Life, and Fate, and Life Again – A Biography from the East: Karel BORSKÝ (“Kurt BIHELLER”) of the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps, 1921-2001

My prior post, presenting the diary of Sergeant Alfred Elsner of the 1st Czechoslovak Brigade, 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps, who died of wounds during the The Second Battle of Kiev in early November of 1943, makes mention of and includes comments by two other Jewish soldiers who served in the same unit.  These men are Dr. Michal Stemmer (Stepanek), who served in a mortar company in the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade, and Karel Borský, a career soldier in the Czech military who changed his name to “Kurt Biheller” after January, 1946, and eventually attained the rank of colonel.

By way of explanation, here’s a passage and photo from that post which touches upon Borský’s service in the Brigade:

“Borsky, in 1943 a Sergeant and deputy commander of the anti-tank company of the 1st field battalion, 1st Brigade, due to his skill in amateur photography – and under the suggestion of Sgt. Jaroslav Procházka – became a photographer for the brigade newspaper Naše vojsko v SSSR (Our Army in the USSR) because until then the Czech unit was dependent for battle photographs on Soviet photojournalists.  The photo below, from Rota Nazdar (“Hello Company”), shows him standing before a T-34 tank (early version, with 76mm gun and “mickey-mouse” appearing turret hatches) prior to the battle for Kiev. 

The caption: “Sergeant Karel Biheller-Borský (May 13, 1921–August 9, 2001), photographer 1. Czechoslovak brigade in the USSR before the attack on Kiev. On November 5, 1943, he was advancing directly in the first line of infantry of the 2nd Field Battalion and while taking documentary pictures of the battles, he was severely wounded by fragments of an artillery shell.  His camera disappeared, so no photograph is known directly from the brigade’s battles near Kiev.”  (Četař Karel Biheller-Borský (13. 5. 1921–9. 8. 2001), fotograf 1. čs. brigády v SSSR před útokem na Kyjev. Dne 5. 11. 1943 postupoval přímo v prvním sledu pěchoty 2. polního praporu a při pořizování dokumentárních snímků z bojů, byl těžce raněn střepinami dělostřeleckého granátu. Jeho fotoaparát zmizel a tak přímo z bojů brigády u Kyjeva není známa žádná fotografie.)”

But, there’s much more to Borský’s story.  This can be found in the 2005 publication Vojenské osobnosti československého odboje. 1939–1945 (Military Personalities of the Czechoslovak Resistance. 1939–1945), which was compiled as a cooperative effort of the Prague and Bratislava Military Historical Institutes, under the auspices of the Ministry of Defense of the Czech Republic – Military Information and Services Agency.  (Well, I think that’s the organizational hierarchy!)  Available in PDF, the near-350-page book is comprised of biographies of soldiers who served in Czechoslovakian military units – ground and air – in service of the Soviet Union and Western Allies during the Second World War, some of whom survived, and others – like Squadron Leader Otto Smik – who did not.  I haven’t counted the number of biographies in the book (!), but suffice to say that given there are 1 to 2 per page, there are very many. 

As a work of historical scholarship the book is superb.  Most of the biographies are accompanied by a photo of the pertinent soldier, and, all include bibliographical references.  The biography is enormous, and, the book also includes an appendix featuring Czech military acronyms and abbreviations.  (Which really helps, if you don’t speak Czech.)

It’s a fascinating book.  Download it.

Here’s the cover…

 

Karel Borsky / Kurt Biheller’s biography can be found on page 25 of Vojenské osobnosti československého odboje. 1939–1945.  To provide a greater understanding of his military service in the context of the Second Battle of Kiev, as well as the daunting challenges and subsequent successes of his postwar life, I’ve translated the text via Oogle Translate.  This follows below, accompanied by the original Czech text.  

But first (!)…

…here’s a 1984 interview of Borsky / Biheller at Moderni Dějiny (Modern History), entitled “CZ 1939 04 Nisko Karel Borsky”, I believe conducted by or under the supervision of the USC Shoah Foundation.  Though it’s in Czech and absent of translation, I believe it pertains to Czechoslovakian Jewry in April of 1939.  

Borsky / Biheller wrote a book of fiction based on his wartime experiences, entitled Zítra začne obyčejný den (Tomorrow Starts An Ordinary Day).  Published in 1984, it’s available through Antikvariát Avion.  

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So, on to his biography. 

First, the English translation.

Then, the Czech original.

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English

BIHELLER Kurt, BORSKÝ Karel – second lieutenant of infantry in reserve (retired brigadier general), commander of the 2nd infantry company of the 4th infantry battalion of the 3rd Czechoslovak Army separate brigade in the USSR, commander of the command battery of the 5th Corps Artillery Regiment.

* 13/5/1921 Fryštát, today Karviná
† 9/8/2001 Prague

Kurt Biheller (he applied for a name change in January 1946) grew up in the Silesian Free State.  Between 1933 and 1937 he graduated from a four-year grammar school in Ostrava and then two years at a business academy.

The German occupation hit Borský’s family immediately in the first days, when his father Josef, a Russian legionnaire who later died in a concentration camp, was arrested by the Gestapo.  Because of his origin, the 18-year-old Karel was also imprisoned in a concentration camp near the Polish city of Nisko, from where he managed to escape in October 1939, then cross the border and get to Lviv, then occupied by the Soviets.  In this city, he worked as a window-dresser for a chain of several large restaurants until, like many other refugees, he was detained by the NKVD authorities in the spring of 1940 and transported to a labor camp in Parsov (Ivanovsk region).

Here, Russian, Polish, but also Czechoslovak prisoners were so-called building socialism – the Volga-Don Canal – under harsh, even brutal, and often humiliating conditions.  Paradoxically, like several others, Borský and his friend from the Free State, Boris Fingar, were saved from the cruel environment of the camp by the amnesty announced for Polish citizens based on the convention between the Polish foreign government in London and the government of the USSR.  They managed to convince the camp commander that their birthplace, like the whole of Chisinau, now belonged to Poland and therefore they are Polish citizens.  The gate of the camp was therefore opened and the former prisoners were given, in addition to relative freedom, the opportunity to work in Makhachkala, the capital of the Dagestan ASSR, located on the shores of the Caspian Sea.

In Makhachkala, Borský, who was employed in a leather processing factory, learned from a Moscow radio broadcast about the formation of a Czechoslovak military unit in the USSR.  It was January 1942, after a series of administrative procedures, he received the necessary documents and a ticket to Buzuluk.  He left Makhachkala on May 11, 1942.

On June 29, he arrived in Buzuluk in the Urals for conscription.  In the currently forming 1st Czechoslovak separate field battalion was soldier Karel Borský (registration number 866) assigned to the 2nd platoon of the 3rd company.  The platoon was commanded by Captain Oldřich Kvapil and the company Lt. Vladimir Janko.  Understandably, he went through the demanding training of an ordinary soldier and, in addition, as an observer of his platoon, also a gas course.

In March 1943, he took part in the first performance of the Czech Republic soldiers on the Soviet-German front near Kharkiv.  In the battle for Sokolovo, he performed his task as a liaison officer with exemplary courage and in heavy fire penetrated forward positions several times with an important message, for which he received his first award – the Czechoslovak medal for bravery in the face of the enemy.

When in Novochopersk in May 1943, the 1st Czechoslovak Army independent brigade was formed, an officers’ school was set up at the unit, of which Private Borský also became a student, who completed the school with good grades and had so far been promoted to the rank of corporal, as the appointment of all graduates as second lieutenants was negotiated with the Ministers of National Defense in London at length.

Although Borský was now assigned the rank of sergeant as deputy commander of the anti-tank company of the 1st field battalion, armed with anti-tank rifles, his further fate was decided more or less by chance.  In his spare time, he devoted himself to amateur photography and also took several pictures of the life of Czechoslovak soldiers, which caught the attention of the head of the education department of the 1st Brigade, Sgt. Jaroslav Procházka.  He urgently needed a photographer for the brigade newspaper “Our Army in the USSR”, because until then the Czechoslovak unit was dependent on the shots of Soviet photojournalists.  Thanks to Borský, there are images from the training of the artillery section, the first armored vehicles of the tank battalion and especially a very successful photo report from the ceremonial handing over of the battle flag to the 1st Brigade on 12 September and from the parade before the departure of the brigade to the front on 30 September.

When on November 5, 1943, the capital of Ukraine, Kiev, was jointly attacked with the divisions of the 51st Rifle Corps and the 1st Czechoslovak Army independent brigade, he was advancing directly in the first line of infantry of the 2nd Field Battalion, while taking documentary pictures directly from the battles [and] was seriously injured in the back by shrapnel from an exploding artillery shell.  After the operation at the brigade infirmary, which was carried out by the chief physician of the unit, Lt. MD František Engel, he was evacuated to a sanatorium in Kazan (Tatar ASSR), where he recovered from his injuries until January 1944.  At that time, he ended treatment at his own request.  After the battle for Kiev, he was promoted to the rank of company officer and awarded the first Czechslovak 1939 War Cross 1939 (March 13, 1944).

Junior non-commissioed officer Borský did not return to the 1st Czechoslovak brigade, as he was appointed commander of the PT company of the accompanying weapons battalion of the replacement regiment of the Czechoslovak Republic then considered the germ of the 3rd Czechoslovak separate brigades in the USSR.  When the 3rd brigade was actually established in Sadagura, on 5/28 Karel Borský received the rank of Second Lieutenant of Infantry and shortly after he became the commander of the 2nd Company of the 4th Infantry Battalion.  The soldiers of the company mostly came from the ranks of the Volyn Czechs and were almost without exception complete novices.  The next three months were therefore devoted to their training.

In August 1944 in the Polish village of Wjackowice Lt. Borský met Anna Branková, after her mother Češka, whom he married at the beginning of September.  Anna joined the ranks of the 1st Czechoslovak Army army corps and served first with the corps liaison battalion.

On August 8 the Carpathian-Dukel operation began, in the beginning of which both infantry brigades suffered heavy losses, especially in the infantry.  The 2nd company was also not spared, and on September 10 its commander was wounded in the side by a fragment of an artillery shell or a mine, in the area behind Machnówka.

With his injury still unhealed, after three weeks at the turn of September and October, he took command of his company and took part in the advance through the Dukelský pass to Nižné Komarník.  On Czechoslovak territory on October 6 Lt. Borský was hit by three [fragments of] shrapnel from an anti-personnel mine and was again hospitalized in the field hospital in Poljanka, where he also received treatment for his injuries from September.  At Dukla, Karel Borský was nominated for his second Czechoslovak title, the 1939 War Cross.

After his recovery, he was appointed commander of the command battery of the 5th Corps Artillery Regiment, which was just being formed.  He completed the rest of his war journey with the regiment, the unit’s first major action having been the largest combat deployment of the Czech Republic artillerymen in history – a breakthrough in the German defense near the Polish city of Jaslo.  After that, the regiment advanced within the entire 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps through the Váh valley and supported the infantry in heavy battles near Liptovský Mikuláš.  Here, at the beginning of March, he commanded the successful defense of the settlement of Jamník, where the regimental staff was located and where a stronger German detachment penetrated across the front.  It happened in April that the 5th regiment was actively involved in the liberation of Ružomberok, Vrůtek, Strečno and advanced to Žilina and Považská Bystrica, where part of the command battery was seriously threatened by an enemy artillery ambush and Lt. Borský narrowly escaped death.  On May 8 the regiment crossed the Moravian border in the area of Němčice, where its members also celebrated the victorious end of the war.

On May 14 he was promoted to the rank of second lieutenant of infantry in reserve.  During a short visit to his birthplace, he found out that his mother and younger brother were taken to a concentration camp in 1942, so he was the only one of the family to survive the war.

Even the post-war years of 1945-1948 were not peaceful, although Karel Borský was gradually promoted to the rank of Senior Captain.  In 1946, from February to July, he attended a school for educational officers in Prague and graduated with a very good grade.  Educational activities of the clerk, focused especially on the presentation of the fates of the 1st Czechoslovak army corps to soldiers and the public, were then performed in the 2nd military area in Tábor.

At the end of 1948, he was transferred to the 1st military district in Prague and not long afterwards to the Ministers of National Defense.  For another period, as a major, he held the position of military and air attaché in Budapest.  In the spring of 1951, Minister of Defense Doctor of LawAlexejem Čepička dismissed him from his position and fired him from the army.  He only managed to get a job in construction.

In November 1951, he was arrested and imprisoned for several months in pre-trial detention in Prague-Ruzyn and in a temporary military prison in the barracks on Malostranské náměstí.  Although he was not officially informed of any charges, it was clear from the investigators’ questions that they were trying to connect his work in the diplomatic services with the ongoing trial of the “Rudolf Slánský anti-state conspiracy center” and with a similar trial involving László Rajko in Hungary, which took place a little earlier.

In April 1952, Karel Borský was released without any explanation.  He continued to work in the construction industry until October 1, 1956, when, by a decision of the Minister of National Defense Army General Bohumír Lomský, he was again called to active duty.  Lt. Col. Karel Borský then worked several times in the combat training department of the 30th fighter-bomber “Ostrava-Téšín” division in Čáslav.

In 1965 and 1966, thanks to his life experiences, diplomatic tact and language skills, he worked as a member of the Czechoslovak Republic [as an] attaché and later ambassador to the Neutral States Monitoring Commission at the UN in Korea.  He also worked in the foreign relations department at the General Staff.  He retired with the rank of colonel.

Even in the last years of his life, his work pace did not decrease, he continued to work in the Czech Union of Freedom Fighters and Czechoslovak Legionary Community; in both organizations he was elected vice-chairman; he participated substantially in the publication of several commemorative materials on the Czechoslovak Republic. foreign soldiers – e.g. Medallions of the brave, he himself became the author of the autobiographical books “Tomorrow Begins an Ordinary Day” and “Dawn Into Darkness”.

When the rank of brigadier general was restored in the Czech Army, he became one of the first to be awarded with it.

Brigadier General Karel Borský died on August 9, 2001 at the age of 80 after a long illness, with which he bravely fought until his last days.

Honors:

Czechoslovak Medal for Bravery in the Face of the Enemy (13/4/1943), twice Czechoslovak 1939 War Cross (13/3/1944, 1946), Czechoslovak Military Commemorative Medal with USSR label (7/3/1944), Czechoslovak Military Medal for Merit II Grade (1945), medal for victory over Germany, Krzyz Walecznych (1948), Medal of the Czech Republic Commander’s Order of Jan Žižka from Trocnov, Sokol Memorial Medal, Duke Memorial Medal, Memorial Medal for the 20th anniversary of the liberation of the Czechoslovakia.

Works: Tomorrow Begins an Ordinary Day; Dawn Into Darkness.  Co-author of the publication Medallions of the Brave.

Sources: Military Central Archive – Military Historical Archive, Qualification Sheet

Milan Kopecký

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Czech

BIHELLER Kurt, BORSKÝ Karel – podporučík pěchoty v záloze (brigádní generál v.v.), velitel 2. pěší roty 4. pěšího praporu 3. čs. samostatné brigády v SSSR, velitel velitelské baterie sborového dělostřeleckého pluku 5

* 13.5.1921 Fryštát, dnes Karviná
† 9.8.2001 Praha

Kurt Biheller (o změnu jména zažádal v lednu 1946) vyrůstal ve slezském Fryštátu.  V letech 1933 až 1937 absolvoval čtyřleté gymnázium v Ostravě a poté dva ročníky obchodní akademie.

Německá okupace zasáhla Borského rodinu ihned v prvních dnech, kdy byl gestapem zatčen jeho otec Josef, ruský legionář, který později zahynul v koncentračním táboře.  Osmnáctiletého Karla pro jeho původ také uvěznili v koncentračním táboře u polského města Nisko, odkud se mu v říjnu 1939 podařilo uprchnout, následně překročit hranice a dostat se do Lvova, tehdy právě obsazeného Sověty.  V tomto městě pracoval jako aranžér pro síť několika velkých restaurací až do té doby, než byl na jaře 1940 podobně jako mnoho dalších uprchlíků zadržen orgány NKVD a odtransportován do pracovního tábora v Parsově (Ivanovská oblast).

Zde ruští, polští, ale i českoslovenští vězni za tvrdých až brutálních, mnohdy i pokořujících podmínek budovali tzv. stavbu socialismu – Volžsko-donský kanál.  Borského i jeho kamaráda z Fryštátu Borise Fingara z krutého prostředí tábora paradoxně, jako několik dalších, zachránila amnestie, vyhlášená pro polské občany na základě úmluvy mezi polskou zahraniční vládou v Londýně a vládou SSSR.  Podařilo se jim totiž přesvědčit velitele tábora, že jejich rodiště, podobně jako celé Těšínsko, nyní patří k Polsku a tudíž jsou polští občané.  Brána lágru se tedy otevřela a bývalí vězni dostali kromě relativní svobody i možnost pracovat v Machačkale, hlavním městě Dagestán-ské ASSR, ležícím na břehu Kaspického moře.

V Machačkale se Borský, který byl zaměstnán v továrně na zpracování kůže, z vysílání moskevského rozhlasu dověděl o formování československé vojenské jednotky v SSSR.  Byl leden 1942. Po řadě administrativních procedur obdržel potřebné doklady a jízdenku do Buzuluku.  Machačkalu opustil 11.5.1942.

29. 6. se dostavil v přiuralském v Buzuluku k odvodu.  V právě se formujícím 1. čs. [československý] samostatném polním praporu byl voj. Karel Borský (evidenční č. 866) zařazen do 2. čety 3. roty.  Četě velel rtm. [Rotmistr] Oldřich Kvapil a rotě npor. Vladimír Janko.  Prodělal pochopitelně náročný výcvik řadového vojáka a kromě toho jako pozorovatel své čety i plynový kurs.

V březnu 1943 ze zúčastnil prvního vystoupení čs. vojáků na sovětsko-německé frontě u Charkova.  V boji o Sokolovo jako spojka plnil svůj úkol s příkladnou odvahou a v husté palbě pronikl několikrát s důležitým hlášením do předsunutých postavení, za což získal své první vyznamenání – čs. medaili Za chrabrost před nepřítelem.

Když v Novochopersku v květnu 1943 vznikala 1. čs. [československý] samostatná brigáda, byla u jednotky zřízena důstojnická škola, jejímž posluchačem se stal i svobodník Borský, který školu dokončil s dobrým prospěchem a byl zatím povýšen do hodnosti desátníka, neboť o jmenování všech absolventů podporučíkem bylo zdlouhavě jednáno s MNO [Ministři národní obrany] v Londýně.

Ačkoli byl nyní Borský v hodnosti četaře zařazen jako zástupce velitele protitankové roty 1. polního praporu, vyzbrojené protitankovými puškami, rozhodla o jeho dalším osudu víceméně náhoda.  Ve volných chvílích se věnoval amatérské fotografii a pořídil i několik snímků ze života československých vojáků, které zaujaly vedoucího oddělení osvěty 1. brigády škpt. Jaroslava Procházku.  Ten naléhavě potřeboval fotografa pro brigádní noviny „Naše vojsko v SSSR”, protože do té doby byla čs. jednotka odkázána na záběry sovětských fotoreportérů.  Díky Borskému se tedy do dnešních dnů dochovaly snímky z výcviku dělostřeleckého oddílu, prvních obrněných vozidel tankového praporu a zejména velice zdařilá fotoreportáž ze slavnostního předání bojové zástavy 1. brigádě dne 12.9. a z přehlídky před odjezdem brigády na frontu 30.9.

Když 5.11.1943 zaútočila společné s divizemi 51. střeleckého sboru i 1. čs. samostatná brigáda na hlavní město Ukrajiny Kyjev, postupoval přímo v prvním sledu pěchoty 2. polního praporu, při pořizování dokumentárních snímků přímo z bojů jej těžce zranily do zad střepiny blízko vybuchnuvšího dělostřeleckého granátu.  Po operaci na brigádní ošetřovně, kterou provedl šéflékař jednotky npor. MUDr. František Engel, byl evakuován do sanatoria v Kazani (Tatarská ASSR), kde se ze zranění zotavoval do ledna 1944.  Tehdy na vlastní žádost léčení ukončil. Po bitvě o Kyjev byl povýšen do hodnosti rotného a vyznamenán prvním Čs. [československý] válečným křížem 1939 (13.3.1944).

K 1. čs. [československý] brigádě se rtn. [Rotný] Borský již nevrátil, neboť byl ustanoven velitelem PT roty u praporu doprovodných zbraní čs. [československý] náhradního pluku, tehdy považovaného za zárodek 3. čs. samostatné brigády v SSSR.  Když v Sadaguře 3. brigáda skutečně vznikla, obdržel 28. 5. Karel Borský hodnost ppor. pěch. [Podporuchik Pěchoty] v zál. a to krátce poté, co se stal velitelem 2. roty 4. pěšího praporu.  Vojáci roty pocházeli většinou z řad Volyňských Čechů a byli téměř bez výjimky úplnými nováčky.  Další tři měsíce byly proto věnovány jejich výcviku.

V srpnu 1944 poznal ppor. Borský v polské obci Wjackowice Annu Brankovou, po matce Češku, s níž se na počátku září oženil.  Anna vstoupila do řad 1. čs. armádního sboru a sloužila nejprve u sborového spojovacího praporu.

