their long habit of security or from fear of censorship by the Army.  One chemist said to me: “I just don’t think there’s any hope.  Don’t quote me on that.  I feel a terrible guilt.  I sometimes wish I could be religious.”

The Oak Ridge Journal, a town weekly, carries in its October 18 issue an interview with five Project workers picked at random.  “What form of control do you favor for the atomic bomb?”  To the outside world such a question suggests nothing out of the ordinary.  But in Oak Ridge, where the people have kept quiet for three years, and where one of the large companies recently issued an order through the Army, forbidding, among other things, discussion and speculation on “…international agreements, beyond the presidential releases …” the Journal’s modest poll is quite significant.  Of the five questioned, four expressed themselves as favoring some sort of international control, while the fifth, an Army sergeant, said: “We should keep it here and use it as a powerful threat to ensure world peace…”

THE SEVERAL HUNDRED civilian scientists at Clinton Laboratories have organized to find an answer to this most urgent problem.  I met with members of the executive committee of the Association of Oak Ridge Scientists.  It was somewhat surprising to find that the oldest man in the group was not yet thirty.  But these men, chosen for their outstanding work in physics and chemistry, are a mature and responsible lot.  There is an urgency about them now, and deep concern in their faces.  They’ve fashioned a terrible weapon and consider themselves the Responsibles.  They think how the weapon should be controlled jointly – by the world.

Who are these Responsibles?  Most of them have been with the Project since its inception.  They worked with it in Chicago on the “Metallurgical Project,” where the first experiments were made on a limited scale with graphite piles by Dr. Fermi.  Unlike most Ridgers, they knew what the Project was doing in its later stages, and what its end product would be.  They worked stubbornly, tirelessly, completely disregarding their own safety.  They, too, were front-line soldiers.  “When Dr. Fermi set off the first graphite pile beneath a fence near Chicago University,” a young scientist reminisced, “some men stood around with water hoses to put out the fire if the chain reaction threatened to get out of control.  I was praying hard, hoping it wouldn’t blow sky high, and there were these guys with little water hoses!”

When part of the Project moved to Oak Ridge in 1942, the scientists moved with it.  Many of them went to work at Clinton Laboratories for further research on plutonium.  And there, side by side with GI scientists, they embarked on a feverish race with Hitler for the completion of the atomic bomb.  They trudged through the red-clay mud and often spent sixteen hours daily at the laboratory.  At home, evenings, they stared at their wives silently.  They could report neither their near-successes nor failures.  The wives learned not to ask questions.  “So we played Chinese checkers,” one physicist said, “till we got sick of it.”

“Once I found myself doodling on a piece of paper after dinner.  My wife came up to where I was sitting.  She didn’t say anything.  We’d got into the habit of not talking.  But she looked at the paper on which I was drawing aimlessly and her eyes seemed to ask the question: ‘What are you doing?’  And what was I doing?  Drawing a chain reaction on paper unconsciously.  I tore the paper and threw it in the fireplace.  Then we went to bed.”

Dr. Harrison Brown, who had come to the Project from Johns Hopkins and who at the age of twenty-nine is an outstanding scientist and member of the Association, told me the story of those heartbreaking and crucial days.  “On New Year’s Eve, 1943, we finally achieved our first great goal,” he said.  “A complete milligram of plutonium – 1/1000th of a gram!  We sent it off to Chicago for critical experimental purposes and stayed in the laboratory to celebrate.  But how long can you keep slapping each other on the shoulder?  We could not tell our wives of the great triumph.  So we retired at nine.”

In July, 1945, the A-Bomb was tested in the desert of New Mexico.  I’m told that a flyer who was sent up to observe the explosion from a safe distance was so startled by the bomb’s flash that he radioed a terrified message to the ground: “The damned long-hairs have let it get away from them!”

The flyer was wrong.  The bomb was a success.  Many of the men who made it then petitioned the President not to use it on the remaining Axis power, Japan, without prior warning.  However, they felt it was more dangerous for the world’s future to keep the bomb secret than to explode it over Japan and thus shorten the war.  They wanted it to be used in some way, realizing their own responsibility for the consequences.

With Hiroshima came the end of an epoch.  “When the papers came out with news and it was no longer a secret,” an Austrian refugee scientist relates, “we rushed it out in the streets and hollered ourselves hoarse: “Uranium … graphite pile … uranium…  Then we got drunk.”

IN THE FIRST WEEK of September the scientists at X Oak Ridge began informal meetings to discuss the implications of the A-Bomb for the future.  They found their concern shared by others.  Two weeks later they set up a tentative organization and elected an executive committee.  They issued their first Statement of Intent, boldly announcing that: 1. The A-Bomb is no secret.  2. We cannot long have a monopoly of its manufacture.  3. International control is the only solution.