8.9. začala Karpatsko-dukelská operace, v jejímž úvodu utrpěly obě pěší brigády velké ztráty zejména na pěchotě.  Také 2. rota nebyla ušetřena, a její velitel byl 10. září v prostoru za Machnówkou raněn do boku střepinou dělostřeleckého granátu nebo miny.

S ještě nedoléčeným zraněním se ujal po třech týdnech na přelomu září a října velení nad svou rotou a zúčastnil se postupu přes Dukelský průsmyk do Nižného Komarníku.  Na československém území 6. 10. ppor. Borského zasáhla třemi střepinami protipěchotní mina a opět byl hospitalizován v polní nemocnic v Poljance, kde si doléčil i zranění ze září.  Na Dukle byl Karel Borský navržen na svůj druhý Čs. válečný kříž 1939.

Po vyléčení byl jmenován velitelem velitelské baterie právě se formujícího sborového dělostřeleckého pluku 5. S plukem absolvoval zbytek své válečné cesty, první velkou akcí jednotky bylo největší bojové nasazení čs. dělostřelců v dějinách – průlom německé obrany u polského města Jaslo.  Poté už pluk postupoval v rámci celého 1. čs. armádního sboru údolím Váhu a podporoval pěchotu v těžkých bojích u Liptovského Mikuláše.  Zde na začátku března velel úspěšné obraně osady Jamník, kde se nalézal štáb pluku a kam pronikl přes frontu silnější německý oddíl. V dubnu se děl. pluk 5 aktivně zapojil do osvobození Ružomberoku, Vrůtek, Strečna a potupoval na Žilinu a Povážskou Bystricu, kde byla část velitelská baterie vážné ohrožena nepřátelským dělostřeleckým přepadem a ppor. Borský o vlásek unikl smrti. 8.5. překročil pluk hranice Moravy v prostoru Němčic, kde jeho příslušníci oslavili i vítězný konec války.

14. 5. je povýšen do hodnosti por.pěch. v zál [podporučík pěchoty v záloze].  Při krátké návštěvě rodiště zjistil, že matka a mladší bratr byli v roce 1942 odvlečeni do koncentračního tábora a tak z celé rodiny přežil válku pouze on jediný.

Ani poválečná léta nebyla nijak klidná, byť byl Karel Borský v letech 1945-1948 postupně povyšován až do hodnosti škpt [Štábní kapitán].  V roce 1946 od února do července navštěvoval školu pro osvětové důstojníky v Praze a zakončil jí s velmi dobrým prospěchem.  Osvětovou činnost referenta, zaměřenou zejména na prezentaci osudů 1. čs. [československý] armádního sboru vojákům i veřejnosti pak vykonával ve 2. vojenské oblasti v Táboře.

Na konci roku 1948 byl přeložen k 1. VO [Vojenská oblasť] v Praze a za nedlouho potom na MNO [Ministři národní obrany].  Po další období již jako major zastával funkci vojenského a leteckého přidělence v Budapešti. N a jaře roku 1951 byl ministrem obrany JUDr. [juris utriusque doctor] Alexejem Čepičkou z funkce odvolán a vyhozen z armády.  Podařilo se mu získat pouze místo ve stavebnictví.

V listopadu 1951 následovalo zatčení a několik měsíců věznění ve vyšetřovací vazbě v Praze-Ruzyni a v provizorní vojenské věznici v kasárnách na Malostranském náměstí.  Přestože mu nebylo oficiálně sděleno žádné obvinění, bylo z otázek vyšetřovatelů zřejmé, že se snaží jeho působení v diplomatických službách spojit s probíhajícím procesem s „protistátním spikleneckým centrem Rudolfa Slánského” a s obdobným procesem okolo osoby László Rajka v Maďarsku, který proběhl o něco dříve.

V dubnu 1952 byl Karel Borský bez jakéhokoli vysvětlení propuštěn.  Pracoval nadále ve stavebnictví až do 1. října 1956, kdy byl z rozhodnutí ministra národní obrany arm.gen. [Armádní generál] Bohumíra Lomského opět povolán do činné služby. Pplk. Karel Borský pak několik pracoval na oddělení bojové přípravy 30. stíhací-bombardovací „Ostravsko-Téšínské” divize v Čáslavi.

V letech 1965 a 1966 působil díky svým životním zkušenostem, diplomatickému taktu a jazykovým schopnostem jako čs. přidělenec a později velvyslanec při Dozorčí komisi neutrálních států při OSN v Koreji. Pracoval i na oddělení zahraničních styků při generálním štábu.  Do důchodu odešel v plukovnické hodnosti.

Ani v posledních letech života se jeho pracovní tempo nesnížilo, pracoval nadále v ČSBS [Český svaz bojovníků za svobodu] a ČsOL [Československá obec legionářská], v obou organizacích byl zvolen místopředsedou, podílel se podstatnou měrou na vydání několika vzpomínkových materiálů na čs. zahraniční vojáky – např. Medailony statečných, sám se stal autorem autobiografických knih „Zítra začne obyčejný den” a „Svítání do tmy”.

Když byla v AČR obnovena hodnost brigádního generála, stal se jedním z prvních, jemuž byla udělena.

Brigádní generál Karel Borský zemřel 9. srpna 2001 ve věku 80 let po dlouhé nemoci, s níž statečně bojoval do posledních dní.

Vyznamenání:

Československá medaile Za chrabrost před nepřítelem (13.4.1943), 2 x Československý válečný křiž 1939 (13.3.1944,1946), Československá vojenská pamětní medaile se štítkem SSSR (7.3. 1944), Československá vojenská medaile Za zásluhy II. st. (1945), medal Za pobedu nad Germanijej, Krzyz Walecznych (1948), Medaile čs. velitelského řádu Jana Žižky z Trocnova, Sokolovská pamětní medaile, Dukelská pamětní medaile, Pamětní medaile k 20. výročí osvobození ČSSR.

Dílo: Zítra začne obyčejný den; Svítání do tmy.  Spoluautor publikace Medailony statečných.

Prameny:

Vojenský ústřední archiv – Vojenský historický archiv”, sb. Kvalifikační listina

Milan Kopecký

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Regaling You With References!

Websites

1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade, at…

… CzechPatriots (via Archive.org (“Czechoslovak Military Units in the USSR (1942-1945)”)

1st Czechoslovak Army Corps, at…

… CzechPatriots (via Archive.org (“Czechoslovak Military Units in the USSR (1942-1945)”)

1st Czechoslovak Army Corps in the Soviet Union, at…

… Wikipedia

… ru.Wikipedia

Czechoslovak Independent Tank Brigade in the USSR [československá samostatná TANKOVÁ BRIGADA v SSSR], at…

… Model Forum

General Ludvik Svobda, at…

Karel Borský (Kurt Biheller), at…

… cs.wikipedia (“Karel Borský”)

… Valka.cz (“Biheller, Kurt (Borský, Karel)”)

… Rotanazdar.cz (“Četař Karel Biheller-Borský”)

Michal Štěpánek (Michal Stemmer), at…

… ArmedConflicts (“Stemmer (Štěpánek), Michal”)

… Yad Vashem (“Testimony of Michael Michal Stemmer-Stepanek, regarding his experiences in the Czechoslovakian regiment in the context of the Red Army in Bosoluk, Kiev, Czechoslovakia and Slovakia”)

Central Military Archive of the Czech Republic, at…

… Vuapraha.cz

The Second Battle of Kiev, at…

… Wikipedia

Jewish Soldiers in World War Two, at…

… Yad Vashem (Jewish Soldiers in the Allied Armies)

… Yad Vashem (Jews in the Red Army, 1941-1945)

Yad Vashem Archives, Jerusalem, Israel

Diary of Sergeant Alfred Elsner, Records Group O.59 / 204, File Number O.33 / 204

Expert’s Report Concerning “Factual Report and Documentation: Investigation of Jewish Soldiers in the Czechoslovak Army in the Soviet Union in the Years 1939 – 1945” – Author: Dr. Michal Stemmer – Stepanek; Arranged by: Erich Kulka
Deposited: Yad Vashem Archives, Act No. E / 10-2, 3030/267-e

Books

Kulka, Erich, Jews in Svoboda’s Army in the Soviet Union – Czechoslovak Jewry’s Fight Against the Nazis During World War II, University Press of America, Lanham, Md., 1987

[Vojenské osobnosti československého odboje. 1939–1945.  Vojenský historický ústav Praha.  Vojenský historický ústav Bratislava.  Praha, květen 2005 (Ministerstvo obrany České republiky – Agentura vojenských informací a služeb, 2005 ISBN 80-7278-233-9)]

Military Personalities of the Czechoslovak Resistance. 1939–1945.  Military Historical Institute Prague.  Military Historical Institute Bratislava.  Prague, May 2005 (Ministry of Defense of the Czech Republic – Military Information and Services Agency, 2005 ISBN 80-7278-233-9)

Zide v boji a odboji trojjazycne – Rezistence československých Židů v letech druhé světové války [The Jews in Battle and in The Resistance – The Resistance Efforts of the Czechoslovak Jews during World War II], An exhibition initiated by the Jewish Community in Prague under the leadership of Ing. Tomáš Jelínek, Held by the Association of Jewish Soldiers and Resistance Fighters, Maiselova 18, 110 00 Prague 1; Poprvé byla tato výstava představena v roce 2005 v prostorách Poslanecké sněmovny České republiky [This exhibition was first presented in 2005 in the premises of the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic]

A Journal Article

Binar, Aleš, Participation of Czechoslovaks in The Battle of Kyiv 1943, Military Historical Bulletin (СТОРІНКАМИ ДРУГОЇ СВІТОВОЇ ВІЙНИ), 110-130, V 41, N 3, 2021 (DOI: 10.33099/2707-1383-2021-41-3-110-131 / УДК: 94(477)(-25)(1943))

Brief Memories from a Brief Life: The Combat Diary of Sergeant Alfred Elsner – 1st Czechoslovak Brigade, 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps, during the The Second Battle of Kiev, November, 1943

“The clothes benefited the children,
but I was afraid so nobody would find out that they were bloodstained.
People are jealous today, there could be unnecessary talking in the house. 
I cleaned them to some extent and removed the stains and then sold them straight away. 
You can send something again, but prefer something less soiled. 
You should be a little more careful and at least cut off the yellow stars… 
I’m free for your next package…”

– Letter from a woman in Germany
to her husband in the Wehrmacht
on the Eastern Front, late 1943

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There are several ways to learn about a soldier’s life.  Photographs provide a vision of – and into – the past.  Documents, whether drawn up by a military unit or a civilian bureaucracy, disclose a man’s place in a organization, and reveal his actions over a span of time.  The kaleidoscopic memories of his descendants, siblings, comrades and friends – each through their own unique and sometimes contradictory set of memories! – shed light on the inevitable complexity of his relationships with other human beings.  But, there’s another, very well known way, through which a man can be understood, and remembered.  At least in part.  At least, for a little while.  And that is through his own writing, whether in the form of letters or a diary. 

It is the latter – for a Jewish soldier who eighty years ago served on the Eastern Front – which follows below.

The soldier’s name?  Albert Elsner.  Born in Ostrava, he served as an infantry Sergeant in the 1st Czechoslovak independent brigade.  Wounded in action on November 6, 1943 during the Soviet Union’s re-taking of Kiev from German forces, he died in a military hospital three days later.

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….The 1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade in the battle for Kiev….

The 1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade was formed on May 10, 1943 from “…the remnants of the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Field Battalion and the 1st Czechoslovak Reserve Regiment,” and under the command of Colonel (promoted to General on December 16, 1943) Ludvik Svoboda.  The Brigade was incorporated into the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps on April 10, 1944, upon which point it became one of the Corps’ four infantry brigades.  (The newly formed 3rd and 4th were also infantry units, while the new 2nd was a paratroop brigade.)  Also then created as part of the Corps were the 1st Czechoslovak independent tank brigade, 1st Czechoslovak independent engineering battalion, and two aviation units: the 1st Czechoslovak independent fighter air regiment, and, 1st Czechoslovak join air division.  As such, both the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade and 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps were military units of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, fighting under Soviet Command alongside the Red Army. 

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From Czech Patriots, here’s general information about the Brigade during the time of Sergeant Elsner’s late-1943 service, with minor edits for clarity:

Commander: As of June 12, 1943: Colonel Ludvik Svoboda; General as of 12/16/43
Number of Personnel: As of September 30, 1943: 3,517 persons (including 82 women)

National Composition:
Czechs – 563 (16%)
Slovaks – 343 (9.7%)
Rusyns (Rusnaks) – 2,210 (62.8%)
Jews – 204 (5.8%)
Russians – 6
Poles – 5
Latvians – 2
Germans – 2
Hungarians – 13
…and…
“Soviets” (? – !) – 169 (4.8%)

Composition by Rank:
114 officers (including 21 officers of the Red Army)
25 technical-sergeants
3,378 soldiers (including 148 specialists from the Red Army for technical positions, which could not have been filled by Czech specialists)

Under command: 1st Ukrainian Front (Voronezh Front renamed (October 20, 1943) 1st Ukrainian Front under command of General Nikolay F. Vatunin)

Movements in 1943:
May 9 – September 30: Novohopersk
October 13: Voronezh railway – Kursk railway – Lgov railway
October 17: Vorozhba railway – Konotop railway – Bahmach railway – Nezhin railway – Priluki railway
October 23: Petrovka tank battalion – Novy Bykov tank battalion – Kazackoe – Kalita tank battalion – Ljutezh
November 4: Jablonka
November 6: Kiev – Borshchagovka
November 8: Vasilkov
During combat activities around Vasilkov area one group charged Chernahov village (November 9), and second group fought in Komunna Chajka and Petrivka (November 11)
December12: Kiev

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Also from Czech Patriots, here’s a very (very) general overview of the Brigade’s actions during the battle for Kiev, again with edits for clarity:

Czechoslovak unit: 1st Czechoslovak independent brigade; in particular: 1st and 2nd infantry battalions, 1st tank battalion

Allied forces: Soviet 240th (931st Rifle Regiment) and 136th Rifle Divisions

Enemy forces: German 4th Tank Army, VII Corps.  In particular, units of the 75th infantry Division and 7th Tank Division (V. Goncharov – Battle for the Dneiper – 1943)

Brief chronology: Czechoslovaks started the attack at 12:30, after overpass anti-tank group continued combat in Volejkovo area, Syrecks’ barracks and railway-track.  With that on the right side a company of T-34 tanks and 2 [motorized?] rifle platoons captured the “Bolshevik” factory buildings (17:00); on the left a light tank company with T-70M tanks and infantry forced the Germans from the zoo area (18:00), further both tank companies checked the Kiev railway-station (20:00), and saved a bridge from destruction.  At midnight the commander of the Soviet 38th Army Colonel General Moskalenko ordered to continue the attack in order to secure the bridge over the Dneiper River by day-break.  At 02:00 Czechoslovak troops joined the final attack and were the first to reach the Dneiper River.

Kiev was liberated at 6:50 on the morning of November 6.

Czechoslovak casualties: 30 killed, 80 injured, 4 missing, 3 T-34 tanks lightly damaged

Enemy casualties: 630 soldiers killed, 1 Do-217 aircraft destroyed, 4-6 tanks, 2 “Ferdinand” howitzers [The Ferdinand was actually a heavy tank destroyer most notably used in the Battle of Kursk.  Only 91 were manufactured.  Wikipedia has negligible information about the tank destroyer’s post-Kursk use, simply stating that, “The surviving Ferdinands fought various rear-guard actions in 1943 until they were recalled to be modified and overhauled.”], 7 armor vehicles, 4 artillery batteries, 22 bunkers, 31 focuses of resistance, 41 heavy machine guns and 24 light machine guns were destroyed.

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This map, which I believe (?) was originally published in General Ludvik Svoboda’s book От Бузулука до Праги (“Ot Buzuluka do Pragi“) (From Buzuluk to Prague) in Moscow in 1969, illustrates the relative positions of Soviet, Czech, and German forces during the Battle for Kiev.  Consistent with the book’s year and place of publication, place names are in Russian.  You can find this map at the Wikipedia entry for the (second) Battle of Kiev (1943).  

The following map, from “Combats of the 1st Czechoslovak independent brigade – Battle of Kiev (03.-06.11.1943)“, also shows the disposition of Soviet, Czech, and German forces in and around Kiev in early November of 1943, but is adapted from the above map, with drafting by M. Gelbic.  Geographic features are depicted a little differently, and the use of color reveals Soviet / Czech military forces much more clearly than the Soviet map itself.  An interesting take-away from this map – as I interpret it – is that the Soviet offensive occurred from a general southwest to northeast axis, with German forces in Kiev backed against the Dneiper River to the east.  

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Specifically in terms of the relative proportion of Jewish soldiers serving, the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade was – for a time – analogous to the 16th Lithuanian Rifle Division (see also ru.wikipedia), in that a notably high proportion of both units’ personnel were Jews.  This situation arose not (emphatically not) through any ideological affinity for Jewish peoplehood, nationalism or Zionism on the part of the Soviet leadership, but instead – enabled by the intersection of geography, demography, and timing – the straightforward requirement for suitable, proficient, and motivated manpower when national survival was paramount.

Here’s the cover of Dorothy Leivers’ book about the 16th Rifle Division, Road to Victory – Jewish Soldiers of the 16th Lithuanian Division, 1942-1945, published by Avotaynu in 2009.  The book’s a translation and revision of the Hebrew edition, published in Tel-Aviv in 1999 as Haderech el HaNitzachon.  The original edition is in Yiddish, authored by Yakov Shein and Emanuel Vaserdam.  Published in 1995, the title is Der Veg Zum Nitzkhon.    

To be specific, as described at YadVashem and Wikipedia, the 16th Rifle Division (Russian: 16-я стрелковая Литовская Клайпедская Краснознамённая дивизия; romanized: 16-ya strelkovaya Litovskaya Klaypedskaya Krasnoznamonnaya diviziya; Hebrew: דיוויזיית הרובאים הליטאית ה-16; Lithuanian: 16-oji ‘Lietuviškoji’ divizija) was formed in late 1941 when the Soviet Union created ethnic-based divisions.  “The purpose of the divisions was not only military but also political as their members were important for the planned post-war Sovietization of the occupied Baltic states.”  In this framework soldiers assigned to the 16th Lithuanian Rifle Division had to be former citizens of Lithuania (including Jews) and ethnic Lithuanians who were residing on Soviet territory.

Figures for the division’s composition by nationality, as of January 1, 1943, are given by Aron Abramovich within In The Decisive War – The Participation of the Jews of the USSR in the War Against Nazism.  Abramovich’s figures reveal that Jews then comprised 13.3% of the Division’s officers, 21% of its sergeants, and 34.2% of its soldiers, for an overall total of 29%, figures very close to those listed in Wikipedia.  The division’s “composition by nationality” is presented in the table below, which I adapted from the original table (in Russian) in his book:

As described at Wikipedia, “In the first days of the battle [of Alekseyevka, where the Division first entered combat], the 16th Rifle Division withstood the attack of the German 383rd Infantry and 18th Panzer Divisions, that were accompanied by 120 planes.  After suffering serious losses, the Soviet armies eventually emerged victorious.  Between 20 February and 24 March 1943, the division lost 1,169 dead and 3,275 injured men.”  Casualty lists in Road to Victory reveal that nearly 540 of those 1,169 combat deaths were Jews.

By war’s end, twelve soldiers of the division were awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union, of whom four were Jews, comprising:

Sergeant Kalman Shur (Калманис Маушович Шурас / Калман Моушович Шур)

Private (Gun-Layer; Gunner) Boris Tsindelis (Бори́с (Бе́рел) Изра́илевич Цинделис) – Killed in action

Corporal Girsh Ushpolis (Hirsz Uszpol / Григорий Саульевич Ушполис),

…and, most prominently…

Vulf (Wolf) Vilenskii (Lithuanian: “Volfas / Vulfas Vilenskis“); Russian: Виленскис, Вольфас Лейбович (“Vilenkis, Volfas Leybovich”)), concerning whom information is abundantly available in print and electronic formats.  Here’s one: The biography of Vilenski at Yad Vashem mentions an article by M. Liubetskis, “Der elterer leitenant Volf Vilenski” (Senior Lieutenant Vulf Vilenski), which was published in Eynikayt on September, 30, 1943. 

For all you Yiddish speakers out there (are there any still?!), here’s that same article…

… and here’s the full page on which the article appeared (center left of page):

Briefly digressing, here are close-ups of the three photos at the bottom of the page, with translated captions:

“Commander of the naval guard aviation division Guard Major Khaim Khashper awarded the Order of Lenin.”

“The talented young surgeon Boris Prokhovnik, awarded the Order of the Fatherland War, 2nd Class.”

“The outstanding reconnaissance efreytor Shimen Roytman, awarded the Order of the Red Banner.”

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…..Now, back to the subject at hand: Sergeant Alfred Elsner’s diary…..

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As for the Sergeant himself, unfortunately, I possess no further further information about him.  However, there’s a possibility – however slight! – that a biographical record about him exists at Yad Vashem’s Central Database of Shoah Victims’ Names, which – though not designed specifically as such – includes some records for Jewish soldiers who were killed in action while serving in the Allied armies.  Though not specifically listed therein as a soldier, Yad Vashem has a record (database item “ID 8829252”) for an “Alfred Elsner” born on July 16, 1904, to Mojžiš and Bluma (Windholzova) Elsner, married to Ilona (Kleinová) Elsner, and a resident of Moravska Ostrava.  But, there’s no information about his actual fate during the Second World War. 

That man might be “our’ Sergeant Elsner, or, he might not be.  

Brief excerpts from Sergeant Elsner’s diary can be found on pages 288 and 289 of Erich Kulka’s 1987 book Jews in Svoboda’s Army in the Soviet Union – Czechoslovak Jewry’s Fight Against the Nazis During World War II, which originally appeared in Hebrew in 1977, published by Yad Vashem’s Institute of Contemporary Jewry, and, Moreshet. 

The moving and enigmatic nature of the excerpts sparked my curiosity, and through the archives of Yad Vashem I obtained a copy of the diary, specifically listed in the bibliography of Kulka’s book as “Diary of Sergeant Alfred Elsner, Records Group O.59 / 204, File Number O.33 / 204”.  In actuality, the diary turned out to comprise 14 pages of text within a lengthier document encompassing 144 pages – all in typewritten German – entitled “Tatsachenbericht und Dokumentation: Betiligung der juedischen Soldaten in der tschechoslovakischen Armee in der Sowjetunion in den Jahren 1939 – 1945” or, “Factual Report and Documentation: Investigation of Jewish Soldiers in the Czechoslovak Army in the Soviet Union in the Years 1939 – 1945″, authored by Dr. Michal Stemmer – Stepanek.  

The Elsner diary encompasses the time-frame of 30 September 1943 through November 8 of that year, the latter date one day before his Elsner’s death on November 9 (12th Cheshvan 5704).  Of great importance, you’ll notice that it begins with a preface and ends with a discussion of the document’s literary history.  These sections are by the above-mentioned Michal Stemmer (Stepanek), who served in a mortar company in the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade, also in the Battle of Sokolovo in early March of 1943.  As is revealed in the text, Dr. Stemmer received the diary from Karel Borský, a soldier in the Czech military who changed his name to “Kurt Biheller” after January, 1946, eventually attaining the rank of colonel in the postwar Czech armed forces.

To explain… 

Borsky, in 1943 a Sergeant and deputy commander of the anti-tank company of the 1st field battalion, 1st Brigade, due to his skill in amateur photography – and under the suggestion of Sgt. Jaroslav Procházka – became a photographer for the brigade newspaper Naše vojsko v SSSR (Our Army in the USSR) because until then the Czech unit was dependent for battle photographs on Soviet photojournalists.  The photo below, from Rota Nazdar (“Hello Company”), shows him standing before a T-34 tank (early version, with 76mm gun and “mickey-mouse” appearing turret hatches) prior to the battle for Kiev. 

The caption? “Sergeant Karel Biheller-Borský (May 13, 1921–August 9, 2001), photographer 1. Czechoslovak brigade in the USSR before the attack on Kiev. On November 5, 1943, he was advancing directly in the first line of infantry of the 2nd Field Battalion and while taking documentary pictures of the battles, he was severely wounded by fragments of an artillery shell.  His camera disappeared, so no photograph is known directly from the brigade’s battles near Kiev.”  (Četař Karel Biheller-Borský (13. 5. 1921–9. 8. 2001), fotograf 1. čs. brigády v SSSR před útokem na Kyjev. Dne 5. 11. 1943 postupoval přímo v prvním sledu pěchoty 2. polního praporu a při pořizování dokumentárních snímků z bojů, byl těžce raněn střepinami dělostřeleckého granátu. Jeho fotoaparát zmizel a tak přímo z bojů brigády u Kyjeva není známa žádná fotografie.)

On November 5 1943, during a joint attack of the Soviet 51st Rifle Corps and the 1st Czechoslovak Army independent brigade upon German forces in Kiev, Borsky was advancing directly in the first line of infantry of the 2nd Field Battalion.  While taking documentary pictures of the battle, he was seriously injured in the back by shrapnel from an exploding artillery shell.  Borsky was brought to a field hospital and placed next to Platoon Commander Elsner.  It was through this chain of events that Borsky (also from Ostrava) received Sergeant Elsner’s diary after the latter’s death, as well as the letter to an unknown German soldier, concerning which see the quotation at the top of this post … and more below. 

In time, Borsky gave Elsner’s diary to Dr. Stemmer, who incorporated its text into his “Tatsachenbericht und Dokumentation: Betiligung der juedischen Soldaten in der tschechoslovakischen Armee in der Sowjetunion in den Jahren 1939 – 1945”, which (in the early 1970s?) was transferred to Erich Kulka, and in turn incorporated into the Archives of Yad Vashem (“Act No. E / 10-2, 3030/267-e”).  You can access the Hebrew transcription of the document here.    

Dr. Stemmer’s concluding comments mention that an excerpt from Sergeant Elsner’s diary, with specific mention of himself, and Borsky / Biheller, was published in 1948, on the fifth anniversary of the battle for Kiev, in the official Czech military newspaper Obrana lidu (“The Defense of the People”).  Given that the Soviet Army recaptured Kiev from German forces on the morning of November 6, 1943, and that digitized issues of this newspaper are available at DigitalNiknihovna.cz, I was able to locate the issue of November 6, 1948 (issue 259), which indeed (!) – on its first three pages – indeed commemorates that victory.  The issue is six pages long; here are the first three pages:

I reviewed this issue thoroughly for any mention of the surnames Biheller, Elsner, and Stemmer, but – !?!?!? – I couldn’t find them or any mention of Elsner’s diary.  Likewise, nothing relevant appeared in issue 260 (of November 7), which is 10 pages in length.  For this I can offer no explanation except the passage of time and the uncertainty of human memory.  Dr. Stemmer also mentions that the diary was also published in Obrana Lidu in 1956, but … I haven’t reviewed the issues for that year.  Hey, 52 is a lot…

Which, brings up another and important facet of the lives of Biheller and Stemmer; of the history of the Jews of Czechoslovakian; an event that reflects the ongoing history and future of the Jewish people … “in general”. 

Dr. Stemmer clearly mentions that both he and Biheller, despite their years of dedicated military service, were imprisoned and interrogated by “civilian and military organs” during the “political show trials of the fifties”, and suspended from military service.  Though – timewise – he offers no specifics, I’m certain this occurred in the context of the political and social atmosphere surrounding the November 1952 show-trials of Rudolf Slánský and 13 other high-ranking Communist bureaucrats … who were (via Wikipedia) “…arrested and charged with being Titoists and “Zionists”.  Those tried with Slánský were Bedřich GeminderOtto ŠlingAndré SimoneKarel SvabOtto FischlRudolf MargoliusVladimir ClementisLudvik FrejkaBedřich ReicinArtur LondonEugen Löbl, and Vavro Hajdů.

“Eleven of these men, including Slánský, were hanged at Pankrác Prison in Prague on 3 December, and three (Artur London, Eugen Löbl and Vavro Hajdů) were sentenced to life imprisonment.  The state prosecutor at the trial in Prague was Josef Urválek.”  

Not at all coincidentally, ten of these men were Jews.

As described at Wikipedia

“…the show trials occurred in the context of the February 1948 coup by which the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia took control of the country, which since the end of WW II had enjoyed limited democracy.  The one-party state needed to manufacture enemies from within to justify its own existence.  This paralleled the split between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, and, political trials (not necessarily antisemitic, per se) against alleged Titoist and Western imperialist elements in Albania, Bulgaria, and Hungary.  Within the same context was the ostensibly anti-Zionist (in reality antisemitic) campaign which commenced in the Soviet Union subsequent to the reestablishment of Israel in 1948, and, the postwar destruction of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee.  

“The trial was orchestrated (and the subsequent terror staged in Czechoslovakia) on the order of Moscow leadership by Soviet advisors, who were invited by Rudolf Slánský and Klement Gottwald, with the help of the Czechoslovak State Security personnel following the László Rajk trial in Budapest in September 1949.  Klement Gottwald, president of Czechoslovakia and leader of the Communist Party, feared being purged and decided to sacrifice Slánský, a longtime collaborator and personal friend, who was the second-in-command of the party.  The others were picked to convey a clear threat to different groups in the state bureaucracy.  A couple of them (Šváb, Reicin) were brutal sadists, conveniently added for a more realistic show.”

Benjamin Ivry’s 2022 article in The Forward, “In the shadow of the Holocaust, a new Kafkaesque nightmare for Jews in Czechoslovakia – 70 years ago, 10 Jews were executed after the antisemitic Slánský trial“, provides a substantive and thought-provoking retrospective on the trial, and especially its impact on the Jews of Czechoslovakia.  I also recommend Helaine Blumenthal’s Communism on Trial: The Slansky Affair and Anti-Semitism in Post-WWII Europe.

In any event, by the mid-50s, Borsky-Biheller and Stemmer-Stepanek were able to resume their lives. 

Stemmer-Stepanek presents a very brief pre-war autobiography in the lengthy “Protocol” (Preface?) of Betiligung der juedischen Soldaten in der tschechoslovakischen Armee in der Sowjetunion in den Jahren 1939 – 1945”.  A translation follows…

My name is Dr. Michael Stemmer Stepanek.  I come from Moravská Ostrava and was born in the family of the Ostravian watchmaker Samuel Stemmer and his wife Regina, née Sandel, on April 26, 1907.  After passing the matriculation examination at the state grammar school in Opava / Troppau /, I began studying law at Charles University in Prague in 1925.  I graduated from the university with distinction.  I then worked for two years as a trainee at the [firm of] Ostrava Advocates Dr. Adolf Loewinger, Dr. Paul Reik and Dr. Max Weber.  A year later I practiced as an aspirant at the district court in Moravská Ostrava.  From 1934 until the Munich Agreement in September 1938 I worked at a Prague university institute, which rigorously prepared students of the law faculty for state examinations.  After the occupation of the Sudeten by Hitler’s-Germany in October 1938, I was dismissed from my post.  I returned from Prague to Moravská Ostrava back to my parents and siblings.  My brother Sale Stemmer, who is 2 years younger, and my sister Nathalie, who is 10 years younger, decided to emigrate to Palestine [sic].  I stayed with my parents in Moravská Ostrava. On March 14, 1939, I witnessed the invasion of Hitler’s army.  In the night of the same day, without saying goodbye to my parents, I fled across the border to Poland, a few hundred meters from the house where I was born.  I never saw my parents again.  They went the way of suffering of the 6 million European Jews who fell into the hands of the Nazi murderers, to a fatal end.

From Yad Vashem, this photo (contributed by Meira Idelstein) shows Michal Stemmer-Stepanek and Ilya Ehrenburg in September of 1945.

Dr. Stemmer-Stepanek evidently made aliyah to Eretz Israel, for in “Tatsachenbericht und Dokumentation: Betiligung der juedischen Soldaten in der tschechoslovakischen Armee in der Sowjetunion in den Jahren 1939 – 1945” he lists his 1970 address as Zahala-Neve Sharret 55/1 in Tel Aviv.

Further information about Biheller will appear in a future post.  For now, here’s an excerpt from his biography at cs.wikipedia:

“In 1946, Kurt Biheller … became an information officer and served in Tábor.  At the end of 1948, he was transferred to Prague and subsequently to the Ministry of National Defense.  He then served as a military and air attaché in Budapest.  In 1951, he was dismissed from his post, fired from the army and arrested.  He was imprisoned and interrogated in the Ruzyne prison and the infamous Domečko.  No charges were brought against him and he was released without reason in April 1952.  He worked in the construction industry and was drafted back into the army in 1956.  He served in Čáslav, then as military attaché and ambassador to the Commission of Neutral States to the United Nations in Korea.  He served the end of his career in the Department of Foreign Relations at the General Staff. He attained the rank of colonel.  In retirement, he became an official of the Czech Union of Freedom Fighters and the Czechoslovak Legionary Community.  He published memoirs and autobiographical books.  After the creation of the Army of the Czech Republic, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general.  He died after a long illness on August 9, 2001.”

The full document “Tatsachenbericht und Dokumentation: Betiligung der juedischen Soldaten in der tschechoslovakischen Armee in der Sowjetunion in den Jahren 1939 – 1945” is available via Yad Vashem’s database under the item record “Testimony of Michael Michal Stemmer-Stepanek, regarding his experiences in the Czechoslovakian regiment in the context of the Red Army in Bosoluk, Kiev, Czechoslovakia and Slovakia“, where it comprises a total of 201 pages, the first 44 in Hebrew, followed by a Erich Kulka’s 13 page introduction (in German), and Stemmer-Stepanek’s actual 144-page-long text.  Given that Yad Vashem’s database displays digitized documents – if, such as this one, they comprise multiple pages! – in sets of 32 images, this full document (both Hebrew and English text) comprises 7 sets of images, with Elsner’s diary appearing as the last page of set “4”, and the first 12 pages of set “5”.  

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I’m currently working on a translation of “Tatsachenbericht und Dokumentation: Betiligung der juedischen Soldaten in der tschechoslovakischen Armee in der Sowjetunion in den Jahren 1939 – 1945”.  (!)  

If I get the thing completed (!?!), maybe I’ll post it…  (!!)

Some day.  (!!!)

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…..And so, on to the translated diary of a forgotten soldier…..

Here’s Sergeant Elsner’s diary, and, Michael Stemmer-Stepanek’s comments.  I’ve organized the text such that for each day’s entry, the English-language translation appears first, followed by the German-language version in dark blue, both languages in (this) big Merriweather font.  The comments of Michael Stemmer-Stepanek, are in (this) smaller Arial font.

Here we go.

ON THE RIGHT SHORE OF THE DNEIPER

According to Operation Plan Number 1, our Czechoslovak Brigade was to go to the front in 8 individual transports from 30 September to 3 October 1943.  The final station was only known to the commanders.  The soldiers only knew, that they were driving to the Dnieper.

Our mortar company left Novochopjorsk on 1 October with the transport of the 2nd Battalion.  The trip from Novochopjorsk to the unloading station at Prikuly lasted 12 days…

From Prikuly we marched to the Dnieper on foot.  150 kilometers in two days!  We set up camp in dense, tall spruce forests on the left bank of the powerful Ukrainian stream.  Small huts, probably made up of thin spruce trunks, covered with shrubs and foliage, and a home for the next few days.  In the night from the 22nd to the 23rd of October we crossed the river over a pontoon bridge.

At 8 o’clock in the morning of 3 November 1943, a beautiful sunny day, the attack on Kiev begins.  At 2 o’clock in the afternoon our company crossed the railway line on the outskirts of the city.  The entire night we fought bitter battles with desperately fighting units of the Waffen SS.  In the morning hours of 6 November 1943, the Russian tank divisions, together with tanks and infantry units of the 1st Independent Czechoslovak Brigade of the USSR under the command of Colonel Ludvik Svoboda, freed the capital of Ukraine – Kiev.  The Soviet government valued the combat operations of the Czechoslovak brigade very highly.  It awarded orders and medals to 42 officers – among whom were almost all the Jewish commanders, 64 non-commissioned officers and 29 private soldiers.  The President of the Czechoslovak Republic honored 41 members of the brigade who sacrificed their lives in the battle for Kiev with the “Czechoslovak War Cross 1939” – “In Memoriam”.  There are among them Jewish soldiers, Dr. Oskar Bachrich, Corporal Leo Heller, Corporal Jan Fischer, Corporal Jan Hausner, Lieutenant and battery commander Erwin Falter … other Jewish non-commissioned officers and also the young platoon commander Alfred Elsner from Ostrava …

From day one, when he boarded the military train in Novochopjorsk, platoon commander Elsner kept a diary until one day after the liberation of Kiev, when the relentless death of a soldier tore the quill from his hand.

I have before me the small thin booklet.  It is already yellowed; torn at the corners; I carried it in the field bag the long fight way from the Dnieper to Prague, an expensive legacy of my young countryman, combat companion and friend.  The writing has already heavily faded; at times I can only compile words and sentences from the individual letters with great effort.  I quote the short diary as a shocking literal confession of a young Czechoslovak Jew to freedom; to the love of life.  A commitment of the indomitable will to fight against tyranny. – [Dr. Michael Stemmer (Stepanek)]

AM RECHTEN UFER DES DNEJPR

Laut Operationsplan Nummer 1 sollte unsere tschechoslovakische Brigade in 8 Einzeltransporten in den Tagen vom 30 September bis 3 Oktober 1943 an die Front fahren.  Die Endstation kannten nur die Kommandanten.  Die Soldaten wussten nur, dass sie zum Dnejpr fahren.

Unsere Granatwerferkompanie verliess Novochopjorsk am 1 Oktober mit dem Transport des 2 Bataillons.  Die Fahrt von Novochopjorsk in die Ausladestation Prikuly dauerte 12 Tage…

Von Prikuly marschierten wir bis zum Dnejpr zu Fuss. 150 Kilometer in zwi Tagen!  In dichten, hohen Fichtenwaeldern an linkin Ufer des maechtigen ukrainischen Stromes schlagen wir under Feldlager auf.  Kleine Huetten, notduerftig zusammengesimmert aus duennen Fichtenstaemmen, bedeckt nit Reisern und Laub sing undser Heim fuer die naechsten Tage.  In der Nacht vom 22 auf den 23 Oktober ueberschreiten wir ueber eine Pontonbruecke den Strom.

Um 8 Uhr Frueh des 3 November 1943, einem schoenen sonnigen Tag, beginnt der Angriff auf Kiew.  Gegen 2 Uhr Nachmittag ueberquert unsere Kompanie die Eisenbahnlinie am Rande der Stadt.  Die ganze Nacht fuehren wir erbitterte Kaempfe mit verzweifelt sich wehrenden Einheiten der Waffen SS.  In den Morgenstunden des 6 November 1943 befreiten die russischen Panzerdivisionen zusammen mit Panzer und Infanterieeinheiten der 1 selbstaendigen tschechoslowakischen Brigade in der UDSSR unter dem Befehl von Oberst Ludvik Svoboda die Hauptstadt der Ukraine – Kiew.  Die Sowjetregierung wertete die Kampfhandlungen der tschechoslowakischen Brigade sehr hoch.  Sie zeichnete 42 Offiziere – unter denen sich fast alle juedischen Kommandanten befanden, 64 Unteroffiziere und 29 einfache Soldaten met orden und Medaillen aus.  Der President der Tschechoslowakischen Republik zeichnete mit dem “Tschechoslowakischen Kriegskreuz 1939” “in memoriam” 41 Angehorige der Brigade aus, die im Kampf um Kiew ihr Leben geopfert haben.  Es sind unter ihnen die juedischen Soldaten, Dr. Oskar Bachrich, der Gefreite Leo Heller, der Gefreite Jan Fischer, der Korporal Jan Hausner, der Leutnant und Batteriekommandant Erwin Falter…weitere juedische Unteroffiziere und auch der junge Zugsfuehrer Alfred Elsner aus Ostrau…

Vom ersten Tag an, de er in Novochopjorsk den Militaerzug bestieg fuehrte Zugsfuehrer Elsner ein Tagebuch bis einen Tag nach der Befreiung von Kiew, als ihm der unerbittliche Soldatentod die Feder aus der Hand riss. 

Iche habe vor mir das kleine duenne Heftchen.  Es ist schon vergilbt, an den Ecken zerfranst, ich trug es in der Feldtasche den langen Kampfweg von Dnjepr bis Prag, ein teures Vermachtnis meines jungen Landmannes, Kampfgefaehrten und Freundes.  Die Schrift ist schon stark verblasst, zeitweise kann ich nur mit groesster Anstrengung aus den einzelnen Buchstaben Worte und Saetze zusammenstellen.  Ich zitiere das kurze Tagebuch woertlichen erschuetterndes Bekenntnis eines jungen tschechoslowakischen Juden zur Freiheit, zur Liebe zum Leben.  Ein Bekenntnis des unbeugsamen Willens gegen die Tyrannei zu kaempfen. 

September

30     Thursday

On to the west!
Morning – the last defile in the city of Novochopjorsk.
Preparation for departure.
15.45 hours – the 1st Field Battalion begins.
16.00 – Moving off to the station.
24.00 – Departure of our military train.  We introduce supervisory service – KOPL / Heavy machine guns and assault guns / In each wagon two light machine guns.  A continuous observation service on the locomotive – telephone connection.  We sing, peel potatoes, carry water to the kitchen, we eat and dream.

30     Donnerstag

Auf nach Westen! 
Vormittag – das letzte Defillee in der Stadt Novochopjorsk.
Vorbereitung zur Abfahrt.
15.45 Uhr – Antritt des 1. Feldbataillons.
16.00 – Abmarsch auf den Bahnhof.
24.00 – Abfahrt unseres Militaerzuges.  Wir fuehren Aufsichtsdienst ein – KOPL / Schwere Maschinengewehre und Sturmgeschuetze / In jedem Waggon zwei leichte Maschinengewehre.  Einen staendigen Beobachtungsdienst auf der Lokomotive – Telephonverbindung.  Wir singen, schaelen Kartoffel, tragen Wasser in die Kueche, wir essen und träumen. 

October

1     Friday

We drive all night and all day [to] Abramavka – first station -.  Here the soldiers Blaha and Mortin are left behind.  They went to get water … but they caught up with us in a Russian military train in Skalovka station …  Rain and sunshine alternate.