By the end of September more than 90 percent of all civilian scientists at Clinton Laboratories banded formally into the Association of Oak Ridge Scientists.  Similar groups came into existence in Chicago and Los Alamos, New Mexico.

Dr. P.S. Henshaw, a biologist on leave from the National Cancer Institute and one of the leading members of the Association, summed up the scientist’s viewpoint.  “For many years an accusing finger has been pointed at the scientist for his concern solely with the work in his laboratory.  To some extent such accusation was correct.  We were not, in large, concerned with the social implications of our work.  But now we can no longer remain unconcerned.  The necessity to speak out has been forced upon us by the nature of the weapon which we ourselves helped make.  Man’s very existence is threatened unless intelligent use is made of our discoveries.”

It is ridiculous, the scientists point out, to claim that the A-Bomb and the so-called “know-how” can remain strictly an American possession.  What about the great roster of European scientists who have experimented in the nuclear field for many years?  And what about the scientists of European origin who had worked on aspects of the Project and who have since returned to their native lands?  Nor need the other countries invest two billion dollars to achieve their goals.  Our work was handicapped by the necessity for basing major decisions on largely theoretical predictions.  They know the A-Bomb works.  They know it can be manufactured through any one of four processes: electromagnetic, gaseous diffusion, thermal diffusion, and plutonium.  They need use only one of these methods, or they can develop one of their own.

The May-Johnson bill, the scientists feel, even if considerably watered down by amendments, will defeat the very purposes which its short-sighted backers seek.  For, rather than work under a cloak of secrecy and be subject to all manner of restrictive measures, many nuclear scientists will leave the field altogether, as some have already threatened to do.

The scientists do not claim to have an answer as to how the world should get along.  They say an answer must be found.  The world cannot afford not to get along.  If we reveal no more information to the other nations, this country may hold leadership for a few years.  After five years the United States cannot rely for its security upon producing more deadly atomic bombs.  This knowledge has led some to propose that we ensure our security by forcibly preventing other nations from producing atomic bombs.  Since no nation would peacefully accept this prohibition, such a step would mean that we should have to conquer the world within the next five years.  At the present stage of atomic development, such world conquest would be neither quick nor certain.  Nor would the American people acquiesce in such a course.

International control [say the scientists] is another alternative that has been widely proposed.  No specific plans have been prepared, and we do not intend to offer one.  We recognize that any such plan involves many difficulties, and may require that in order to preserve the peace of the world, we forgo some potential peaceful applications of atomic power and some phases of our national sovereignty.

The alternatives are clear!  I If we ignore the potentialities of atomic warfare, in less than a generation we may find ourselves on the receiving end of atomic raids.  If we seek to achieve our own security through supremacy in atomic warfare, we will find that in ten years the whole world is as adequately armed as we, and that the threat of imminent destruction will bring about a “preventive war.”  If we recognize that our present leadership in atomic power can last at the most several years and we attempt to dominate the world, we will find ourselves immediately involved in another and greater war in violation of our democratic moral code and with no assurance of victory.

In view of the disastrous nature of these alternatives, we must expend every effort to achieve international cooperation and control as the only possible long-term solution.

We strongly urge the people of the United States and their leaders to think about, and find means for, the international control of atomic power.  The United States must exert leadership to promote this.  The citizens of our country, together with the peoples of the rest of the world, must demand that their leaders work together to find the means of effective international cooperation on atomic power.  They must not fail.  The alternatives lead to world suicide.

I talked to the men who made the A-Bomb, and that’s their message to you.

Louis Falstein, recently discharged from the Army, flew 50 missions with the 15th Air Force.  Now in New York, his working on short stories and a novel.  He visited Oak Ridge as a special correspondent for the New Republic.  He visited Oak Ridge as a special correspondent for The New Republic. 

________________________________________

Veterans Welcome

The New Republic
January 28, 1946

The young man with the ruptured duck is skeptical and cautious,
as a result of his bitter experiences with authorities, promises and flowing phrases.
He is justifiably disillusioned with the state of our nation,
and the great danger is that he will retire into himself to sulk alone.
A greater danger is that he will be attracted by the fascist groups
who will direct his disillusionment into their own channels.
It is incumbent on all progressive veterans’ groups
to speak out boldly on the pressing issues of the day;
to take sides with men who act for progress.
Show the veteran the proper path, and trust his intelligence.

THE YOUNG MAN wearing a “ruptured duck” in his lapel may not be the most popular guy in the world with the housing authorities or the employment agencies, which are downright ashamed of their meager offerings, but there are more than half a hundred outfits who shout a lusty welcome to our hero.  These are the veterans’ organizations, and they’re out for big business.  The ruptured duck, so far as the mushrooming legions are concerned, is a soaring eagle, and nothing is too good for the man who wears one.  Thirteen million men and women will eventually be veterans; add their families, and the sum total means a sizable chunk of influence for good or bad.