1     Freitag

Wir fahren die ganze Nacht und den ganzen Tag Abramavka – erste Station -.  Hier bleiben die Soldaten Blaha und Mortin zurueck.  Sie gingen Wasser holen…  aber sie holten uns mit einem russischen Militaerzug in der Station Skalovka ein…  Regen und Sonnenschein wechselt. 

2     Saturday

24.00 hours.  Everywhere traces of strong bombardment and destruction can be seen.
6.00 hours departure.

2     Samstag

24.00 Uhr.  Ueberall sind Spuren starken Bombardierens und von Vernichtung zu sehen. 
6.00 Uhr Abfahrt. 

3     Sunday

Station “Kostomyj”.  We are still standing.  Stricter security measures against air strikes.  I issue [an] order, prohibiting leaving the wagons.  It is … It is a nice, sunny day.  Departure at 02.00 hours.  We are already in the Kursk district.  The education officers work diligently to dispel boredom from the soldiers.  They distribute handwritten front newspapers; magazines, among us.  In all cars musicians play on …

3     Sonntag

Station “Kostomyj”.  Wir stehen noch immer.  Verschaerfte Sicherheitsmassnahmen gegen Luftangriffe.  Ich gebe Anordnungen heraus, Verbote die Waggone zu verlassen.  Es ist…  Es ist ein schoener, sonniger Tag.  Abfahrt um 02.00 Uhr.  Wir sind schon im Bezirk Kursk.  Die Erziehungsoffiziere arbeiten fleissig, um den Soldaten die Langweile zu vertreiben.  Sie verteilen unter uns Frontzeitungen, Zeitschriften, die mit der Hand geschrieben sind, Nachrichten.  In allen Waggonen spielen Musikanten auf… 

8     Friday

We arrived in the area where in July the Red Army opened the counter-offensive and began its successful advance to the west.  We stand in the station Karenowo all night.  My train has guard duty against airstrikes.  Departure.  Gunfire was heard at night.  The mood of the soldiers has improved significantly as they hear the news that the Red Army has passed the Dneiper in battle.  Along the railway line are long rows of boxes of German ammunition. In the terrain we recognize the network of German and Russian barbed wire …

8     Freitag

Wir kamen in die Gegend an, in der im Juli die Rote Armee die Gegenoffensive eroeffnete und ihren erfolgreichen Vormarsch nach dem Westen begann.  Wir stehen die ganze Nacht in der Station Karenowo.  Mein Zug hat Wachdienst gegen Luftangriffe.  Abfahrt.  In der Nacht war Geschuetzfeuer zu hoeren.  Die Stimmung der Soldaten hat sich bedeutend gebessert, als sie die Nachricht erfahren, dass die Rote Armee den Dnjeper im Kampf ueberschritten hat.  Entlang der Eisenbahnlinie liegen lange Reihen von Kisten mit deutscher Munition.  Im Terrain erkennen wir das Geflecht deutscher und russischer Drahtverhaue…

9     Saturday

Vorozda – a bigger station – shot to pieces.  We stand from midnight.  A military train from our brigade has caught up with us.  In the night a “Fritz” flew.  There was also another military train of our brigade.  The music is playing again.  Departure at 13.00 hours.  The stations we pass through are bombed out …

9     Samstag

Vorozda – ein groessere Station – zerschossen.  Wir stehen von Mitternacht.  Es hat uns ein Militaerzug unserer Brigade eingeholt.  In Nacht flog ein “Fritz”.  Es kam auch noch ein weiterer Militaerzug unserer Brigade an. Die Musik spielt wieder.  Abfahrt um 13.00 Uhr. Die Stationen, die wir durchfahren, sind aus bombardiert…

10     Sunday

We continue our journey with smaller stays.  We are preparing to take out the wagon …

12.00 hours – Bachmac.  The brigade takes in an urn a little earth of the battlefield on which the Czech legionnaires fought against the Germans 25 years ago.  The urn with the historical earth is destined for the monument of the unknown soldier in Prague …  At 23.00 hours – alarm.  A German Messerschmitt has attacked one of our military trains in the station, not even 500 meters away from our train … with 8 bombs he hit a car.  8 to 10 soldiers were killed …

10     Sonntag

Wir setzen unsere Fahrt mit kleineren Aufenthalten fort.  Wir bereiten uns zum Auswaggonieren vor…

12.00 Uhr – Bachmac.  Die Brigade nimmt in eine Urne ein wenig Erde des Schlachtfeldes mit, auf dem vor 25 Jahren die tschechischen Legionaere gegen die Deutschen gekaempft haben.  Die Urne mit der historischen Erde ist fuer das Denkmal des Unbekannten Soldaten in Prag bestimmt…  Um 23.00 Uhr – Alarm.  Ein deutscher Messerschmitt hat einen unserer Militaerzuege in der Station ueberfallen, nicht ganze 500 Meter von unserem Zuge entfernt…  mit 8 Bomben traf er einen Waggon.  Dabei wurden 8 bis 10 Soldaten getoetet…

At this point, the entry in the diary of platoon commander Elsner does not coincide with the historical reality.  This inaccuracy can be explained by the fact that the train driver did not mark every day entered in his diary, which consisted of loose, not stapled sheets, with the correct date, or even left out a few days altogether.  It follows logically, that platoon commander Elsner, in the military hospital to which he was transported after his severe wound, endeavored to supplement the missing pages from his memory. – [Dr. Michael Stemmer (Stepanek)]

The bombing of the German aircraft on the Czechoslovak military train did not take place on Sunday October 10, 1943, but on Tuesday the 12th October.  By a direct hit in a four-axle wagon of the 2nd Battery, the Jewish battery commander Engineer Lieutenant Erwin Falter from Orlova near Ostrava, 8 NCOs and 30 soldiers were killed.  Through the same direct hit, three NCOs and six other soldiers were mortally wounded in the adjacent wagons of the 1st and 3rd batteries.  The total losses of the 1st Czechoslovak firefighting division on 12th October 1943 – 1 officer, 12 non-commissioned officers / of which 5 Jews / and 37 soldiers / of which 11 Jews /.

An dieser Stelle stimmt die Eintragung im Tagebuch von Zugsfuehrer Elsner nicht mit der historischen Wirklichkeit ueberein.  Diese Ungenauigkeit ist mit der Begruendung zu erklaeren, dass der Zugsfuehrer nicht jeden, in seinem, aus losen, nicht zusammengehefteten Blaettern bestehenden Tagebuch eingetragenen Tag, mit dem richtigen Datum bezeichnete, oder sogar einige Tage ueberhaupt ausliess.  Es ergibt sich die logische Schlussfolgerung, dass Zugsfuehrer Elsner sich bemuehte, im Militaerspital, in das er nach seiner schweren Verwundung ueberfuehrt wurde, die fehlenden Blaetter aus seinem Gedaechtnis zu ergaenzen.

Der Bombenangriff des deutschen Flugzeuges auf den tschechoslowakischen Militaerzug erfolgte naemlich nicht am Sonntag den 10.Oktober 1943, sondern am Dienstag den 12.Oktober.  Durch einen Volltreffer in einen vierachsigen Waggon der 2.Batterie wurde der juedische Batteriekommandant Ing. Leutnant Erwin Falter aus Orlova bei Ostrava, 8 Unteroffiziere und 30 Soldaten getoetet.  Durch denselben Volltreffer wurden in den benachbarten Waggonen der 1. und 3. Batterie 3 Unteroffiziere und 6 weitere Soldaten toedlich verwundet.  Die Gesamtverluste der 1.tschechoslowakischen Geschuetzdivision betrugen am 12.Oktober 1943 – 1 Offizier, 12 Unteroffiziere / davon 5 Juden / und 37 Soldaten / davon 11 Juden /. 

11     Monday

Five more alarms were announced.  Then a group of our soldiers helped to dispose of the wreckage of the wagons and repair the ruined railway line.  At 6.00 hours we drove out of the station.  At 9:00 am we arrived in Prikuly.  Also this station was like the rest burned down to the ground.  The city was otherwise unscathed.  Near the train station we saw a lot of airfields …  On our way we are accompanied by Russian planes of the most modern types.  What a joy a man feels, if he feels safe through their wings.  We marched for 26 kilometers into the village of P.  The inhabitants believed for a moment that we were Germans, but afterwards they welcomed us …  The Germans withdrew from this village only three weeks ago.

11     Montag

Noch fuenfmal wurde Alarm verkuendet.  Dann half eine Gruppe unserer Soldaten die Truemmer der Waggone zu beseitigen und die zerstoerte Eisenbahnlinie wieder in Stand zu setzen.  Um 6.00 Uhr fuhren wir aus der Station heraus.  Gegen 9.00 Uhr kamen wir nach Prikuly.  Auch diese Station war wie die uebrigen ausgebrannt bis auf die Grundmauern.  Die Stadt blieb sonst unversehrt.  In der Naehe des Bahnhofes sahen wir viele Flugplaetze…  Auf unseren weiteren Weg begleiten uns russische Flugzeuge der modernsten Typen.  Was fuer eine Freude empfindet ein Mensch, wenn er sich durch ihre Fluegel gesichert fuehlt.  Wir marschierten gegen 26 Kilometer in das Dorf P. Die Einwohner glaubten im ersten Moment, dase wir Deutsche seien, aber nachber nahmen sie uns lieb auf…  Aus diesen Dorf haben sich die Deutschen erst vor drei Wochen zurueckgezogen. 

13     Wednesday

At 9.00 hours departure from P-Nova Alexejowkraet; foot care; lunch.   On the way we meet a guard soldier of the 25th Soviet Division, which was our neighbor in the struggle for Sokolovo.  The men from the liberated Russian cities and villages submit themselves to the Assent Commissions.  In the evening dusk we reach the village Kozacka.  Three soldiers are quartered in a little house, we rest comfortably.  After a long time a warm meal again, after we have so much longing …

13     Mittwoch

Um 9.00 Uhr Abmarsch aus P-Nova Alexejowkraet, Fusspflege, Mittagessen.  Auf dem weiteren Wege begegnen wir einem Gard-soldaten der 25.sowjetischen Division, die unser Nachbar im Kampf um Sokolovo war.  Die Maenner aus den befreiten russischen Staedten und Doerfern stellen sich den Assentkommissionen.  In der Abend daemmerung erreichen wir das Dorf Kozacka.  Je drei Soldaten werden in einem Hauschen ein-quartiert, wir ruhen uns bequem aus.  Nach langer Zeit wieder einmal ein warmes Essen, nachdem wir schon so starke Sehnsuckt haben…

15     Friday

I sleep in a different place than last night.  Daily program: Weapons cleaning …

Italy is at war with Germans.  In the afternoon we receive instructions for the employment of the crew, for alertness and further security measures.  In the evening there is the thunder of cannon and the drone of aircraft engines in the distance.

15     Freitag

Ich schlafe auf einem anderen Ort, als vorige Nacht.  Tagesprogramm:  Waffenreinigung…

Italien hat Deutschen den Krieg.  Nachmittag erhalten wir Instruktionen feur die Beschaeftigung der Mannschaft, fuer Alarmbereitschaft und weitere Sicherheitsmassnahmen.  Am Abend ist in der Weite gedaempfter Kanonendonner und Droehnen von Flugzeugemotoren zu heeren…

16     Saturday

I take on the duties of the supervisory officer of our district.

Two NCOs and a soldier got drunk at night.  The corporal was demoted, all were put into the kitchen …

We have already been allowed to write letters …  In the evening, at 21 hours 20 minutes, the alarm is announced.  I am still in the service of the supervisory officer.  It gets around that two German saboteurs were caught with a radio station.  Some German planes have allegedly landed on Russian airfields …

16     Samstag

Ich uebernehme den Dienst des Aufsichtsoffziers unseres Quartieres.

In der Nacht haben sich zwei Unteroffiziere und ein Soldat betrunken.  Der Korporal wurde degradiert, alle wurden ins Kitchen gesteckt…

Es ist uns schon erlaubt worden Briefe zu schreiben…  Am abend, um 21. Uhr 20 Minuten wird Alarm verkuendet.  Ich bin noch immer im Dienst des Aufsichtoffiziers.  Es spricht sich herum, dass zwei deutsche Diversanten ausgeruestet mit einer Funkstation gefangen wurden.  Einige deutsche Flugzeuge sind angeblich auf russischen Flugplaetzen gelandet…

17     Sunday

I have morning service.  In the afternoon, with the company commanders, I carry out a reconnoitering of the terrain.  In the evening, the company is having fun.  We sing Russian, Czech and Slovak songs with Russian girls …

I am very tired after the service; I would like to sleep.  But in the evening many young girls came to our house.  There also came our battalion commander, Staff Captain Kholl.  We chatted happily until late into the night.

17     Sonntag

Ich habe vormittag Dienst.  Nachmittag fuehre ich mit den Kompaniekommandenten eine Rekognoszierung  des Terraines durch.  Am Abend geht es bei der Kompanie lustig zu.  Mit den russischen Maedchen singen wir russische, tschechische und slowakische Lieder…

Ich bin nach dem Dienst sehr muede, ich moechte gerne schlafen.  Aber am Abend kamen in unser Häuschen viele junge Maedchen.  Es kam auch unser Bataillonskommandant, Stabskapitaen Kholl.  Wir unterhielten uns froehlich bis spaet in die Nacht. 

18     Monday

We are recommencing reconnoitering of the terrain.  At 10 hours comes the order to pack.  The battalion prepares to march off …

At 15.15 hours departure …  The girls accompany us far after the village …

18     Montag

Wir fuehren von neuem eine Rekogniszierung des Terrains durch.  Um 10.Uhr kommt der Befehl zum Packen.  Das Bataillon bereitet sich zum Abmarsch vor…

Um 15.15 Uhr Abmarsch…  Die Maedchen begleiten uns weit hinter das Dorf…

22     Friday

Today four men returned to our train …

Departure at 15.00 hours …  At midnight we set up quarters in the forest.  At night, there are fiery flashes of exploding shells and bombs …  At 10.20 hours our company jumps over a pontoon bridge to the Dnieper …

22     Freitag

Heute kehrten zu unserem Zug vier Mann zurueck…

Abmarsch um 15.00 Uhr…  Um Mitternacht schlagen wir im Wald Quartier auf.  In der Nacht sind feurige Blitze explodierender Granaten und Bomben zu sehen…  Um 10.20 Uhr uebreschreitet unsere Kompanie ueber eine Pontonbruecke den Dnjeper…

27     Wednesday

The mortars of our brigade / 2nd Platoon of my Company, Commander, Second Lieutenant Herrman Steinberg – note of Dr. Michael Stemmerbegan a successful action against the Hitler soldiers.  Strong enemy artillery fire at night.  The first strong frost begins.  In the canteen this morning there was ice instead of tea.

27     Mittwoch

Die Granatwerfer unserer Brigade / der 2.Zug meiner Kompanie, Komandant, Unterleutnant Herrman Steinberg – Annerkung Dr.St.M. – begannen eine erfolgreiche Aktion gegen die Hitlersoldaten.  In der Nacht starkes feindliches Artilleriefeuer.  Es beginnen die ersten starken Froste.  In der feldflasche war heute morgen statt Tee Eis. 

28     Thursday

We are constantly in the reserve of a Soviet division.  We practice close combat in wooded terrain.  In the evening, the artistic ensemble of the Ukrainian Front gave a concert in our bunkers.  The bunker in which the actors, singers and dancers performed is close to the German positions …  During the entire duration of the concert, mutual artillery and mortar fire …

We are very impatient.  Not far from our positions, the Russians fight with the Nazis in the first line.  When do we intervene in the fight?  Why should we, the Czechoslovak soldiers, stay in the reserve in the fight for Kiev?

28     Donnerstag

Wir sind staendig in der Reserve einer sowjetischen Division.  Wir ueben Nahkampf im bewaldeten Terrain.  Am Abend gab das kuenstlerische Ensemble der Ukrainischen Front in unseren Bunkern ein Konzert.  Der Bunker, in dem die Schauspieler, Saenger und Taenzer auftraten, ist nahe den deutschen Stellungen…  Waehrend der ganzen Dauer des Konzertes hielt gegenseitiges Artillerie und Granatwerferfeuer an…

Wir sind schon sehr ungeduldig.  Nicht weit von unseren Stellungen kaempfen die Russen mit den Nazis in der ersten Linie.  Wann greifen wir in den kampf ein?  Warum sollen gerade wir, die tschechoslowakischen Soldaten im Kampf um Kiew in der Reserve bleiben?

31     Sunday

Occupation: Assault units practice battle in the forest.  The Russians bring more and more guns, grenade launchers, “Katyushas” and ammunition in the front line.  Rumors are spreading that two German spies, dressed in Russian uniforms, were caught in the section of our battalion …

31     Sonntag

Beschaeftigung: Angriffsabteilungen ueben Kampf im Walde.  Die Russen bringen immer mehr Geschuetze, Granatwerfer, “Katjuschas” und Munition in die erste Linie.  Es werden Geruechte verbreitet, dass im Abschnitt unseres Bataillons zwei deutsche Spione, angezogen in russische Uniformen, gefangen wurden…

November

2     Tuesday

Activity: advance through the forest, fight for a settlement.  We are watching German aircraft, dive-bomb ground targets and cover them with machine-gun fire.  In the afternoon German planes bombard the firing positions of our battalion.  Our aircraft defense has its hands full of work.

2     Dienstag

Beschaeftigung: Vormarsch durch den Wald, Kampf um eine Siedlung.  Wir beobachten deutsche Flugzeuge, die im Sturzflug auf Erdziele Bomben werfen und sie mit Maschinengewehrfeuer belegen.  Nachmittag bombardieren deutsche Flugzeuge die Feuerstellungen unseres Bataillons.  Unsere Flugzeugabwehr hat volle Haende Arbeit.

3     Wednesday

At 7 hours combat readiness is announced.  At 8 hours the artillery preparation begins.  The decisive attack on Kiev begins.  It thunders and roars from all sides … and the political officer to the squad …  At 9 hours moving off to the defensive positions.

3     Mittwoch

Um 7 Uhr frueh wird Kampfbereitschaft verkuendet.  Um 8.Uhr beginnt die Artillerievorbereitung.  Es beginnt der entscheidende Angriff auf Kiew.  Es donnert und droehnt von allen Seiten… und der politische Offizier zur Mannschaft…  Um 9.Uhr Abmarsch in die Verteidigungspositionen.

4     Thursday

The whole night we go through defense lines from which the Germans have withdrawn the day before.  Everywhere Soviet tanks, guns and “Katyushas” have been through passages developed by Soviet pioneers in densely forested areas.  The forests are full of corpses of German soldiers.  We “hurry” ourselves and at the same time we prepare for the attack.  We are only a few meters from the first front line …

Intensified security service …

An enormous multitude of Russian soldiers, equipped with modern weapons.  We are supposedly only 5 kilometers away from Kiev …

Enemy mortars explode around our defenses …

4     Donnerstag

Die ganze Nacht gehen wir durch Verteigungslinien vor, aus denen sich die Deutschen einen Tag vorher zurueckgezogen haben.  Ueberall sind sowjetischen Panzern, Geschuetzen und “Katjuschas” von sowjetischen Pionieren Durchgaenge durch dichtbewaldetes Gebeit ausgebaut worden.  Die Waelder sind voll von Leichen deutscher Soldaten.  Wir “igeln” uns ein und gleichzeitig bereiten wir ins zum Zngriff vor.  Wir sind nur einige wenige Meter von der ersten Frontlinie entfernt…

Verstaerkter Wachdienst…

Eine ungeheure Menge russicher Soldaten, ausgeruestet mit modernen Waffen.  Wir sind angeblich nur noch 5 Kilometer von Kiew entfernt…

Rings um unsere Verteidigungsstelllung explodieren feindliche Granaten…

5     Friday

“Katyushas” are firing at the Germans.  Our mortars participate in the fire.  Scout troops of our brigade penetrate deep into the German positions …  Soviet “Shturmoviks” [see wikipedia, and, ru.wikipedia] fly over the German positions.  The Germans unleashed a hurricane of anti-defense fire against them.  Our heads are ringing from the thunder of the cannon.

At 11 hours moving off …

We attack in the direction of – Kiev.  Our battalion forms the reserve of the 1st Czechoslovak Brigade.  Everything: automobiles; guns; tanks; people, swim in a powerful stream – everything moves forward.  Enemy mortars fall into our ranks.  However, we continue to penetrate.  Already we have made the first line …  We storm forward inexorably … ”

In this phase of the attack on Kiev I am only a few meters away from Platoon Commander Elsner.  Covered by our tanks, our company rushes in inexorably with its train.  Towards evening we stop on a hill in front of the city.  In front of our eyes, there is a wide view of the valley, where the city lies, surrounded by dark swirling smoke.  We descend into the valley and march to the city.  On the streets we see bodies of Hitler’s soldiers; shattered and charred German tanks.

Platoon Commander Elsner stops in front of an automobile of the German army post office.  Its engine is still working; out of the broken window protrudes a frozen hand, holding out a leather bag.  Elsner opens the cabin door and the body of a German soldier falls on the ground.  From the shot-through canteen on the belt black steaming coffee slowly flows out.  Elsner opens the bag and letters drop out of it.  They are from Germany.  “What do German women write to their men and sons at the front?”, says the young train leader.  He opens a letter and reads its contents.  He reads a long time – then he silently hands it to me.  The letter contains only a few sentences.  I quote them literally: _____ mistakes …  [Dr. Michael Stemmer (Stepanek)]

“The clothes benefited the children, but I was afraid so nobody would find out that they were bloodstained.  People are jealous today, there could be unnecessary talking in the house.  I cleaned them to some extent and removed the stains and then sold them straight away.  You can send something again, but prefer something less soiled.  You should be a little more careful and at least cut off the yellow stars…  I’m free for your next package…”

Suddenly I feel a burning pain in my knee.  I fall to the ground; I try to sit up, it cannot be …  My soldiers put me on a wagon of the mortar company of Lieutenant Bedrich and with other wounded soldiers they took me to our field hospital …  From there we are evacuated into the hinterland … What a pity; how would I like to be with my boys in Kiev …

5     Freitag

“Katjuschas” feuern auf die Deutschen.  Unsere Granatwerfer beteiligen sich an dem Feuer.  Spaehtruppen unserer Brigade dringen tief in die deutschen Stellungen ein…  Sowjetische “Sturmowiky” fliegen ueber die deutchen Stellungen.  Die Deutschen entfesselten gegen sie einen Uragan [ouragan – Fr.] von Abwehrgeschuetzfeuer.  Es droehnt [dröhnt] uns der Kopf von dem Kannonengebruell.

Um 11.Uhr Abmarsch…

Wir greifen in der Richtung – Kiew – an. Unser Bataillon bildet die Reserve der 1.tschechoslowakischen Brigade.  Alles, Automobile, Geschuetze, Panzer, Menschen schwimmen in einem maechtigem Strom – alles bewegt sich nach vorn.  In unsere Reihen fallen feindliche Granaten.  Wir dringen jedoch weiter vor.  Schon haben wir die erste Linie uebreschritten…  Wir stuermen unaufhaltsam vorwaerts…”

In dieser Phase des Angriffes auf Kiew bin ich nur einige wenige Meter von Zugsfuehrer Elsner entfernt.  Gedeckt durch unsere Panzer, stuermt unsere Kompanie mit seinem Zug unaufhaltsam vor.  Gegen Abend machen wir auf einem Huegel vor der Stadt halt.  Vor unseren Augen bietet sich ein weiter Ausblick in das Tal, wo die Stadt liegt, eingehuellt in dunkle Rauchschwenden.  Wir steigen ins Tal nieder und marschieren zur Stadt.  Auf den Strassen sehen wir Leichen von Hitersoldaten, zerschossene und verkohlte deutsche Panzer.

Zugsfuehrer Elsner bleibt vor dem Automobil der deutschen Feldpost stehen.  Sein Motor arbeitet noch, aus dem zerbrochenen Fenster ragt eine erstarrte Hand, eine Ledertasche haltend, heraus.  Elsner oeffnet die Kabinentuer und der Koerper eines deutschen Soldaten faellt auf die Erde.  Aus der durchschossenen Feldflasche am Riemen fliesst langsam schwarzen dampfender Kaffe heraus.  Elsner oeffnet die Tasche und es fallen aus ihr Briefe heraus.  Sie sind aus Deutschland.  “Was schreiben deutsche Frauen ihren Maennern und Soehnen an die Front?”, sagt der junge Zugsfuehrer.  Er macht einen Brief auf und liest seinen Inhalt.  Er liest lange – dann reicht er mir ihn schweigend.  Der Brief enthaelt nur einige Saetze.  Ich zitiere sie woertlich: ___en Fehlern…

“Die Kleider sind den Kindern zu gute gekommen, aber ich bekam Angst, damit niemand daraufkommt, dass es Blutflecken waren.  Die Menschen sind heute neidisch, es koennte im Hause zu unnoetigen Rederei en kommen.  Ich habe sie einigermassen gereinigt und die Flecken beseitigt und dann lieber gleich verkauft.  Du kannst wieder etwas schicken, aber lieber etwas weiniger verschmutztes.  Du solltest etwas vorsichtiger sein und wenigstens die gelben Stern abtrennen…  Ich freie mich auf dein naechstes Pakett…”

Ploetzlich fuehle ich einen brennenden Schmerz im Knie.  Ich falle zur Erde, versuche mich aufzurichten, es geht nicht…  Meine Soldaten legten mich auf einen Wagon der Granatwerferkompanie von Unterleutnant Bedrich und mit anderen verwundeten Soldaten brachten sie mich in unser Feldlazarett…  Von dort werden wir ins Hinterland evakuiert… Schade, wie gerne waere ich mit meinen Jungen in Kiew…

6     Saturday

I am in the field hospital …

6     Samstag

Ich bin im Feldlazarett…

7     Sunday

I am in the field hospital …

7     Sonntag

Ich bin im Feldlazarett…

8     Monday

I’m in the field hospital … The letter I took from the German soldier in Kiev has been given to platoon commander Karel Biheller.  He should send it to the editors of our front newspaper.  Too bad, that I see so poorly …  I cannot read the paper … maybe the letter has already appeared …?

Here ended the diary of Platoon Commander Elsner.  He could not continue it.  He succumbed to his serious injuries. – [Dr. Michael Stemmer (Stepanek)]

8     Montag

Ich bin im Feldlazarett…  Den Brief, den ich dem deutschen Soldaten in Kiew abgenommen habe, habe Zugsfuehrer Karel Biheller gegeben.  Er soll ihn die Redaktion unserer Frontzeitung schicken.  Schade, dass ich so schlecht sehe…ich kann die Zeitung nicht lessen…  vielleicht ist der Brief schon erschienen…?

Hier endete das Tagebuch des Zugsfuehrer Elsner.  Er konnte es nicht weiter fuehren.  Er erlag seinen schweren Verletzungen.

Platoon Commander Karel Biheller, a young Jewish tradesman from Ostrava, was wounded in my dugout on the first day of the attack on Kiev by a German shell.  While he was brought to the field hospital with severe injuries, where he was lying next to Platoon Commander Elsner, I got off with some abrasions …  The letter, that Elsner had taken in my presence from the dead German soldier in Kiev, Karel Biheller gave me in liberated Prague after the war.  I have published it with an excerpt from the diary of Platoon Commander Elsner in the central organ of the Czechoslovakian People’s Army “Obrana lidu” on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the battle for Kiev.  This article displayed me and Karel Biheller; at the time I was a senior officer of the Czechoslovak army, in the period of the political show trials of the fifties; the accusation “Zionist propaganda”; interrogation by civilian and military security organs – temporary, short imprisonment, suspension of active military service for me – and Karel Biheller, the mediator of the letter of the Nazi soldier killed in the fight for Kiev, a long-term imprisonment …

Only after my and Colonel Karel Biheller’s rehabilitation in 1956 was the diary of platoon commander Elsner allowed to be published again in the Czechoslovak army press. – [Dr. Michael Stemmer (Stepanek)]

Zugsfuehrer Karel Biheller, ein junger  juedischer Handelsangestellter aus Ostrava, wurde in meinen Schuetzengraben am ersten Tage des Angriffes auf Kiew von einer deutschen Granate verwundet.  Waehrend er mit schweren Verletzungen in das Feldlazarett ueberfuehrt wurde, wo er neben Zugsfuehrer Elsner zu liegen kam, kam ich mit einigen Hautabschuerfungen davon…  Den Brief, den Elsner in meiner Gegenwart des toten deutschen Soldaten in Kiew abgenommen hatte, gab mir Karel Biheller nach den Krieg im befreiten Prag.  Ich habe ihn mit einen Auszug aus dem Tagebuch von Zugsfuehrer Elsner im Zentralorgan der tschechoslowakischen Volksarmee “Obrana lidu” anlaesslich des 5 Jahrestages Kampfes um Kiew veroeffentlicht.  Dieser Artikel trug mir und Karel Biheller, damals such schon wie ich ein hoher Offizier der tschechoslowakischen Armee, in der Zeit der politischen Schauprozesse der fuenfziger Jahre den Vorwurf “Zionistischer Propaganda”, Verhoere durch zivile und militaerische Sicherheitsorgane – mir zur zeitweilige, kurze Inhaftierun, Suspendierung vom aktiven Militaerdienst – und Karel Biheller, dem Vermittler des Briefes des nazistischen, im Kampf um Kiew getoeteten Soldaten, eine langjaehrige Kerkerhaft ein…

Erst nach meiner und Oberst Karel Bihellers im Jahre 1956 erfolgten Rehabilitierung, durfte das Tagebuch von Zugsfuehrer Elsner wiederum in der tschechoslowakischen Armeepresse veröffentlicht werden.

_________________________

References, references, references!

Websites

1st Czechoslovak Independent Brigade, at…

CzechPatriots (via Archive.org (“Czechoslovak Military Units in the USSR (1942-1945)”)

1st Czechoslovak Army Corps, at…

CzechPatriots (via Archive.org (“Czechoslovak Military Units in the USSR (1942-1945)”)

1st Czechoslovak Army Corps in the Soviet Union, at…

Wikipedia

ru.Wikipedia

Czechoslovak Independent Tank Brigade in the USSR [československá samostatná TANKOVÁ BRIGADA v SSSR], at…

Model Forum

Ludvik Svobda, at…

Ludvík Svoboda.cz

Ludvík Svoboda.cz (via Archive.org; “Ludvík Svoboda – army general – president of Czechoslovakia 1968 – 1975”)

Karel Borský (Kurt Biheller), at…

cs.wikipedia (“Karel Borský”)

Valka.cz (“Biheller, Kurt (Borský, Karel)”)

Rotanazdar.cz (“Četař Karel Biheller-Borský”)

Michael (Michael) Stemmer-Štěpánek, at…

ArmedConflicts (“Stemmer (Štěpánek), Michal”)

Yad Vashem (“Testimony of Michael Michael Stemmer-Stepanek, regarding his experiences in the Czechoslovakian regiment in the context of the Red Army in Bosoluk, Kiev, Czechoslovakia and Slovakia”, specifically, pages 19 through 23)

Central Military Archive of the Czech Republic, at…

Vuapraha.cz

Obrana lidu (Newspaper “The Defense of the People; ISSN 0231-6218), at…

DigitalNiknihovna.cz

The Second Battle of Kiev, at…

Wikipedia

Jewish Soldiers in World War Two, at…

Yad Vashem (Jewish Soldiers in the Allied Armies)

Yad Vashem (Jews in the Red Army, 1941-1945)

Yad Vashem Archives, Jerusalem, Israel

Diary of Sergeant Alfred Elsner, Records Group O.59 / 204, File Number O.33 / 204

Expert’s Report Concerning “Factual Report and Documentation: Investigation of Jewish Soldiers in the Czechoslovak Army in the Soviet Union in the Years 1939 – 1945” – Author: Dr. Michael Stemmer – Stepanek; Arranged by: Erich Kulka
Deposited: Yad Vashem Archives, Act No. E / 10-2, 3030/267-e

Books

Абрамович, Арон (Abramovich, Aron), В Решающей Войне : Участие и Роль Евреев СССР в Войне Против Нацизма (In the Decisive War : The Participation and Role of the Jews of the USSR in the War Against Nazism), Тель-Авив, Израиль (Tel-Aviv, Israel), 1982 (OCLC 10304647)

Gilbert, Martin, Atlas of Jewish History, Dorset Press, 1976

Kulka, Erich, Jews in Svoboda’s Army in the Soviet Union – Czechoslovak Jewry’s Fight Against the Nazis During World War II, University Press of America, Lanham, Md., 1987

Leivers, Dorothy, Road to Victory – Jewish Soldiers of the 16th Lithuanian Division, Avotaynu, Bergenfield, N.J., 2009

Свобода, Людвик [Svoboda, Ludvik], От Бузулука до Праги [Ot Buzuluka do Pragi / From Buzuluk to Prague], Воениздат, Moskva [Voenizdat, Moskva / Military Publishing House, Moscow] 1969 [OCLC 5330613; Translated from Czech]

[Vojenské osobnosti československého odboje. 1939–1945.  Vojenský historický ústav Praha.  Vojenský historický ústav Bratislava.  Praha, květen 2005 (Ministerstvo obrany České republiky – Agentura vojenských informací a služeb, 2005 ISBN 80-7278-233-9)]

Military Personalities of the Czechoslovak Resistance. 1939–1945.  Military Historical Institute Prague.  Military Historical Institute Bratislava.  Prague, May 2005 (Ministry of Defense of the Czech Republic – Military Information and Services Agency, 2005 ISBN 80-7278-233-9)

Zide v boji a odboji trojjazycne – Rezistence československých Židů v letech druhé světové války [The Jews in Battle and in The Resistance – The Resistance Efforts of the Czechoslovak Jews during World War II], An exhibition initiated by the Jewish Community in Prague under the leadership of Ing. Tomáš Jelínek, Held by the Association of Jewish Soldiers and Resistance Fighters, Maiselova 18, 110 00 Prague 1; Poprvé byla tato výstava představena v roce 2005 v prostorách Poslanecké sněmovny České republiky [This exhibition was first presented in 2005 in the premises of the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic]

Journal Articles

Binar, Aleš, Participation of Czechoslovaks in The Battle of Kyiv 1943, Military Historical Bulletin (СТОРІНКАМИ ДРУГОЇ СВІТОВОЇ ВІЙНИ), 110-130, V 41, N 3, 2021 (DOI: 10.33099/2707-1383-2021-41-3-110-131 / УДК: 94(477)(-25)(1943))

Gitelman, Zvi, “Why They Fought: What Soviet Jewish Soldiers Saw and How It Is Remembered”, NCEER [National Council for Eurasian and East European Research Working Paper] Contract Number: 824-03g, September 21, 2011

Thoughts from The Frontier: Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R., by Jacob Lestschinsky (Jewish Frontier, December, 1948)

As described in Thoughts from The Frontier: Jacob Lestschinsky, Demographer and Scholar, this December 1948 essay – “Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R.” – is Lestschinsky’s final writing for the Jewish Frontier.    

His previous essays for the journal were:

The Jews of Central Europe – June, 1938
The Fate of Six Million – July, 1938
Jews in Baltic Lands – August, 1938
In Fascist Rumania – September, 1938
Terror in Polish Universities – April, 1939

Though he could draw no definitive conclusions about the future, Lestschinsky was entirely realistic in his appraisal, whether explicit or implied, about the paired impacts of Communism and Stalinism upon the Jews of the Soviet Union, whether individually or collectively.  

______________________________

The Jewish children of the USSR
are brought up with no knowledge whatever of their people’s history,
and acquire through their education no personal bond with its collective destiny.

* * * * * * *

…the reader is amazed to see how the Yiddish language
has been turned into an implement for estranging Jews from their past,
from Jews elsewhere in the world, and from all hope of a Jewish future. 
The vocabulary of these productions is dry, wooden, destitute of any values or conceptions
that might convey overtones out of Jewish history and Jewish destiny.  
Nowhere does one encounter such words as Exile, Redemption, Messiah, Destruction,
the prophet Elijah, the prophets generally,
Moses, the Temple, Jerusalem, Eretz Israel,
the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
Bible, Talmud, Shulkhan Arukh, Kabbalah,
Sabbath, the festivals, Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, Tishah B’Av, Simkhas Torah,
or any of the myriad expressions that lend color to the Yiddish language,
awakening time-honored memories and stirring up immemorial hopes.

* * * * * * *

… there is not a single piece about either of the two epochal events
that have dominated Jewish writing elsewhere,
in all tongues,
and in all forms of literature and journalism:
nothing about the catastrophe of European Jewry,
and nothing about the fight for the State of Israel. 

* * * * * * *

… a poet like David Hofstein, who once wrote with such poignant feeling, in his own way,
about the Holy Spirit in Exile,
joining in the chorus of muteness,
and saying not a word about the Jewish tragedy,
though he writes about everything else under the sun – not excluding the panergyrics to Stalin.

* * * * * * *

“The sun itself might have been quenched,
Chocked by blood and ash and loam,
Had not the blooming of my home
The brilliant orb with radiance drenched.
For Stalin’s strength and Stalin’s will
Mine earth irradiate to its heart.”

______________________________

Jewish Expressions in the USSR
December, 1948

THE CULTURE which sustains nationality among most peoples has almost the power of natural necessity.  Without taking any special pains, a Frenchman from the day of his birth is imbued with potent influences of his national tradition and contemporary environment.  Jews are not in the fortunate position.  The traditions and environment of other nationalities affect the Jews with almost the force of natural necessity; and to sustain his own cultural heritage and his sentiment of ethnic “belongingness,” he must apply himself deliberately to the maintenance of the Jewish language, schools, and literature.

What is the situation of Soviet Jewry in this respect?  There are hardly any Jewish schools.  Even those in Biro-Bidjan cannot pretend to constitute a school system in which all Jewish children would be educated in the Yiddish language.  The Jewish children of the USSR are brought up with no knowledge whatever of their people’s history, and acquire through their education no personal bond with its collective destiny.  Thus, is there is any element of culture cementing the Jewish group in the USSR today and holding out hope for their future as a Soviet nationality, it can only be the literature produced there in the Yiddish language.  It is appropriate, therefore, to ask ourselves whether Yiddish literature, of the type that is being created in the USSR, makes for continuity, or if it makes precisely for the disintegration of Jewish ethnic existence.

I HAVE before me six Yiddish volumes recently issued in the USSR – five issues of the review Heimland, published in Moscow, and one volume of the review Der Shtern, published in Kiev.  The latter book – 121 pages of stories, essays, and poetry – one approaches with the highest anticipation.  Kiev, the capital of the Ukraine, had in pre-way days a deeply-rooted Jewish community with strong traditions, one that had developed unique institutions, and today, according to Soviet sources, Kiev is the center of a region in which there should be a resettled Jewish population of around a million.

Turning to this review first, the reader is amazed to see how the Yiddish language has been turned into an implement for estranging Jews from their past, from Jews elsewhere in the world, and from all hope of a Jewish future.  The vocabulary of these productions is dry, wooden, destitute of any values or conceptions that might convey overtones out of Jewish history and Jewish destiny.  Nowhere does one encounter such words as Exile, Redemption, Messiah, Destruction, the prophet Elijah, the prophets generally, Moses, the Temple, Jerusalem, Eretz Israel, the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Bible, Talmud, Shulkhan Arukh, Kabbalah, Sabbath, the festivals, Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, Tishah B’Av, Simkhas Torah, or any of the myriad expressions that lend color to the Yiddish language, awakening time-honored memories and stirring up immemorial hopes.

The content of these writings is equally strange: not a single picture from specifically Jewish life.  One might conclude that there is no specifically identifiable context of Jewish life to become the subject of literature.  But even among the protagonists of these stories there is none who shows any trace of an individual Jewish quality, of specific Jewish concerns or experiences.

TAKING all six volumes together, there is not a single piece about either of the two epochal events that have dominated Jewish writing elsewhere, in all tongues, and in all forms of literature and journalism: nothing about the catastrophe of European Jewry, and nothing about the fight for the State of Israel.  There is an occasional reference, to be sure, to one or another Jewish protagonist’s having lost his father or mother, but these facts are mentioned in such a markedly dry and off-hand manner that the impression created is of a purely individual misfortune, a mere incident.  That this extraordinary silence is concerted, not accidental, becomes obvious enough when one sees a poet like David Hofstein, who once wrote with such poignant feeling, in his own way, about the Holy Spirit in Exile, joining in the chorus of muteness, and saying not a word about the Jewish tragedy, though he writes about everything else under the sun – not excluding the panergyrics to Stalin.

But if the slaughter of the Jews is occasionally referred to, in individual cases, there is utter blankness about Israel – verboten!  Material about this new state, with its 700,000 Jews through whom Soviet policy may hope to score some points in its conduct of international affairs – this is an export commodity for the back pages of Einikeit, and occasionally for the front pages, when it can serve to embarrass England and the United States among Jews abroad.  But, in poetry, criticism, or belles lettres – not a word.  Israel is prohibited from entering the hearts of Soviet Jewry – at least through the medium of Yiddish literature.

Well, then, can one find anywhere in the reviews a piece about the Jews in any other country of the world?  Not that, either.  Even the Jews of Poland, Rumania, and Hungary – all countries with Communist governments – do not exist!  No discussion in a Yiddish review of the very interesting Yiddish literature and Yiddish press that has arisen in neighboring, Communist Poland!  The Soviet Jew must be purely and strictly Soviet, hermetically protected against any contact with Jewish culture beyond the border.

Let us overlook this idiosyncrasy and ask – What about Jewish culture in the Soviet Union itself?  Nowhere any article on Jewish education, or any specific Jewish problem in the USSR!  No cursory or incidental mention by any character in a story of the existence of matters of specifically Jewish interest.