Heading the vast array of ex-servicemen’s organizations are the Big Two: the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars.  Both have been in business a long time and are well aware that their considerable prestige can be maintained only by striking out for the new returnee.  The AL and the VFW have set aside great sums of money for high-powered campaigns that reach out to the prospective veteran while he’s still overseas.  The Legion is reputed to have a hundred million in the kitty, with a plan for setting up a radio station, FM, television, all working toward the goal of five million members by 1947.

It’s a long haul, but the AL is in an advantageous position to get the desired quota of 3,300,000 new members.  The influence it wields, particularly in small towns throughout the country, is undeniably strong.  Like the VFW, the Legion is firmly established with its rituals, halls, bars, billiard rooms and occasional parades down Main Street to show off the brand-new veteran to admiring and cheering crowds.  There’s the handshake and the slap on the shoulder and a few drinks.  Then a promise of the old job back, perhaps, or the “let’s-see-what-we-can-do-for-you” attitude.  The pressure is strong, and the small-town veteran joins, in the end, not only for the social and economic benefits, but because it is the prudent thing to do.  In the larger cities, where social outlet is greater and more varied, the Big Two are making slower progress.

Six hundred thousand new veterans have joined the American Legion in the past few years.  The old men are still in control, but the young voices are being heard.  The recent convention, held in Chicago, was the soberest in years, and a new, serious note was injected into the deliberations.  A move to deny charters to new Labor Legionnaire Posts, of which there are already more than a hundred, was defeated on the convention floor.  The Labor Legionnaire Conference proposed some resolutions that would have brought down upon it the wrath of the Americanization Committee in the past.  Among the proposals were: action on the full-employment bill; condemnation of the Wall Street Post for an “Americanism” award to Cecil B. De Mille; opposing the National Convention’s going on record regarding compulsory military training, until all men were out of uniform and able to vote on the subject.  The Labor Legionnaires urged the convention to reverse its previous stand on immigration; to encourage the passage of the 65-cents-an-hour minimum-wage bill and abolition of the poll tax; to endorse the winter clothing drive for the Yugoslavian people.  The labor resolutions were not adopted, but for the first time in its career, the AL Convention listened to a CIO speaker.  Its final decisions were no model of progressivism, but it would be wrong to assume that the powerful American Legion, which contains so many new veterans, can be ignored and shunned.

The VFW, older but numerically smaller than the AL, has, on the whole, been the more liberal of the two.  There is no doubt that the 800,000 new members – out of a total of 1,000,000 – have to a great extent generated the fresh breeze now coursing through the smoky VFW halls.  Several posts have collaborated with trade unions on issues pertaining to veterans.  These moves have not been discouraged by the top leadership, which is committed to expansion.  The organization’s great enticement is a proposal for a Big Bonus which is calculated to give the veteran a huge amount of money, a maximum of $5,000 per man.

Both organizations make grudging provisions for Negro veterans, who are shunted into posts of their own.  The AL has posts for women, while the VFW decided at its recent annual encampment in Chicago to postpone the woman problem until next year.

TRAILING the Big Two is a roster of new veterans’ organizations, ranging from budding progressivism to outright pro-fascism.  Gerald L.K. Smith, of the America First Party, is the chief-of-staff of the Nationalist Veterans of World War II.  Smith wants the white “Christian” veterans only.  “My time will come,” warns the bombastic disciple of the late, unlamented Huey Long, “in the postwar period, in the election of ‘48.  The candidate will not be me – it will be a young veteran of this war – but I’ll be behind him.  If business conditions are bad – inflation, widespread unemployment, farm foreclosures – then my candidate will be elected.”

Edward J. Smythe, a defendant in the sedition trial of 1944, has hatched the Protestant War Veterans, “a voluntary association of white gentiles of the Protestant faith who served in any of the wars of the Republic.”  He advocates a bonus of $1,000 for every discharged veteran.

Joe McWilliams, the Yorkville Fuhrer who has managed so successfully to keep out of trouble with the law, put his pro-fascist cronies to shame with his stupendous “Serviceman’s Reconstruction Plan” which “will utterly destroy the long prepared program of the Marxists.”  And the way to achieve this is by “the just payment of $7,800 to our several million militarily trained young men and their establishment as business-owning citizens …”  The Chicago Tribune, an old hand at protecting “the American way,” has supported the plan.

There was a time when the Shrine of the Little Flower out at Royal Oak, Michigan, was known among Detroiters as the Shrine of the Little Swastika.  Social Justice was banned in ‘42, but you can’t keep a good man down.  Father Coughlin, whose heart “bled for the people,” formed the Saint Sebastian Brigade, this time to “help” the soldier.  He collected 400,000 names of servicemen from wives, mothers and sweethearts, and he prayed with equal fervor for all of them to St. Sebastian, the soldier’s patron saint.  There was an incidental charge for the services, amounting to $700,000.  The St. Sebastian Brigade is not a veterans’ organization, but Father Coughlin, who never lets go of a good thing, should obviously be closely watched by the government, the Catholic Church and the people.

Behind these well known rabble-rousers are the smaller fry, and the list of their sponsors reads like Who’s Who at a sedition trial.  They’re out in force to snatch the confused, disgruntled and embittered ex-serviceman.  And unless something is done immediately to improve conditions for the new civilian, the fascists in our midst will reap a rich harvest.

Fortunately, the rabble-rousers do not have the field to themselves.  Liberal and progressive groups are being formed throughout the country, some as small “committees,” others as fledgling organizations of veterans.  Then there are those who appeal to limited groups, like the Jewish War Veterans, Catholic War Veterans, Italian-American World War Veterans, Blinded Veterans’ Association, Bilateral Leg Amputee Club of America, and others.  One of the smallest but most active is New York’s Veterans Against Discrimination.  Born as a result of John O’Donnell’s vicious attacks against minorities in the New York Daily News, the committee’s main function is picketing.  The veterans picketed the News offices, and carried the fight to the large stores advertising in that paper.  For whatever reason, some of the large advertisers in the News have recently withdrawn their copy.  Veterans in other cities arc emulating New York’s example.

OF THE moderately successful new groups, the American Veterans of World War II, Amvets, has been bogged down recently by a series of splits and factional fights on the question of labor.  The smoke of battle has not cleared, and it is too early to pass final judgment.

The American Veterans’ Committee, comparatively new in the field, but highly publicized in recent months due to its effective work on behalf of housing for veterans, is emerging as one of the important organizations.  The Committee’s “Statement of Intentions” says: “We look forward to … living in freedom from the threat of another war …  We are associating ourselves with American men and women, regardless of race, creed or color, who are serving with or have been honorably discharged from the armed forces, merchant marine, or allied forces …”  Its aims include: “Adequate financial, medical, vocational and educational assistance for every veteran.  Thorough social and economic security.  Free speech, press, worship, assembly and ballot …  Active participation of the United States in UNO …  Establishment of an international veterans’ council for the furtherance of world peace and justice among the peoples of all nations.”

The AVC, with forty chapters in the states, is scheduled to hold its Constitutional Convention in Des Moines in March, at which time the committee will be transformed into a full-fledged veterans’ organization.

The young man with the ruptured duck is skeptical and cautious, as a result of his bitter experiences with authorities, promises and flowing phrases.  He is justifiably disillusioned with the state of our nation, and the great danger is that he will retire into himself to sulk alone.  A greater danger is that he will be attracted by the fascist groups who will direct his disillusionment into their own channels.  It is incumbent on all progressive veterans’ groups to speak out boldly on the pressing issues of the day; to take sides with men who act for progress.  Show the veteran the proper path, and trust his intelligence.

Louis Falstein, recently discharged from the Army, flew 50 missions with the 15th Air Force.  Now in New York, he is working on short stories and a novel.

Here’s Some References…

Molto Buono, February 3, 1945 (page 3), at 450th BG.com

Manhattan Project, at Wikipedia

Oak Ridge, Tennessee, at Atomic Heritage Foundation

Oak Ridge National Laboratory, at Wikipedia

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

A Tale of a Tail Gunner: Louis Falstein and “Face of a Hero” – II: Louis Falstein’s War in the Air… Before, During, and After

It’s appropriate to begin at a beginning.   

With that, this post – presenting biographical information about Louis Falstein – is a composite of information derived from his biographical profile as published in a late-1980s edition of Contemporary Authors, excerpts from Alan M. Wald’s Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade, documents at Ancestry.com, and, details provided to me by Louis Falstein himself some years back. 

We all start somewhere.  In Lou Falstein’s case, like his Face of a Hero protagonist Ben Isaacs, he hailed from Eastern Europe, having been born in the city of Nemirov, in the Vinnytsia Oblast, Ukraine, on the 1st of May, 1909.  (This city is also the birthplace of Nathan of Breslov, the chief disciple of Rebbe Nachman of Breslov; see also….)  

In this Oogle map, Nemirov, denoted by the blue oval, appears in the left center, just southeast of Vinnytsia…

…while the city is in the lower center of this larger scale map.