Most revealing is the way these reviews portray the Jew in his contact with his non-Jewish neighbors.  In the Ukraine, the local non-Jewish population was responsible for the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Jews.  In Byelo-Russia the number was smaller because fewer Jews lived there, but in proportion the crime was non smaller.  Did this orgy of murder by the neighbors of the Ukrainian and Byelo-Russian Jews leave any traces in the relations between Jew and non-Jew?  Not a trace; current Soviet Yiddish literature is silent on this point.  Rather, it is far from silent: it paints such an idyllic picture of love between Jew and non-Jew, that we should all celebrate the arrival of Messianic times – lambs lying down with lions, swords forged into ploughshares.  At least, in Yiddish belles lettres in the Soviet Union all these prophecies have been realized.  It is painful to read in Yiddish, in one’s own tongue, such a sycophantically aggressive wooing of those who so recently stepped their hands in Jewish blood.  The harmony portrayed between Jew and Gentile in the Ukraine and Byelo-Russia is not a mere cooperation in common projects; it is intimate and personal – not only no difference of opinion, but no difference of feeling.  Before such an overweening, offensive of love, the other party must certainly yield – until the next wave of pogroms…

According to this literature, there can hardly be a dozen guilty men in all Ukraine and Byelo-Russia.  Even the though the life portrayed is largely, even mainly, lived in contact with Gentiles, rarely does one come across an anti-Semite, let alone a Jew-killer.  All saints!  The chauvinists and reactionaries who murdered the Jews – all gone.  Are Soviet Jews compiling documentary materials on those distant events of 1941 to 1944 when certain obscure ruffians, strangers to the spirit of the Soviet Ukraine and Byelo-Russia, destroyed a matter of a million Jews or so in such remote places as Kiev and Berditchev, Odessa and Kharkov, Minsk and Gomel?  We do not know.  About three years ago, there were some references to such a project, but they quickly died down.  Now, one hears no more about it.  But the Yiddish belles letters of 1948 have quite other concerns than to evoke melancholy feelings among Jews because of a few exceptional Ukrainians and Byelo-Russians who, long, long ago, in 1941-1944, were misled by the Germans and took a small part in the extermination of the Jews.  The theory of this literature is that all the Ukranians and Byelo-Russians whom Jews meet in kolkhoz and factory, in offices and in institutions, are too kind and pure to harm a hair on a Jew’s head; most of them, indeed, saved Jews from death in those old, unhappy days.

TO BE more specific, let us begin with no less a writer than the novelist David Bergelson, the author of Nokh Alemen and and Avrum Vokzal, in which Jewish nostalgia and Jewish individuality, the decay of ancient values and traditions, and anxiety over the clouded future of Jewishness achieve so fine an expression.  That David Bergelson is no longer recognizable in the Soviet author writing on “Jewish” themes in Yiddish today.  The fabula of his new novel, which is being printed serially in Heimland, concerns an American Jewish professor of Russian origin who journeys to Biro-Bidjan to seek out the sweetheart of his youth.  Meanwhile, he observes the marvelous development of the new region, and the new types of Jews who live there.  And they are indeed new types, particularly for the old Bergelson nothing identifiable as Jewish, beyond the name, but each one a true copy of the standard Soviet citizen.  Their achievements are not celebrated as Jewish triumphs nor their setbacks grieved at as Jewish defeats, but in all respects their project is presented as one of the great USSR, directly.

What sort of poetry is printed in the Ukranian Yiddish review?  Here certainly, in this most personal form of expression and in the journal of one of the densest Jewish populations, one might hope for a more intimate Jewishness.  The first poem in the review, by Khanne Levin, is entitled “Our Sun,” and includes lines which read roughly as follows:

“The sun itself might have been quenched,
Chocked by blood and ash and loam,
Had not the blooming of my home
The brilliant orb with radiance drenched.
For Stalin’s strength and Stalin’s will
Mine earth irradiate to its heart.”

For the rest, the poem is a bouquet of curses for England and America and a shower of praises upon the sole savior of a world menaced by fascism – that is, Stalin’s Russia.  The opening lines and some additional verses are sufficiently illustrative:

“You there, choking on the venom
Of hatred for my land,
‘Gainst whom do you now raise a hand?”
“For all that turns unto the light
Must go with us, does go with us.”

The same poetess contributes a poem on practically the same theme, entitled “For Human Joy”.  Its joyous refrain runs as follows:

“O, blossom forth with joy and glee
For the happy dream of humanity!
And a bullet for him who first lets fly
In all the world a battle-cry!”

After this political poetry, we find a long story, the major item in the review, laying down, so to speak, its economic program.  The story contains a romantic tale which we may ignore, because it is a minor and unilluminating element.  The hero of the story is Ephraim, a Jew who had come back after five years of war to find his wife and children lost (how lost, is not explained), and, without taking even a few days to rest from the war effort, went back at once to find his old job in the tractor station, throwing himself into the work with unbounded energy.  An older version of Ephraim is Kovel Gedalya, one other Jewish worker in the station.  When a Ukrainian worker, Danilo, comes to work late once, because he is tired, Kovel Gedalya speaks as follows: “Well, Danilo, do you think Comrade Stalin doesn’t work day and night?  To carry through such a war, a trifle.  He was at all the fronts!  Everywhere, he had to see things personally.  He even came to us in the Urals, a mere trifle!  And don’t forget, that he’s not so young anymore; but for him nothing is too hard – work is work.  Now then, Danilo, get behind that hammer!”  (p. 27)  These two figures exemplify the function of the Jew in the Soviet economy, as portrayed by Soviet Yiddish letters – to stimulate effort, to be tireless, to labor unremittingly who brain and brawn, and to urge on others to do likewise.  The heroes are two Jews among many non-Jews who set the dominant tone of their lives.  But even when the two meet alone, or speak to the two Jewish women in the story, both of them from Ephraim’s hone-town, (the older one lost her husband and child, and the other, Malkah, whom Ephraim later marries, had not both her parents) they never speak as Jews, never mentioned that their personal tragedies might have something to do with their being Jews, or that there might be some among their non-Jewish fellow-workers who participated in the slaughter.  In the climatic love scene between Ephraim and Malkah, they talk about “ordering new machines, shops, setting up workers’ clubs as light and airy as palaces.” (p. 49)

Other items in the review are “Spring 1948” by Moshe Pinchevsky, which hopes in verse for “thirty hundredweight” of grain her hectare and P. Kritichansky sings about “axes roaming the mighty woods,” and girls preparing “dams to cut in the forest.”  This poet is also represented by two other poems, “By the River” and “In the Village,” in the latter of which “a cow stands thoughtfully still.”

We come, thus, to a story by a well-known Soviet author, H. Blaustein, bearing the intriguing title “His Dream.”  What is the “dream” of a Jewish scientist in the Soviet Union?  He dreams of success in breeding experiments with rabbits.  The “resolute laborer of science,” David Vitkin, is afflicted momentarily with doubts concerning an experiment going on in a Soviet institute, but he summons up he reserves of resolution and labors on doggedly until he achieves his goal!  There is a complication concerning a manuscript by an outstanding Soviet scientist who had been killed by the Germans, attempting to steal his discoveries.  David finds the manuscript and completes the experiment, realizing the dream of the martyred Soviet genius.

THIS selection is representative of the Jewish quality of all the other stories and poems in the collection.  But one additional piece deserves special attention.  The author, Itzik Kipnis, is exceptional in that he was charged a while ago with chauvinism, and this story evidently represents an attempt at self-rehabilitation.  He tells of Herschel Mechanik and his wife, Idda, who decide to adopt an orphan – “The government will not neglect them, but aren’t we also under an obligation?” says Herschel.  In the orphanage, their enthusiasm rises and the childless couple return with two children.  As to the little girl, it is not certain whether she is Jewish or Christian – her name is Zoya – but the boy’s name is Kostya, and his father was called Konstantin Pavlovitch Netchiporuk.  And the director of the orphanage who entrusted these children to the Jewish couple is named Anna Antonovna.  It is no doubt praiseworthy that a Jewish couple should extend its parental care to Soviet orphans without discrimination as to religion or nationality, but should not one of the parties involved be concerned as to the education of the children?  Obviously not.  They will be educated in an international spirit – to put it more concretely, in a Russian or even Ukrainian milieu.  Herschel Mechanik’s house preserves none of the atmosphere of Jewish tradition, has no trace of Jewish individuality, no sign that it is not a Russian or Ukrainian home.  Thus, Anna Antonovna, whose sentiments and loyalties are surely, if not those of Christian religion, at least those of Russian nationality, doesn’t even think it necessary to raise the question how Kostya, the son of Konstantin Pavlovitch Netchiporuk, will be brought up in the home of Herschel Mechanik.

The light this story casts on the depletion and lifelessness of Jewish culture in the USSR needs no further commentary.  It is worth pointing, however, that Netchiporuk is very closely related indeed to the bloody Bogdan Khmelnitsky of seventeenth century fame, and the posterity of that notorious ancestor demonstrated very plainly only a few years ago how true they remain to the traditions of their national hero.

Thoughts from The Frontier: Terror in Polish Universities, by Jacob Lestschinsky (Jewish Frontier, April, 1939)

As noted in Thoughts from The Frontier: Jacob Lestschinsky, Demographer and Scholar, this essay – “Terror in Polish Universities”, from April of 1939 – is the last of Lestschinsky’s five pre-war writings published in the Jewish Frontier during the late 1930s.  Here, Lestschinsky revisits Polish Jewry through the experiences of Jewish students in Polish academic institutions.  Alas, the point all-too-soon became moot: The Second World War began in Europe five months after the publication of this article.        

The previous essays are:

The Jews of Central Europe – June, 1938
The Fate of Six Million – July, 1938
Jews in Baltic Lands – August, 1938
In Fascist Rumania – September, 1938

Lestschinsky’s final Jewish Frontier essay, published three years after the Second World War’s end, is:

Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R. – December, 1948

______________________________

The Jewish students are determined not to yield any of the positions. 
The decrease in their number is due not only to the limitations on enrollment
but also to the fact that some left the Polish universities
to attend those in foreign countries and others gave up their studies altogether. 
The majority, however, remain in the universities,
attend the lectures and refuse the hoodlums the pleasure of having driven them out. 
They remain standing for five and six hours during lectures;
they are often humiliated and beaten, but they do not yield.

______________________________

Terror in Polish Universities
April, 1939

“ATTACKS FROM the rear and ganging up against individuals have become normal occurrences among Polish students.  The academic authorities and officials are being terrorized…  Conscious deception is employed together with clubs, stink bombs, tear gas and iron weapons.  Let those who originated this method of struggle not try to persuade us that the “holy war” against the Jews justifies even such means.  A war of one people against another is also subject to laws of moral honor.  No self-respecting army will dishonor the military name by designating as a soldier one who uses weapons to attack an unarmed person.

“Only a few years ago none would have believed that armed criminals would be free to attack defenseless persons in the institutions of higher learning.”

Who was the author of this speech?  Who was it that dared to characterize the Polish students, the future leaders and lawmakers of Poland, in such terms?

The speech was not made by a Jew or a Socialist, nor even by a democrat.    It was delivered by none other than the vice-minister of education, Professor Cornel Ojeski on April 5, 1937 and it was broadcast over the Polish radio.

But despite this one and similar speeches, recent years have witnessed the murder of many Jewish students and the wounding of hundreds in Polish universities.  Ghetto benches were instituted in the class rooms and the Polish universities were transformed into such a purgatory for Jewish students that attending lectures is now fraught with mortal danger, in the literal meaning of the word.

The tragi-comedy in the Polish universities began soon after the jubilation over the newly found independence.  In the very first years of Polish sovereignty, the “Nardowo” democrats, a pre-war anti-Semitic party, sponsored the demand for limitation on the number of Jews in the universities.  The demand for legislation by the Sejm they supported by organized attacks on Jewish students in the schools.  But Poland was at that time dependent on France and Poincare intervened to prevent the liberated country from taking the shameful step.  Those were golden days for Polish Jewry and they are now forgotten.  As the years went by, the attacks increased, but until 1933 they were still of a sporadic nature.  But since that year the attacks became more clearly organized and consistent and also more murderous and dangerous in scope.  No less than twenty-five Jewish students were killed during the past 5-6 years; several hundred were seriously wounded; two students became insane after being subjected to several attacks and hundreds of students voluntarily left the universities.  But the 4,000 still remaining, are conducting a heroic struggle against the shameful segregation and the ghetto benches that were instituted in their “alma maters,” and against the return of medievalism in schools where only 25 years ago Jewish students offered their lives in the fight against the Czarist regime and for the liberation of Poland.

The first demand of the anti-Semites for a “numerus clausus” has long ago been fulfilled.  The following figures illustrate how subserviently the government carries out the commands of the “armed criminals” in the universities of free Poland.  In 1933 there were 51,770 students in the Polish universities.  Of this number, 9,694, or 18.7% were Jews.  Since 91% of all the students came from urban families and the Jews constitute 27% of the urban population, it is obvious that the Jews were entitled to a much higher percentage.  That would be true even if we were to abandon the natural and healthy principle of free and unhampered choice of professions by the citizens and substitute in its stead the dangerous and abnormal point of view that people should enter professional life on a national basis and not on the basis of individual abilities.

In 1935, only 7,114 Jewish students remained and in 1938 their number still further decreased to 4,791 or 9.9% of the entire student body.  The demands of the “armed criminals” on the Polish campus were thus completely fulfilled.

But appetite increases with the eating and anti-Semites are never satisfied.  During the last semester a new program was embarked on – the complete elimination of Jewish students.  The following documents testify to the progress that has been made in the direction of the ideals of those whose hands are smeared with the blood of murdered and wounded colleagues.  The dean of the Warsaw Polytechnicum issued the following declaration at the beginning of the last semester:

“In view of various false rumors, I wish to inform that in 1937 6.3% of the students enrolled were Jews; in 1938, 5.6% and this year only 4.7%.  On the basis of the order of the dean during the previous year, those who do not wish to sit together with Jewish students, will be enabled to do so.  That order clearly indicated what is to be done in case one does not adjust himself to it.”

Such are the words of a teacher to the hooligans.  He calms them with the assurance that their program is gradually being carried out.  By now there are certainly no more than 4,000 Jewish students, but since the number admitted grows smaller each year, the “ideal” state will soon be attained.  However, this concession seems to be inadequate and the dean hints that there are additional ways of getting rid of Jews – ejecting them if they refuse to occupy the ghetto benches.  Since the dean knows very well that the Jews refuse to occupy these benches, his remark must be interpreted as a direct incitement against his own students.

But the fact that there still remain 4,000 Jewish students, does not sufficiently clarify the situation.  It is also essential to know into what colleges they are admitted.  Now Jew may become a professor or high school teacher in Poland.  Of the 1,672 professors and instructors in Poland in 1936, only 36 were Jews.  Some of these died since that time.  The ones that remain, have kept their positions from pre-way days when these institutions were Austrian universities.  No new Jewish instructors were engaged since that time.  The older ones die of heart attacks and the day is not far off when Polish universities will be entirely free of Jews.  It is no exaggeration when we say that many Jews in Poland die of heart attacks, professors included.  Thus it is well known that the world famous Jewish brain specialist, Professor Rosen of the Vilna University, died of a heart attack when he saw his own daughter standing during a lecture of her father together with the other Jewish students who refused to occupy the ghetto benches.  This professor, who had been entrusted with the examination of the brain of Pilsudski, was a one hundred percent assimilationist who never even hinted that he belonged to the oppressed and persecuted Jewish group.  His heart failed when he was forced to taste of ghetto segregation.

The few Jews that are allowed to register are admitted to courses in philology and philosophy, courses which offer nothing practical.  From medicine and law, professions in which individual ability and efforts are very important, Jews are almost entirely excluded.  During last semester’s registration at the University of Cracow, no Jews were admitted to medical and pharmacy courses; 20 were registered in the school of philosophy; 3 in chemistry.  In the University of Lemberg 3 were accepted into the medical school (out of 130 who applied), none were admitted to pharmacy courses, four were registered in the law school (out of 400 students enrolled) and 17 in the humanities courses (out of 150 enrolled).

In order to give a clearer picture of everyday life on a Polish campus, I will quote at length from an interpellation introduced in the Polish Sejm by the Jewish deputy, Dr. Sommerstein:

“On Friday, November 18 (1938), drawings of bridge designs were made in the main building of the Polytechnicum of Lemberg.  The exercises ended at five P.M.  A group of five Jewish students were the first to reach the door but Polish students barred their way and did not allow them to leave through the main gate.  They finally succeeded in breaking their way through.  The other Jewish students could not leave through the gate which was occupied by a larger number of Poles.  The Jewish student, Berthold Meister, went up to the second floor and warned his colleagues not to go to the gate.  A large group of Polish students meanwhile gathered in the office of the dean.  Two Jewish students, Deutscher and Kloper, hid in the office of Professor Brotry where they remained until 9 P.M.  The remaining seven Jews persuaded the assistant to give them shelter in the office of Instructor Chmilewitch.  They were warned to maintain perfect silence and to put out the lights so that none might suspect their presence.  But the door of the office was suddenly broken open by a large group of Polish students.  The attack did not last long.  When the light was turned on it was found that of the Jewish students Proweler was lying unconscious from his wounds; Lehrer was bleeding profusely from wounds in the abdomen and head; Meister was severely beaten about the head; Sheftler was beaten about the head and had a wounded on his arm; Ruf was bruised as a result of being kicked; Roichbergen was lightly wounded.  Proweler died of his wounds a few hours later.

This interpellation in the Sejm also established the fact that the university authorities were aware of the impending attack but provided no defense.  The event described was the second one of this sort during the same month.  Two weeks earlier the Jewish student Carl Zelermeier was killed and three others were seriously wounded.  It is true that this murder evoked the anger of a large number of Christians.  At the funeral there were delegations from labor organizations and also from democratic non-Jewish groups.

The events described above are typical of all Polish universities during the past 5-6 years.  Fortunately, they do not always culminate in death, but the order of the occurrences, attacks by hundreds on small groups, isolating the Jewish students in remote rooms, clubbing, stabbing with knives, beating with iron instruments – these have become normal events on Polish campuses.  As soon as a lecture is over, the Jewish students hasten to the exit, but they are not always successful.  Jews go about in groups, for numbers facilitate breaking through and self-defense.  However, being a minority, they are beaten and murdered nevertheless.

What is the attitude of the professors?

The following is an illustration of their attitude.  A professor of mathematics delivered a lecture.  A Jewish student arrived after the lecture commenced and remained standing on the side.  The Polish students demanded that he take his place on the special benches assigned to Jews.  This he refused to do.  The professor then interrupted his lecture and left the auditorium.  The Poles ejected the Jewish student and also beat him.  Then the professor returned and resumed his discourse.  The attitude is typical of the majority of Polish professors.  There exists a minority of about one hundred professors who protest against the attacks and the ghetto benches.  Among the latter the professors Michalewitch, Kotorbinski and the ex Prime Minister Bartel, distinguished themselves.  In a sharp denunciation of the student hooligans which he delivered to the Polish Senate, Bartel related that a questionnaire revealed that 48% of the students had never heard of Richard Wagner and 58% did not know who Poincare was.  He also told that during the last semester he could not deliver 36% of his lectures because of rioting in the class room.  Because of this speech Bartel was threatened with death.  Within the university a movement of protest was organized against him which necessitated closing all the high schools in Lemberg.

A small group of Polish Socialists courageously fight the hoodlums and there have also been sacrifices of life on their part.  One Polish student died of his wounds and several were wounded.  The majority of the Polish students remain indifferent and participate neither in the attacks nor in the struggle against them.  A large minority is actively, and almost exclusively, engaged in the attacks.  But this minority commands a body of students far exceeding the number of Jews.

The Jewish students are determined not to yield any of the positions.  The decrease in their number is due not only to the limitations on enrollment but also to the fact that some left the Polish universities to attend those in foreign countries and others gave up their studies altogether.  The majority, however, remain in the universities, attend the lectures and refuse the hoodlums the pleasure of having driven them out.  They remain standing for five and six hours during lectures; they are often humiliated and beaten, but they do not yield.

During recent weeks the Jewish Socialist and democratic parties organized a campaign of protest against the ghetto benches.  This protest is actively supported by the Polish Socialist party and also by small groups of Polish liberals.  We must note with regret, however, that liberals are becoming ever more rare in Poland.

We have now reached the most important aspect of this tragic situation – the attitude of the government.   The Polish government can honestly boast of more hypocrisy than any other government in the world.  It has so far not passed even a single law against Jewish students.  The order concerning ghetto benches in the schools was issued by the authorities of the universities which are autonomous.  The government has not organized any attacks on Jewish students but it also does nothing to defend them because it cannot send its policemen into the universities.  The universities enjoy self government and Poland strictly observes the constitution.  If the universities refuse to admit Jewish students – the government may not intervene – because of the constitution.  We could cite tens of speeches, like the one quoted in the begging of this article, which are offered as proof that the government is innocent.  What can it do?  It is powerless against the written word of the constitution.  It does not know how to infringe even on the least letter of the constitution; it has no experience in this field.

It is true that Poland has experience in changing entire constitutions, but that is different from encroaching on the autonomy of the universities and sending a few policemen to deprive the student hooligans of their knives.  An entire constitution may be discarded – as was already done in rejuvenated Poland – and a new one may be written.  But it would be too much to ask that the government transgress against a single paragraph of the law of the land.  Of course, if a Communist is to distribute a few leaflets on the eve of the first of May, the government will find ways and justifications to break a hundred paragraphs of constitutional rights.  But that would mean defending the entire state including the constitution.  It is clear that that would be a different matter.  But the Polish government stands in no danger of collapse as a result of twenty-five Jewish students being murdered; the state will not be affected as a result of hundreds being wounded.  How then should one expect it to infringe on the constitution in such insignificant cases?

The Polish government therefore remains calm.  From time to time it sends one of its two-faced representatives to deliver a fiery speech.  After that happens, the university authorities know that they can proceed against the Jews and the armed “heroes” feel that they can continue to beat and to kill their Jewish colleagues for an entire year without any intervention.