While some aspects – unpleasant aspects – of Ben Isaacs life in the Ukraine are related in the latter part of Face of a Hero, the details of Louis Falstein’s own life in the Ukraine are unknown, except for Alan Wald’s comment in Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade.  Namely:  “His father had orchards in the Ukraine, but he became a businessman in the United States.”  The 1930 Census lists his parents as Joe (Yoseph bar Avraham Mordechai; 1881-2/5/55) and Bessie (Bessie bat Shmuel; 1887-7/11/57), and his siblings as Frieda, Lorna, Morris, and Tonia (?), all having been born in Russia, and living at 148 Maplewood Street in Chicago.  Joe’s vocation is listed as factory laborer, and Louis’ – at the time, he was twenty years old – as clothing cutter.    

As revealed by his “Declaration Of Intention” (shown below; via Ancestry.com), Louis departed Europe from Antwerp, Belgium, and arrived in Quebec in mid-1925.  From there, he reached his point of lawful entry into the United States – Detroit, Michigan – via the “SCP RR” (South Carolina Pacific Railroad), on May 16, 1925.

He signed his “Declaration Of Intention” on May 29, 1933, and his “Petition for Naturalization” on March 5, 1936.  On June 10 of that year, at just over the age of 27, he became an American citizen.  At the time, he listed his vocation as “singer”.      

Here’s an enlargement of Lou’s portrait in his “Declaration Of Intention”…

…and here’s his Petition for Naturalization:

Leading up the the Second World War, the intervening years of Lou Falstein’s life are recounted Trinity of Passion:

“The family had no interest in either radical politics or Zionism, and Falstein lacked direction as an adolescent.  He was forced to go to Hebrew school but found it dull.  He attended but did not graduate from high school in Chicago, although he later secured a diploma by taking a special course.  During the early Depression he found work for a while as a shoe salesman, but he was mainly unemployed.  In 1934 he came to Detroit to seek work in the auto plants.  At this time he was drawn to the John Reed Club, where he became friends with the African American poet Robert Hayden and developed an admiration for the radical attorney Maurice Sugar.  Occasionally he wrote skits for fund-raising events.  His name appeared (as Lewis Fall) as one of the editors of the Detroit Left publication New Voices, but he published nothing.  After changing his name for a while to Fallon, because of the Ford Motor Company’s reputation as being anti-Semitic, he at last found work.  But when a union leaflet was discovered in his lunch bucket, he was fired and was forced to apply for “pick and shovel” work with the WPA.  To his good fortune, he secured a job with the Federal Writers Project.”

At the WPA Falstein found himself under attack by the Black Legion, a neofascist organization that denounced him and other radicals as Red spies and threatened their lives.  Falstein recalled that he was referred to in the newspapers as an “agent of the Third International.”  Shortly afterward a coworker on the Federal Writers Project was murdered.  In order to help save the WPA from elimination, Falstein joined the Save Our Jobs March in Washington, D.C., spending a week living in a tent in Potomac Park and lobbying congressmen.  At this time, Falstein became obsessed with the Spanish Civil War.  He generally felt like an unheroic, perhaps even cowardly person, but the logic of his political views made him susceptible to pressure to take action on behalf of the Spanish Republic.

When two of his friends joined the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and were killed in battle, Falstein volunteered.  Before he could depart, however, he received a court order to appear as a witness at the impending trial of the members of the Black Legion.  This was an event that attracted worldwide attention.  Legion “executioners” paraded before a crowded courtroom and bragged about their exploits in killing scores of persons – sometimes by burying them alive in lime pits – because they were African American or “Red unionists.”  When the trial was over, Falstein found work at a General Motors plant, only a week before the famous sit-down strike began.  He remained in his plant for six weeks.  He was often frightened by the efforts of the police and vigilantes to evict the strikers, but he drew strength from his sense of solidarity with other men and women in the battle.

Just before the start of World War II he moved to New York.  As a Communist he believed that he should participate in the war, even though he felt fearful and unsuited.  To his amazement he was accepted for combat duty in the army air force…”

Here’s Louis’ Draft Registration Card, which was completed on October 16, 1940.  As can be seen, Louis was by now employed at the A.F.G. literary agency at 545 5th Avenue in Manhattan, otherwise known as the Lorraine Building.  Though this occupation presaged the future direction of his life, of A.F.G. I know nothing further, for there are no records – none! – about the agency at either Duck Duck Go or Oogle.  

Now, we jump a few years ahead.

As related by Ben Isaacs’ in Face of a Hero, his bomb group was known as the “Tigertails”, his bomb squadron the “227th”, their base “Mandia” at Italy.  These clues ostensibly suggest that Louis Falstein served in the 722nd Bomb Squadron of the 450th Bomb Group, for the Group’s identifying marking late in the war was a series of vertical black and yellow stripes painted on the fins and rudders of their planes, while their base was at Manduria.  The Group’s original form of aircraft identification was the white-painted rudders of their Liberators, thus their initial (continuing and much better known!) nickname being the “Cottontails”. 

Louis confirmed my suppositions some years back, verifying that while he indeed served in the 450th Bomb Group, he actually was a member of the 723rd – not the 722nd – Bomb Squadron.

Unfortunately, details of Lou’s actual military service are unknown. 

A review of the historical records of the 450th Bombardment Group and 723rd Bomb Squadron obtained from the Air Force Historical Research Agency – at least, those records that I have access to or know of (!) – does not reveal Lou’s name, but as the expression goes, “absence of evidence is not evidence of absence”.  However, his name does appear in the context of a most interesting document at the website of the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association.  So, other than the all-too-succinct biographical blurb published in the jacket and on the cover of the 1950 and 1999 editions of Face of a Hero, nothing is known about his crew, the dates and destinations of his combat missions, or significant experiences during his combat tour.  Similarly, like very many American Jewish servicemen who served in combat in WW II and received military awards (or were casualties) his name never appeared in the 1947 compilation American Jews in World War II.  

Still, there are a few pictures to go by.

The photo below will be familiar to readers of Steerforth Press’s 1999 edition of Face of a Hero, for this image – overprinted, of course, with title, author’s name, and the blurb, “The novel of World War II air combat that predated Catch-22 by a decade” – comprises the book’s cover art.  

The backdrop of the portrait, taken in November of 1944, is the rear fuselage of a B-24 Liberator.  It can be seen that the star cocarde has an unusually dark surround, which is probably a dark blue overpaint of the red surround which was used as part of the Army Air Force national insignia until August of 1943.  The light-colored camouflage paint may be a color known as “desert pink”, or, it’s very (very!) deeply faded olive drab.  As will be related in a future post, Ben Isaacs’ (and Lou Falstein’s?) last combat mission seems to have taken place in late January to early February of 1945, which implies that this November, 1944 photo – a publicity shot? – a picture for his family? – was taken in the midst of his combat tour.   

Since Lou is wearing a tie, the picture is kind of formal.  He would have been 35 years old at the time, an unusually “old” age (but then again by no means unheard of) for an Army Air Force bomber crewman in 1944. 

This insignia is well-known: It’s the emblem of the 15th Air Force.

This insignia, a cottontail bunny rabbit riding a bomb through the sky, is a little less well-known:  It’s the insignia of the 723rd Bomb Squadron.  To be specific, this is the patch which once adorned Louis Falstein’s own Army Air Force jacket.  

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This series of Oogle maps and air photos shows the location and present appearance of the 450th Bomb Group’s base at Manduria, Italy.  

First, this map shows the location of Manduria relative to the coast of Italy.  The city is located along the southern edge – or inner “heel” – of the Italian “boot”, southeast of Taranto and inland from the coast of the Ionian Sea.

Moving in closer, this view reveals that the southern limits of Manduria lie six miles north of the coast.  However, the Oogle map doesn’t reveal the location of the Cottontails’ base – between highways SP96 and SP97, just north of the city limits – probably because the air base has not been used as such for decades.  

Moving to a slightly larger scale brings the 450th Bomb Group’s former base into view in obvious and striking clarity.  The base is situated about two miles from the built-up northern outskirts of Manduria, and is surrounded by farmland and orchards (?), with quarries at the south.  Given that nearly eight decades have transpired since WW II’s end, the fact that the airfield has not been converted back to agricultural or commercial (at least, as of the date this image was taken) is surprising.

This close view clearly shows the Cottontail’s single runway, which is oriented SSE-NNW.  The locations of thirteen hardstands can be seen along west perimeter road, and three less clearly along on the east road.  The network of the base’s interior roads is also visible.  

Here are three hardstands along the west perimeter track, each measuring about 50 by 100 feet.  It appears that the land just adjacent to this group of hardstands, along the inner edge of the perimeter track, is used for agricultural purposes.  Remnants of two roads inside the perimeter road are also visible.

Since no active highways or roads traverse the site of the airfield within the outer track, Oogle street views of the base can only be accessed via the active highway – SP97; Strada Provinciale Manduria-Oria – paralleling the eastern side of the former airfield.  Highway SP96 is too far west to obtain any views of the former base.

This Oogle street view looks into and across the base towards the southwest from northeastern “corner” of the field, from a point where SP97 intersects the east-west access road running across the base.  At this point – at the entrance to the base at the northeast “corner” of the airfield, as it were – there appears to be some kind of marker or monument in the form of two pillars and a wall, with a plaque between them.  Note that the stone buildings inside the base, in the left center of the photos – Masseria Schiavone ex campo aviazione – are abandoned and dilapidated.  