A few weeks after the minister of education delivered the speech cited in the beginning, in which he declared that he considered it impossible to issue any order concerning ghetto benches, the university authorities promulgated such a decree and the “armed criminals” began a simultaneous campaign in all the schools, with clubs and iron bars for the total elimination of Jewish students.

The Polish government remains true to the written constitution.*

*The figures concerning the number of students and professors are taken from the official publication of the statistical bureau – Statistyka Szkolnictwa; 1936-38.

Thoughts from The Frontier: In Fascist Rumania, by Jacob Lestschinsky (Jewish Frontier, September, 1938)

As described in Thoughts from The Frontier: Jacob Lestschinsky, Demographer and Scholar, this essay – “In Fascist Rumania”, from September of 1938 – is the fourth of Lestschinsky’s six writings published in the Jewish Frontier from the late 1930s through 1948.

The previous essays are:

The Jews of Central Europe – June, 1938
The Fate of Six Million – July, 1938
Jews in Baltic Lands – August, 1938

The subsequent two essays are:

Terror in Polish Universities – April, 1939
Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R. – December, 1948

______________________________

In suggesting that anti-Jewish animosity was increasing in Rumania due to positive economic changes, Jacob Lestschinsky’s essay anticipates ideas expressed in Mihail Sebastian’s (Mendel Hechter’s) 1934 novel For Two Thousand Years, as described by Dr. Ruth Wisse in her 2017 Mosaic book review and essay of A Romanian Jew’s Private Judgment of a World Bent on Condemning Him, which she states, “…brilliantly chart[s] the psychological effects of anti-Semitism on both its perpetrators and its victims, a newly translated 1934 novel outdoes even such master analysts as Freud and Proust.”

______________________________

The situation in Rumania during recent years
proves that anti-Semitism may develop not only as a result of economic crises
but also as a byproduct of positive economic changes.

* * * * * * *

The Jewish citizen of a fascist country is thus dependent on the good graces of the rulers
and if he would gain their favor
he must discharge his Jewish help and replace it with Rumanian.

* * * * * * *

Some time ago I had an opportunity to speak with a group of young Rumanian Jews.
To my query regarding their condition
they replied with a sigh and a pessimistic shake of the hand.
The meaning of the sigh was:
Where could we escape to?
Where can one get work?
This is the unspoken question which torments 200,000 young Jews in Rumania.

______________________________

In Fascist Rumania
September, 1938

RUMANIA IS a broad land inhabited by 18 million people.  Its provinces differ widely in their economic, political and cultural past.  Bessarabia, which was acquired from Russia, differs from the lands that were obtained from Austria and Hungary; the original territories of Rumania are a separate subject for study.  The various provinces that comprise the Rumanian state have not yet fused into a unit.  National minorities constitute 35% of the population in the country and in the cities they reach a high of 45%.  The Rumanian population is the most backward relative to its development and is noted for its conservatism.

The one million Jews that live in Rumania constitute 6% of the total population but in the cities their percentage is much greater.  Before the war they were 65% of the population of Kishinev; the non-Jewish minority was comprised of Russians, Ukrainian and Moldavians.  At the time we hoped that under a democratic regime the Jews would assume the leadership in the government of cities like Kishinev.  As late as 1925 they still comprised 60% of the population; today only 50%.  The same holds true for Jassy.  In 1925 Jews accounted for 60% of the population and today only for 48%.  In Czernowitz they were 47% in 1925 and 38% today.  The process of relative diminution in the cities if characteristic of all the countries of eastern Europe including the Soviet Union.  The cause underlying this process is also the same in all these countries – the urbanization of the majority nationalities and their adoption of western European culture.  The tragedy of eastern European Jewry consists in this transition in urban trades because it involves the displacement of the minority which developed these countries and fostered their trade and industry.

But it is not an easy task to displace the Jews from trade in a city like Kishinev where 80% of the commerce is handled by them.  The same holds true for Jassy, Czernowitz  and scores of other cities and towns.  It is a difficult task to displace the Jews from the textile industry two-thirds of which is in their hands.  This industry is relatively new in Rumania and the non-Jews, particularly the Rumanians, are not yet acquainted with its operation.  In a land of forests, such as Rumania is, where the export of lumber occupies an important part in the economy of the country it is dangerous to replace the Jewish lumber merchants by others before the latter have mastered the trade and have made contacts with forest workers.  A similar situation prevails in many other Rumanian industries.  The main cause for the downfall of the Goga government was that it attempted to introduce in a backward country – where most of the inhabitants cannot read nor write, have no capital and lack connections with foreign markets – a type of fascism which can only exist in countries with a well developed industry and commerce and with a high cultural level.  But we should not deceive ourselves into believing that since 100% fascism faded in Rumania, partial fascism is also bound to fail.  The masses of Rumanians have turned to the cities and are eager to engage in all urban callings.  This movement towards urbanization largely explains the growth of social anti-Semitism which is always more dangerous than governmental anti-Semitic measures.

The situation in Rumania during recent years proves that anti-Semitism may develop not only as a result of economic crises but also as a byproduct of positive economic changes.  During recent years Rumania has enjoyed a measure of prosperity unusual in these days.  Its wheat crops have increased by 30% since 1930.  Prices of wheat have also been higher during the past four years than they have been previously.  The export of wheat accounts for one-third of the total Rumanian exports and in 1937 it amounted to 30 billion Lei.

The textile industry which was largely developed by Jews from Poland has made such rapid strides forward that it can supply almost the entire demand of the domestic market in Rumania.  In 1927 there were only 5,300 looms but by 1938 the number has increased to 20,0000 looms.  Textile imports have dropped to one-tenth.  Textile production rose from 6 billion lei in 1932 to 10 billion in 1937.  It is also noteworthy that in most of the textile plants a great number of Jews were employed and the office staffs were entirely Jewish.

But despite the development of industry which absorbed scores of thousands of workers, despite the phenomenal growth of trade and of the government apparatus which employs Rumanians only, social anti-Semitism and the process of displacement of Jews has been increasing steadily.  How is this to be explained?  It is very simple.  The initiative of the Jews in developing trade and industry has not impoverished the villagers.  On the contrary, it has increased their economic welfare and it has aroused in them a striving for a still higher standard of living.  Thus we find that in prewar Czernowitz there were 173 doctors, 114 of whom were Jews, and 194 Jewish lawyers out of 228.  Today the situation is different.  The positions of the Jewish doctors and lawyers are now occupied by Rumanians and Ukrainian who had left the villages.  Before the war the Jews accounted for 30% of the lower officials and 15% of the higher ones.  Today there are no Jewish government officials.  The younger Rumanians, the sons of the officials that displaced the Jews, are turning to trade and industry.  Since the economic development of the country does not keep pace with the increase in population, the competition for employment and sources of income becomes increasingly keener.  During the past twenty years the population of Rumania has increased by four million.  With no outlet in the way of mass employment, the villagers are streaming into the cities.  There they find the Jews employed in officers and shops and as owners of stores.  The Rumanians announce frankly that they intend to seize these sources of employment and income, and in our times might makes right.  This is the true meaning of the regulation which requires all employers to employ at least 80% “pure” Rumanians in their plants.  If the Rumanians have not yet developed sufficiently – like the Germans – to be able to displace the Jews from trade and industry, they can at least seize the jobs of the Jewish workers and officials.  Meanwhile they are satisfied with 80% – until they will acquire the necessary training to displace all the Jews.  The method of percentages which has been introduced in Hungary and Rumania clearly illustrates the nature of fascism; it does not affect the rich Jewish merchant and industrialist as long as these are needed to operate their enterprises.  It Is true that the Goga government, which followed a 100% anti-Semitic policy, cause complete anarchy in Rumanian economic and financial life and it was soon defeated.  But the followers of Goga are more cautious and therefore more dangerous.  Their strangulation of Jewish economic life is more gradual but it is sure to bring ruin.  It is true that the plan of Goga to deprive half a million Jews of their citizenship has been discarded but several tens of thousands will be deprived of their rights.  The revision of citizenship still proceeds and 50-60 thousand Jews are in danger of expulsion from the country for the sole sin of being born Jews.

New labor laws are also gradually but energetically being enforced.  As a result of these laws unemployment among Jews has greatly increased.  To our great shame we must admit that there are Jews who hasten to displace their Jewish employees by Rumanians in order to win the favor of the authorities and to save their enterprises and their profits.  The authorities have the right to issue licenses to engage in export and import trade, to start new enterprises or to liquidate  existing ones.  The Jewish citizen of a fascist country is thus dependent on the good graces of the rulers and if he would gain their favor he must discharge his Jewish help and replace it with Rumanian.  Small scale fascism such as exists in Hungary and Rumania is thus directed primarily against the Jewish proletariat and the impoverished middle class.

The “numerus clausus” has long been in effect in the Rumanian universities.  During recent months the lawyers’ federations have been busy expelling their Jewish members.  When we remember with what enthusiasm Jewish lawyers were expelled from the courts after the first decrees of the Goga government, we may feel certain that this latest aim will be “successfully” attained.  Jewish doctors are not allowed in state and municipal institutions and are on the verge of starvation.  Only a few specialists still retain their positions.

Forty to forty-five per cent of the Jews in Bessarabia have been forced to depend on relief as a result of these measures.  The mortality rate among the Jews has risen appallingly while the birth rate has dropped.  Thirty-five per cent of the Jews in Bukowina are dependent on relief.  The poverty of the others is great and it affects segments of the population that hitherto supported Jewish charitable institutions.

Some time ago I had an opportunity to speak with a group of young Rumanian Jews.  To my query regarding their condition they replied with a sigh and a pessimistic shake of the hand.  The meaning of the sigh was:  Where could we escape to?  Where can one get work?  This is the unspoken question which torments 200,000 young Jews in Rumania.

This is the fourth and last of a series of article on the situation of the Jews in the eastern and  central European countries.

 

Thoughts from The Frontier: Jews in Baltic Lands, by Jacob Lestschinsky (Jewish Frontier, August, 1938)

As described in Thoughts from The Frontier: Jacob Lestschinsky, Demographer and Scholar, this essay – “Jews in Baltic Lands”, from August of 1938 – is the Third of Lestschinsky’s six writings published in the Jewish Frontier from the late 1930s through 1948.

The previous essays are:

The Jews of Central Europe – June, 1938
The Fate of Six Million – July, 1938

The subsequent essays are:

In Fascist Rumania – September, 1938
Terror in Polish Universities – April, 1939
Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R. – December, 1948

______________________________

Calmly, without tumult and in a “civilized” manner
the Jews were brought to a condition
where emigration offers the only escape from their predicament.

______________________________

Jews in Baltic Lands
August, 1938

LATVIA OFFERS an excellent example of how a Jewish community may be destroyed without tumult and violence, without breaking heads and smashing windows and even without the hysteria of anti-Semitism.  Anti-Semitic agitation is practically forbidden in Latvia.  The supreme and only ruler of this small country is acquainted with that law and he can manipulate it in such a manner as to avoid entirely the “glamour” of anti-Semitic agitation.

Ninety-thousand Jews live in Latvia today and they comprise five per cent of the total population.  In 1897 there were 142 thousand Jews in Latvia and they made up 7 ½ per cent of the inhabitants.  As recently as 1938 there were 95 thousand Jews in the country and their number is constantly diminishing.  The ruling Latvian majority is growing at the expense of the Jews and of other national minorities.  Whereas the Latvians constituted only 68% of the population before the war and they were almost exclusively engaged in agriculture, they comprise 76% of the population today and they form the majority in many cities.  Two causes contributed to this shift in the population: the greater natural increase among the Latvians as compared to that of the Jews and the Germans and the emigration of Jews from the country.  The percentage of Jews in the cities is also decreasing.  Before the war they accounted for 40% of the population in Dwinsk; in 1925, 31%; in 1935 only 24%.  This change in Dwinsk is characteristic of the trend in other cities.

In the pre-war years, the cites were the backbone of Jewish economic and cultural life in Latvia because in many of these they were the largest single national group.  In Dwinsk, for example, the non-Jewish 60% of the population was composed of four different nationalities:  Russians, Latvian, Poles and Lithuanians.  Under a democratic regime, such as was contemplated before the war, the Jews would have had a majority in the city administration.  But reality did not concede form to plan.  The Latvians are the sole rulers and it is their policy to displace the national minorities.

Latvia instituted a large-scale agrarian reform program.  Of the three million hectares (1 hectare is 10,000 sq. meters) which were previously in the possession of large German landowners, two million were sub-divided among the Latvian peasants.  In time it became clear, however, that the peasants who received land and financial assistance, vocational school and aid in marketing their produce, these same peasants who profited from the reform measures became the stronghold of reaction and the supporters of an unbridled chauvinist policy.  The sons of those well to do peasants attend the universities.  Relatively there are today more university students in Latvia than there are in England.  The new generation of educated peasants’ sons swarmed into all the urban trades and professions.  With peasant stubbornness and lack of regard they began to displace the national minorities.  Over 40% of the student body in Latvia consists of peasants’ sons.  The government grants them subsidies and positions even before they are graduated.  This phenomenon of the spread of education among the farming population could have been greeted as desirable if the newly educated Latvians had recognized the right of other nationalities to earn a livelihood.

The process of displacing Jews from the professions began even before the triumph of fascism in Latvia.  Under Czarist rule there were no Jewish officials in the country.  During the honeymoon of the Latvian republic, a few scores of Jews were given official positions for the reason that there were not enough Latvians capable of filling the posts.  Later the Jewish officials were discharged.  Among the 30 thousand government officials in Latvia, there were never more than 150 Jews.  Today there is not a single Jewish official in the country.  Even during the years 1930-1933 no Jewish doctor could be employed in the government hospitals and clinics.  With the rise of the dictatorship, the majority of those Jews who still had posts were dismissed and only a few indispensable specialists were retained.

The trend towards commercial callings was increasing as a natural process but the dictatorship accelerated it by means of special privileges for the Latvian businessmen and by placing hindrances in the path of the Jewish traders.  The first step of the government was to take over the trade in agricultural produce.  This measure affected all those who were engaged in this trade.  Not only the Jewish exporters but also the small Jewish grain dealers in the small towns and the employees of the export firms were adversely affected.  The government agencies which conducted the trade in agricultural produce did not employ even a single Jew.  In 1937 the government paid 150 million Lat to farmers for their produce.  The total Latvian exports of that year amounted to 261 million Lat.  Nearly all the agricultural exports were handled by the government, and yet this branch of trade was previously almost entirely in the hands of Jews.   When the government assumes control of any branch of trade, the laborers in that branch are affected even more than the traders and manufacturers.  The government refrains from employing Jews even in the unskilled labor of loading and hauling.  Many Jews in Latvia heretofore derived their sustenance from such unskilled labor.

The credit institutions are now almost entirely in the hands of the government.  In 1936 it granted loans to the extent of 405 million Lat, 76% of the total credit extended in the country in that year.  Latvian merchants and manufacturers receive loans at lower interest rates and with less collateral than is required of Jewish entrepreneurs.

But the process of industrialization is still proceeding at a slow pace among the Latvians.  They lack the necessary training, the minimum capital outlay and the initiative which this new field of enterprise requires.  The government therefore began to take over the factories.  The administration of Ulmanis passed a number of laws which enable it to take over any industrial establishment.  Latvian law decrees that the government may consider any industrial establishment to be sufficiently important for the interests of the state to give it the right of buying it.  In 1936-37 this law was applied to take over a number of Jewish owned factories which also employed Jewish laborers.  During these two years, plants manufacturing wagons, machines, cigarettes, chocolate and beer were taken over.  The Jewish owned textile plant “Riga-Willa” and three other factories were also recently acquired by the government which thus deprives the Jews of a branch of industry which they founded and developed in independent Latvia.

Five years ago, when it became difficult for young Jews to gain admittance to the university and to look forward to a career in the professions, many of them tuned to physical labor.  In the textile factory in Riga I met scores of Jewish workers many of whom were graduated from high schools.  During the past five years, this trend toward physical labor has become even more accentuated since prospects in commerce and in the professions have become even poorer than they were.  Now the Latvian government denies Jewish youth even this outlet.  One can forsee that the Jewish laborers as well as the Jewish officials and technically skilled employees will be dismissed soon.  The economic policies of the government and its actions in the past clearly indicate such a course.

According to recent information the Latvian government is about to inaugurate the following industrial enterprises:  a textile plant at an investment of eight million Lat; lumber and coke plants for four million Lat; peat works for 3 ½ million Lat; fish distributing depots for 2 million Lat and a bakery for 600 thousand Lat.  The appetite grows with the eating.  The more deeply the government becomes involved in commercial and industrial ventures, the greater is its desire to control additional economic fields.  In the near future private enterprise may be displaced entirely.  We would not feel concerned for the private Jewish entrepreneur it the actions of the government were not of such a nationalist nature.  In practice it takes everything out of the hands of the national minorities and hands it to the Latvians.  Without exaggeration we may say that over half the trade and industry in Latvia is now in the hands of the government and this process is still proceeding at an increasing pace.  While the Jewish industrialists and businessmen receive compensation from the government for their plants, the Jewish workers and intellectuals remain without work and without any prospects for the future.

It is therefore not surprising that the Jews of this small country, where no discriminatory laws exist and where, in theory, the Jews enjoy equal rights, are panicky and frantic.  Jewish youth is afraid lest the government appropriate a few plants and dismisses them from their jobs.

We did not analyze the cooperatives in Latvia which are supported by the government with credit, special privileges and freedom from taxation.  Often one receives the impression that the cooperatives are no more than government stores operated by government officials.  No independent activity on the part of the people is noticeable in this field.

Since the political situation in the country is stagnant and there are no prospects for political changes, the Jewish citizens are despairing.  Their only hope lies in emigration.  It is the dream of every Jew and especially of the youth to emigrate, but where?

Latvia is a small country with a population of less than two million.  It is easy to gain control of the economy of the land and this explains the rapid and successful action of the government.  The Latvians are a cultured and capable people who adapt themselves rapidly to new trades.  They learned much from the Germans when they were subjected to them.  Jewish merchants never constituted more than one third of the businessmen in the country.  Their share in the industry was even smaller.  In parts of the country, as in Riga, there was a “pale of settlement” for Jews before the war.  During the twenty years of Latvian independence there came into existence large groups of educated and technically trained people.  As a result it was very easy to displace the Jews from their economic positions without expressly legislating against them.  Calmly, without tumult and in a “civilized” manner the Jews were brought to a condition where emigration offers the only escape from their predicament.

This is the third of a series of article on the situation of the Jews in the central European countries.

 

Thoughts from The Frontier: The Fate of Six Million, by Jacob Lestschinsky (Jewish Frontier, July, 1938)

As described in Thoughts from The Frontier: Jacob Lestschinsky, Demographer and Scholar, this essay – “The Fate of Six Million”, from July of 1938 – is the second of Lestschinsky’s six writings published in the Jewish Frontier from the late 1930s through 1948.

The previous essay is:

The Jews of Central Europe – June, 1938

The subsequent four essays are:

Jews in Baltic Lands – August, 1938
In Fascist Rumania – September, 1938
Terror in Polish Universities – April, 1939
Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R. – December, 1948

Being that this essay deals with the history of Polish Jewry, Dr. Ruth R. Wisse’s Mosaic essay from December of 2015 – Jews and Other Poles – is highly relevant, for it unflinchingly explores the complicated intersection between the past and the present. 

______________________________

The above cited facts combine into a horrifying picture
of the hopeless future facing Polish Jewry.
The situation is such while theoretically they still enjoy equal rights.
No explicit anti-Jewish laws have been enacted yet
and the process of displacement has not yet been organized on a governmental scale.
The evil must therefore be recognized before it has attained its final growth.
Even the present economic displacement is better than complete economic expulsion
which would be tantamount to expulsion from the country.

______________________________

The Fate of Six Million
July, 1938

THE 3 ¼ MILLION Jews that live in Poland constitute one-fifth of the Jewish population of the world but culturally and nationally Polish Jewry is of even greater importance than its numerical strength would lead one to believe.  Polish Jewry is today the greatest reservoir of organic, throbbing Jewish life; it not only preserves the heritage of the past but it also grows and becomes rejuvenated.  Compared with the poverty of our national life in other parts of the globe, Polish Jewry is still – despite its economic deterioration – a fertile source of stimulation to Jews throughout the world.

The total population of Poland today is 34 ½ million.  This figure marks an increase of 8 million people during the past 20 years.  During the same period the population of Great Britain increased only by 3 million and British laborers earn on the average three times as much as Polish workers.  In the past eight years the Polish population increased ten per cent while production in the country decreased 12% during the same time.

The poverty of the peasantry and the laboring masses in Poland is well known and even those fortunate enough to be officials find themselves in straitened circumstances.  Most of the officials earn less than 30 zloty a week (six dollars) yet this salary is high when compared with the earnings of the workers and especially of craftsmen who work at home.  The latter constitute a high percentage among the Jews and in Warsaw they make up 80% of the 75,000 Jewish workers of that city.