For the image below, we’ve virtually traveled south (from the above photo) along SP97 to a point about a fourth of the way between the base’s northeast corner, and, its southern point.  We are again looking southwest “into” the airfield, from a point on SP97 opposite the Centrale Electrica Solare bank of solar collectors. 

What’s especially interesting is the sign along the former airfield’s boundary, on which is painted: ZONA-MILITARE – DIVIETO DI ACCESSO, meaning “Military Zone – No Access”.  In 2022, why?  Is there live ordnance buried at the airfield?  I don’t know.  Even assuming that the base was stripped of all salvageable material after it was abandoned in 1945, one wonders what buried artifacts might today be found with a metal detector. 

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This photo below, which I received from Louis, is interesting. 

Shown are two 450th Bomb Group B-24 Liberators in formation over snow-covered mountains (the Alps?), the nearer aircraft (41-28774) being a B-24H.  The triangle-in-circle at the top of the fin designates the 15th Air Force’s 47th Bomb Wing, which – in addition to the 450th Bomb Group – was comprised of the 98th, 376th, and 449th Bomb Groups.  The “4” at the bottom of the fin, in combination with the white rudder (the above-mentioned “Cottontail” marking) together designate this plane as being assigned to the 450th Bomb Group.  The number “25” on the rudder indicates that 41-28774 is an aircraft of the 450th Bomb Group’s 721st Bomb Squadron, which, along with the 720th, above-mentioned 722nd, and 723rd squadrons, were the four squadrons comprising the 450th.  

If you examine the image closely, you’ll notice a spherical object suspended below 41-28774’s fuselage.  This isn’t a Sperry ball turret; it’s a radome housing H2X radar, used for ground mapping for bombing missions during inclement weather.  The radome has a light-colored horizontal band painted around it, I think a visual cue for adjacent planes as to whether the radome has actually been fully, or only partially, extended.  Another image of this plane, taken a moment later in flight, can be viewed at the American Air Museum in Britain.    

41-28774 survived the war, to be returned to the United States and salvaged in August of 1945.  I suppose it’s been long since turned into aluminum siding.

This pair of photos, from the 450th Bomb Group Memorial Association, showing Down & Go (42-52152), a B-24H of the 722nd Bomb Squadron, are an excellent example of the early and late group identification markings painted on 450th Bomb Group B-24s.  Just like the above image of B-24H 41-28774, the upper picture shows the outer rudders in white, with an individual aircraft number – in this case, 41 in black – painted upon them.  The lower picture shows how the white rudder insignia has been replaced by a set of vertical black and white stripes, but the fin retains the “triangle in circle” 47th Bomb Wing marking at the top of the rudder. 

Same plane, different clothes.

Down & Go was written off after a taxiing accident on September 8, 1944

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Digressing, another part of Louis Falstein’s life, though not a part of the world of Face of a Hero, was the wartime experience of his cousin, Lawrence I. Falstein.  A fellow Chicagoan (from 1004 North Kedzie Avenue), Lawrence, the son of Fannie H. Falstein, was born on July 25, 1925.  A PFC (36694283) in K Company, 110th Infantry Regiment, 28th Infantry Division, Lawrence was captured during the Ardennes Offensive on December 20, 1944, and was a POW at Stalag 4B, in Muhlberg, Germany.  Akin to Louis, his name never appeared in American Jews in World War II.    

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While Louis Falstein’s literary oeuvre will be presented and discussed in subsequent posts, the only substantive information I’ve found about his postwar personal life again comes from Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade, which states, “Politically, he remained outside the Party membership but was more loyal to the Party than ever.  He faithfully read the Daily Worker and the New Masses and its successors.  Through the dancer and poet Edith Siegal he met Michael Gold, and he knew Len Zinberg as well.  He believed that Stalin could do no wrong and was unaffected by the revelations at the Twentieth Congress in 1956, and he continued to read and study Marx in his spare time.  His wife worked as a guidance counselor, and in 1946-48 he took courses at New York University, after which he taught writing there in 1949-50 and at City College in 1956.”

As for Mike Gold (not the most congenial fellow) and Len Zinberg, the following snippets from Wikipedia are enlightening:

Mike Gold was the pen-name of Jewish American writer Itzok Isaac Granich.  A lifelong communist, Gold was a novelist and literary critic.  His semi-autobiographical novel Jews Without Money (1930) was a bestseller.  …  As a critic, Gold fiercely denounced left-wing authors who he believed had deviated from the Communist Party line.  Among those Gold denounced were screenwriter Albert Maltz and “renegade” Ernest Hemingway, who while never a Communist had been sympathetic to leftist causes but came under fire by some for his writing on the Spanish Civil War in For Whom the Bell Tolls.  Hemingway responded with “Go tell Mike Gold, Ernest Hemingway says he should go fuck himself.”

Leonard S. Zinberg, otherwise known as Ed Lacy, was a member of the League of American Writers, and served on its Keep America Out of War Committee in January 1940 during the period of the Hitler-Stalin pact.”

Much more than at Wikipedia, Zinberg / Lacy’s life is covered in great detail by Ed Lynskey, at MysteryFile.  Regardless of his politics, Lacy … Zinberg … was a very interesting man.

I was more than stunned to read about Louis’ longstanding identification with Marxism, but on reflection, in light of his family history, social background, vocational history, the social circles in which he moved, and especially the tenor of the times, his ideological loyalty to and identification with “the Party” – even if he was thankfully never a member – would not (alas; alas) have been altogether unprecedented.  Still, for one’s beliefs to have remained unchanged by Nikita Kruschev’s revelations at the closed session of the Twentieth Party Congress on February 25, 1956, and, the Soviet Union’s repression of the Hungarian Uprising in 1956 (both events having been the impetus for many to break all affiliation with Communism, whether in terms of beliefs or politics) says much about the nature of the human capacity to believe, and, the difficulty of change

If anything mitigates all this, it is that regardless of the nature of Louis Falstein’s political beliefs, they neither motivated nor were evident in Face of a Hero or his other works.  This is especially so in terms of the centrality of his identity as a Jew, and, the ongoing survival and future of the Jewish people, which will remain anathema to Marxism and really all forms of secular collectivism.

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Lou Falstein after the war, from Trinity of Passion.

Louis Falstein passed away on May 22, 1995.  I don’t know the location of his place of burial, though I assume it’ near New York City.  

Some Things to Refer to…

Books

Bell, Dana, Air Force Colors Vol. 2 – ETO & MTO 1942-45, Squadron / Signal Publications, Carrollton, Tx., 1980

Besancon, Alain, A Century of Horrors – Communism, Nazism, and the Uniqueness of the Shoah, ISI Books, Wilmington, De., 2007 (“Is it better to be a beast that plays the angel or a man that plays the beast – given that both are beasts “of prey”?  This is indeterminable.  In the first case, the degree of the lie is stronger and the appeal is greater.  The communist falsification of the good went deeper, since the crime more clearly resembled the good than the naked crime of the Nazi.  This trait allowed communism to expand more widely and to work on hearts that would have tuned away from an SS calling.  Making good men bad is perhaps more demonic than making men who are already bad worse.“)

Blue, Allan G., The B-24 Liberator – A Pictorial History, Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York, N.Y., 1975

Dublin, Louis I., and Kohs, Samuel C., American Jews in World War II – The Story of 550,000 Fighters for Freedom, The Dial Press, New York, N.Y., 1947

Eldad, Israel (Lehi.org; see also Jewish Virtual LibraryJewish Revolution – Jewish Statehood, Shengold Publishers Inc., New York, N.Y., 1971  (Writing in 1971 and speaking of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, “The present flirtation [late 1960s early 1970s] of many Jewish youngsters with the New Left cannot hold a candle to the spell that the socialist-communist ideal cast over the young Jewish generations at that time.  It is no exaggeration to say that the best Jewish minds, the nation’s greatest mental and physical resources, were sacrificed on the altar of this new God.”)

Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999

Freeman, Roger, Camouflage & Markings – United States Army Air Force 1937-1945, Ducmins Books Limited, London, England, 1974

Rottman, Gordon and Chin, Francis, US Army Air Force I, Osprey Publishing Ltd., London, England, 1993

Rust, Kenn C., Fifteenth Air Force Story, Historical Aviation Album, Temple City, Ca., 1976

Wald, Alan M., Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N.C., 2014

Nemirov, at…

Wikipedia

ru.Wikpedia

Encyclopedia.com

Yivo

MyShtetl

International Jewish Cemetery Project

Uncovering My Family History, the untold story of Chassidism and the Holocaust (by Shmuel Polin)

The Revelations and Events of 1956

Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, 1956, at NARA

Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev – The Secret Speech to the Communist Party’s Central Committee – Stalin and the Cult of Personality – Moscow, February 25, 1956 (PDF full text), at Inside the Cold War

Hungarian Revolution of 1956 (June 23 to November 11, 1956), at Wikipedia

Air Force Historical Research Agency Unit Histories

723rd Bomb Squadron

A0656 Sq-Bomb-718-Hi 9/47 through Sq-Bomb-735-Hi 6/44

450th Bomb Group

B0593 Gp-449-Su-Op-S 24 Apr 45 through Gp-450-Hi 8/44
B0594 Gp-450-Hi 9/44 through Gp-450-Su-Op-S 1-5/44
B0595 Gp-450-Su-Op-S 6-10/44 through Gp-451-Hi 1/45