On the basis of information gleaned from various sources we obtain the following picture of the economic situation of Polish Jewry.  1,240,000 Jews (38%) are dependent on relief.  These constitute the lowest stratum of the Jewish economic pyramid.  About half of this number are totally dependent on relief while the other half earn only enough for some of the barest necessities and must fall back on outside help to obtain clothes and to pay for medical aid in case of sickness.  These families never have enough food and during the winter they suffer from cold.  Usually such families possess only one pair of shoes and one overcoat that is used alternately by all the children.  Children of ten years help at home and in the store and children of 12 years already look for work.  This section of the population provides cheap labor that can compete with coolies.  The shops are crowded with children of from 12 to 15 years of age who depress the wage level and hinder the struggle for better working conditions.

The second stratum of Polish Jewish economic pyramid contains about one million Jews who barely eke out an existence.  They do not require outside aid but they are unable to pay to the community council even the small annual tax of ten zloty (two dollars) and most of them only pay half that sum.  Even minor economic dislocations make them dependent on relief.  They live in inadequate houses and meat is a rare item in their diet.  Often they require the assistance of loan societies.  The younger people see no future for themselves and are anxious to leave their homes at the earliest opportunity.  They provide the largest contingent of candidates for emigration.  They are ready to migrate anywhere only to escape their hopeless situation.  This youth provides the bulk of the Jewish Communists who are ready to risk their lives in the Polish prisons; the ranks of the Chalutzim who are ready to engage in the most difficult labor in preparation for a new, even though difficult and dangerous, life in Palestine are also recruited from this element.  An aim in life and useful work is uppermost in their minds.  Sons of artisans and store keepers, these young people are not so hungry but that they still have energy left to participate in political parties and to plan for the future, but they are desperate enough to risk their lives for a higher purpose in life.  This group therefore provides many idealists and people ready for self sacrifice.

The upper economic stratum contains about one million Jews who are well situated.  About fifty thousand of these can be considered wealthy and they enjoy a comfortable and even luxurious life.

The distribution of the Jewish population in Poland in the various economic pursuits can give us an insight into their prospects for the future.  One million Jews engage in commerce.  Half of these are peddlers and small store keepers; 250,000 are employed in commercial establishments and the remaining 250,000 operate medium and large scale business enterprises.

About half a million Jews engaging in commerce and threatened with economic ruin.  No less than 50,000 small stores and open air stands were opened by Poles during the past five years.  The number of Jewish stores in the villages is decreasing, and from some villages they were banished altogether.  Jews were murdered in more than forty Polish villages during the past two years and in such instances the remaining Jews flee the village.  In some villages the peasants showed their kindness to their Jewish neighbors by helping them to load their possessions on wagons and then escorting them – with a hail of stones.

An investigation conducted in thirty villages in eastern Galicia disclosed the following situation: 134 Jewish families lived in these villages in 1932; only 77 families remained in 1937.  In 1932 Jews owned 62 stores but they owned only 16 stores in 1937.  Poles increased the number of their stores from 14 in 1932 to 112 in 1937.  In place of the 46 Jewish stores that were closed there appeared 65 stores owned by Poles.  These figures are illuminating in that they indicate that there has appeared an element in the Polish villages which is forced to turn to commerce despite the decline in business.

It has been pointed out before that an estimated 8 million Polish villages are forced to turn to urban trades and to commerce.  Only a small number of these turn to commerce but the Polis merchants receive credits from government and municipal banks.  The boycott committees picketing the Jewish stores also aid the Polish store keepers to dislodge their competitors.  The constant riots primarily affect the Jewish peddlers and small business men.  We will admit, however, that even without pogroms and boycott pickets Jews would be displaced from business although at a much slower pace.  The situation of the small merchants is desperate and the day is not far off when even the medium and wholesale Jewish dealers will be affected.

The younger generation of the business class has despaired of commerce and is dreaming of emigration, of factory work and even of difficult unskilled work.  Of course we should not bemoan this tendency to leave trade for labor but the fact remains that of those displaced from commerce not more than one out of ten succeeds in finding employment.  In the coming decade additional tens of thousands of Jews will probably be displaced from business without being able to gain a foothold in other economic fields in Poland.  Other hundreds of thousands will remain in their small stores without earning a livelihood.  These masses will seek come escape, for their children if not for themselves.  This fact is becoming clear to everyone who looks at the situation and who realizes the process of pauperization and displacement to which the Polish Jews are subjected.

About 1,250,000 Jews engages in handicrafts, factory work and unskilled labor.  Although they too suffer from anti-Jewish laws whose aim it is to replace them with Poles, their position is never the less superior to that of the merchants.  The process of displacement is more difficult in the trades due to the fact that years must pass before new men can acquire the necessary skill.  Petty industry, most of which is in Jewish hands, constitutes an involved economic field.  One who engages in it must be able to obtain some capital and then to find a market for his products.  The danger to the Jews in this economic field is therefore small, and it is a fact that the number of Jews engaged in petty industrial production has increased.  But the number of those seeking a foothold in this field is ten fold the number of those that can be absorbed.  Competition increases and assumes pathological forms.  The market is flooded with boys and girls who earn about $1.50 a week.  The number of Jewish workers has greatly increased during recent years but I doubt whether their total earnings exceed the earnings of the Jewish workers of ten years ago when their number was much smaller.  If there were possibilities for the emigration of tens of thousands of workers, then the conditions in this field would improve and it could absorb new workers although it could never satisfy the needs of all the masses of Jews who are being displaced from other economic pursuits.  We must bear in mind, however, that in the Polish villages Jewish artisans as well as businessmen are displaced.  Poles have learned to sew the clothes of the peasants and the government is encouraging this movement through the establishment of trade schools to train Poles.

The situation in the professions is tragic.  Jewish lawyers suffer hunger and many of them leave their professions for common labor after years of struggle.  Some Jewish doctors in Lodz charge no more than 40 cents a visit.  All hope and prospects in the professions is gone.  The number of Jewish students has decreased from 10,000 to 5,000 during the past decade while the number of non-Jewish students has increased by 12,000.  Most of the Jewish engineers are unemployed while the Jewish journalists, authors and poets are literally starving.  No Polish newspaper will employ a Jew and recently the most widely read Polish newspaper discharged all its Jewish employees.  No Jew has an opportunity to engage in scientific work nor may he receive the title of professor in Poland.  Those who engage in Jewish research work do not earn enough for their sustenance.  All branches of the sciences and arts are closed to the Jews of Poland.

The above cited facts combine into a horrifying picture of the hopeless future facing Polish Jewry.  The situation is such while theoretically they still enjoy equal rights.  No explicit anti-Jewish laws have been enacted yet and the process of displacement has not yet been organized on a governmental scale.  The evil must therefore be recognized before it has attained its final growth.  Even the present economic displacement is better than complete economic expulsion which would be tantamount to expulsion from the country.

Thoughts From the Frontier Lestschinsky: The Jews of Central Europe, by Jacob Lestschinsky (Jewish Frontier, June, 1938)

As described in Thoughts from The Frontier: Jacob Lestschinsky, Demographer and Scholar, this essay – “The Jews of Central Europe”, from June of 1938 – is the first of Lestschinsky’s six writings published in the Jewish Frontier from the late 1930s through 1948.

The subsequent five essays are:

The Fate of Six Million – July, 1938
Jews in Baltic Lands – August, 1938
In Fascist Rumania – September, 1938
Terror in Polish Universities – April, 1939
Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R. – December, 1948

______________________________

The 1,500,000 Jews who live in these lands now have but one way out of the dilemma:
emigration. 
The question is – where?

______________________________

The Jews of Central Europe
June, 1938

EVERY NATION is morally compelled to face the bitter truth.  This article is written not with the intent of bewailing our plight but in order to arrive at a factual calculation of the status of six million Jews in Central and Eastern Europe and of the prospects that exist in the lands of immigration.

We will begin the reckoning with those countries in which the Jews had reached the peak of their development and where they now tumble at break-neck speed into a bottomless abyss.  Over half a million Jews of central Europe are now in the grip of a ruthless inquisition: 300,000 in Germany and 200,000 in Austria.  The liquidation of Jewish commercial concerns in Germany is now proceeding at a more rapid pace than it did even during the most difficult months of 1934 and 1935.  At that time the Jewish as well as the world press was full of reports concerning the shameless robberies perpetrated by the “saviors” of the German nation.  Now the process of pauperization has become a chronic ailment.  Everyone, with practically no exceptions, is preparing for flight.  As recently as a year ago German Jewish leaders were seriously considering the establishment of homes for the aged to house 250,000 Jews.  According to their calculations about 100,000 of the younger and more adaptable Jews would leave the country in the next five years and only the old and those no longer fit for work would remain.  They then believed that the old, the decrepit and the widows would be allowed to end their days in the exile of Hitler land.  But not they too have changed their minds.  They now realize that the departure of the younger ones increase the terror of the old people at the prospect of remaining in the hell which Germany has become for them and that these too are ready to grasp the wanderer’s staff in order to escape the fate of remaining alone in Germany.

Thus proceeds the liquidation of a section of Jewry which for 150 years has enriched the Jewish people and the whole world with hundreds of scholars and scientists.  The 150,000 German Jews who have scattered throughout the world are spiritually crushed and will not soon recover.  The 40,000 Jews who have settled in Palestine will probably enrich the Jewish community there, but the 110,000 others who fled to various lands are merely looking for a place of refuge where they can hide without attracting attention.  Only one hope fills the heart of the German Jewish refugee who had found a domicile – to find room for those dear to him who still remain in Germany.

Such is the end of German Jewry which was the richest and most prosperous from an economic as well as from a spiritual viewpoint.

(Austria)

But the debacle of German Jewry is as nothing when compared to the calamity which has overtaken the Jews of Austria.  The measure of destruction which was achieved in Germany in two years has been accomplished in Austria in two weeks.  In proportion to the population there were more Jewish shops pillaged in Austria in two weeks than there were in Germany in two years.  More Jewish doctors, dentists, lawyers, engineers and architects were expelled from their positions in Austria in one month than were affected in Germany in three years.  The number of Jewish officials in Austria was negligible and altogether they numbered no more than 156 in government and municipal positions.

Austrian Jewry suffered from a severe economic dislocation even before the annexation of the country by Hitler.  Sixty thousand out of Vienna’s 170,000 Jews – over one third – were dependent on relief.  Among the needy who applied for aid there were Jews who only a few years before themselves contributed considerable sums to the Jewish charitable institutions.  Even before Hitler seized Austria the majority of the Jewish lawyers were unemployed and the number of Jewish bank employees decreased from 10,000 to 1,200 over a period of two years; the nationalization of the banks transformed the Jewish employees into paupers and unemployed.  A similar fate awaited the Jewish employees of the insurance concerns.  The bankruptcy of the insurance company “Phoenix” and its absorption by the government reduced 100 Jewish families to poverty.  The plight of the Jewish “intelligentsia” of Vienna even before the advent of Hitler is impossible to describe.

In 1933 tens of thousands of Jews found refuge in the neighboring countries.  Even Poland and Russia gave temporary refuge to thousands of German Jewish refugees and even though they soon left these countries they found momentary rest in these lands.  Today the situation is different.  The gates of all the countries are locked fast.  All boundaries are carefully guarded and only a handful succeed in escaping.  During the first years of the Nazi regime emigrants were allowed to take along enough money to tide them over for a few months.  Today the pockets of those leaving Germany are carefully searched.  If one does succeed in escaping, he emerges penniless with not a nickel to pay the porter at the station.

***

(Hungary)

Hungary, Austria’s neighbor, harbors 430,000 Jews.  Events which transpire in Austria cast their shadows on Hungary.  We have heard much of the nightly raids in search of foreign Jews during which hundreds of people, 95% of them are Hungarian citizens, are roused from their beds.  Much has also been written of the ceaseless attacks of the anti-Semitic Hungarian students during recent years.  But very few people are acquainted with the systematic and thoroughgoing efforts to expel Hungarian Jews from economic positions.  The Hungarian parliament is now considering a bill to limit Jewish participation in economic life to 20%.  In sponsoring this bill the government aims to steal the thunder of the fascist and anti-Semitic parties and to gain the support of the masses which are sympathetic to fascism.  The Hungarian government considers this attitude as “favorable” to the Jews; it is convinced that it “saves” the Jews from the still greater dangers which are threatened by the coming of the fascists into power.

The situation in Hungary is very similar to that in Rumania.  The Jews fulfill such an important role in the national economic life that their sudden removal would create an economic catastrophe similar to that which occurred in Rumania during the administration of Goga and Cuza.

It is true that only 35% of the total trade of Hungary is in the hands of Jews but in some branches of commerce that percentage is much higher.  Eighty-two perc cent of the wholesale trade in wood and coal is in the hands of the Jews; 73% of the marketing of farm produce is in Jewish hands; 88% of the food produce trade, 71% of the book and stationary stores and 79% of the textile trade is also handled by Jews.  They are also prominent in industry and represent 68% of the garment production, 66% of the textile manufacture, 67% of the paper production, 44% of the chemical industry and 37% of the metal industry.

Jews are also heavily represented in the professions and they constitute 54% of the medical calling, 49% in law, 31% of the editors and journalists and 25% of the scientific and literary men.

But the figures cited above apply only to private trade and industry.  We get an entirely different picture in the government owned sources of employment.  The share of the Jews in government positions amount to no more than 1 1/2 %.  Jewish judges and state attorneys make up but 1% of the total; 3% of the professors are Jews and only 16% of the doctors employed in government institutions are Jewish.  These figures are taken from the census of 1931.  During the past seven years most of the remaining Jews in government employment have been discharged.  The figures of Jewish participation in economic life therefore apply only to private enterprise.  The Hungarians have not yet mastered trade and industry sufficiently – like the Germans – to be able to ride themselves of the Jews at once.  Such a move would endanger the economic structure of the country.  Such is the argument of the government when it prepares to liquidate the Jews gradually, over a period of a few years, until the Hungarians are capable of operating the Jewish commercial enterprises as well as of seizing them.

At first glance it may appear that limitation of Jews to 20% is not such a calamity since they comprise only 5% of the total population and even in Budapest, where 200,000 Jews are concentrated, they make up no more than 20% of the inhabitants.  It is also a fact that the number of Jews in Hungary is decreasing.  Before the war there were 470,000 Jews living in the area of present-day Hungary and today there are only 430,000.  The death rate among the Jews is much higher than the birth rate and there is additional loss through emigration.  But if we consider the position of Hungarian Jewry from a more realistic point of view we will readily realize the terrible consequences which a limitation to 20% will entail.  When the government will begin to apply this economic “plan” it will not consider the fact that Jews occupy only 1% of the positions in transportation, the judiciary and civil service and that their share ought to be increased, if not to twenty at least to five per cent.  The new law aims only at taking away but not giving.  This is the measure of justice to the Jew, but we must admit that in this age of Hitler even such a law is relatively just.

One thing is clear: Hungarian Jewry is faced with a great catastrophe and it is only due to the more dramatic tragedy of Germany and Austria that we do not hear more about it.  I suspect, however, that before long we will be compelled to listen to the anguished cry from Hungary.  The political developments in this country are progressing at an accelerating pace.  The fascist and anti-Semitic tide is constantly gaining in momentum and the proximity of Nazi Germany is bound to exert a fatal influence on events in Hungary.

Hungarian Jewry which has always avoided contact with the Jews of other countries and which was never represented in world Jewish conclaves may soon gave to ask for aid from world Jewry.  Heretofore they were estranged from their people and looked upon themselves as Hungarians of the “Mosaic persuasion,” now they will be compelled to reunite with the living and bleeding body of the Jewish nation.

(Note:  Before this article was finished the news arrived that the Hungarian government adopted the limitation bill.  Our fears in this respect came true.  In practice it means that the Jews will be removed from all non-Jewish and governmental establishments but Jewish concerns will be allowed to employ their co-religionists only to a maximum of 20%.)

Among the Jews of Hungary there are 67,000 laborers and 52,000 officials.  These are people without means who face starvation immediately after they are discharged.  Out of 2,800 Jewish doctors, only 1,600 will be allowed to practice their profession; of 2,700 lawyers only 1,100 will be permitted to continue their practice of law; only 300 out of the 500 Jewish editors and journalists will be allowed to continue their work.  The same holds true for Jewish musicians and actors.  Altogether nearly 6,000 Jewish families, which gained their livelihood in the professions, will be left without any income.  When we add to these the assistants and office workers that were employed by the professionals we may conclude that about 25,000 Jews will be affected by the new decree.  Still more tragic is the fate of those employed in commerce and industry.  Nearly half of the 52,000 Jews engaged in these callings will remain without employment and the decree will thus affect between 60 and 70 thousand persons.  Somewhat more favorable are the prospects for the Jews in heavy industry where they number not more than 7% but the situation is very critical in the smaller Jewish shops which have Jewish employees only.  It will thus be an “optimistic” estimate to say that about 150,000 Hungarian Jews will be affected by the new decree and will be faced with ruin.)

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(Czechoslovakia)

The fate of the 360,000 Jews living in Czechoslovakia is probably the most tragic of all despite the fact that they live in the midst of a civilized and democratic nation which is fighting the encroachment of Hitlerism and that they enjoy equal rights.  Nearly 100,000 Jews live in districts which are overwhelmingly German; 100,000 live in districts with a Hungarian or Slovak majority; another 100,000 live in the midst of a Ukrainian or Hungarian majority and only about 60,000 Jews live in territory inhabited by Czechs.  During the past century the Jews of these districts thrice changed their political orientation.  At first they were Austro-German patriots and aided the German majority to assimilate the subject peoples.  After the Austro-Germans and Hungarians arrived at an understanding and some of the minorities came under the sway of the Hungarians, the Jews became Hungarian patriots.  The third change occurred when the Czechs became the dominant element and the Jews became Czech patriots.  Even while they lived in districts inhabited by Germans, Ukrainians or Slovaks, the Jews sent their children to the Czech schools.  During election periods the Jews allied themselves with the Czechs and aided them to attain majorities which they never could have obtained without the assistance of the Jews.  It became axiomatic for the Jews to side with the stronger force.  Why?  Because the weakest must always depend on the strongest and is forced to lend its small aid.  From a historical perspective such a policy is unwise and charged with dangers but it is part of human nature not to look into the future.  People want to live and to enjoy life and when the stronger seeks the aid of a weak group in order to dominate other minority groups the weaker one will grasp the extended hand of friendship.  The Jews paid dearly for this policy but they continued to ignore the lesson of history.

A great danger threatens Czechoslovakia.  The exodus has already begun.  At this moment the immigrants of recent date who settled in the country are leaving it; but every letter that comes out of Czechoslovakia voices a great terror of what is about to come.  If Hitler’s plan to partition Czechoslovakia, which was formulated in the Voelkischer Beobachter, is carried out, then the Jews will find themselves in a position much worse than that of the Jews in Germany.  The Germans, Slovaks, Poles and Hungarians that will be detached from Czechoslovakia will take revenge upon the Jews for having supported the Czechs.  Even if Czechoslovakia is to remain an undivided state it is evident that all its national minorities will obtain a wide measure of autonomy and the Jews will fall under their sway.  Sooner or later the Jews will thus be faced with persecution and economic annihilation at the hands of the national minorities.

The terror which has seized Czechoslovakian Jewry – until recently the happiest Jewish community in central Europe – shows that they instinctively sense the approaching calamity.  The democratic “paradise” island in the heart of Europe is about to vanish and with its disappearance the last ray of light for the Jews of central Europe will be extinguished.

This is the condition of the Jews in the central European countries.  It is a situation which offers no hopes or favorable prospects for the near future.  The 1,500,000 Jews who live in these lands now have but one way out of the dilemma: emigration.  The question is – where?

Thoughts from The Frontier: Jacob Lestschinsky, Demographer and Scholar

Reading – whether fiction or non-fiction – is a journey to places real or imagined.  Some literary destinations are both, particularly those in the genre of alternate history.  In the overlapping realms of science fiction, and, speculative fiction, this is exemplified by Philip K. Dick’s The Man in The High Castle (see also…) and Cyril M. Kornbluth’s 1957 novella Two Dooms (…also see) Both tales, set in a post-1945 America, occur in a world where the Third Reich and Imperial Japan have defeated the Allies, and, the United States is geographically divided into zones of occupation controlled by the two victorious Axis powers.  

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Photograph of Philip K. Dick by Nicole Panter, in Alexander Star’s article “The God in the Trash: A Review of the Works of Philip K. Dick“, in The New Republic, December 6, 1993

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The foundation of these two works, and the myriad of other tales in this genre – regardless of geographic or temporal setting – is that either a single and distinct event, or, the unanticipated confluence of a series of ostensibly unrelated events, has eventuated in history flowing along a river of time different – dramatically or subtly; humorously or horrifically – from that of the world we know.

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Cyril M. Kornbluth, 1939 (Photo by Robert A. Madle, from cover of His Share of Glory – The Complete Short Science Fiction of C. M. Kornbluth (1997), Edited by Timothy P. Szczesuil)

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This world. 

The world in which you’re reading this blog post, at this point in time.

(Right here.)

(Right now.)

Given the staggering impact of the Second World War – whether ideologically, demographically, technologically, or bureaucratically; an impact that is continuing today, in 2023 – it’s not surprising that that near-eight-decade-old conflict would be the setting for writers as skilled and perceptive as Dick and Kornbluth, however different they were in life experience, world-view, and literary style. 

However, what about the First World War as a springboard for a tale of alternate history? 

An example published in the year 2000 is Martin J. Girdon’s The Severed Wing.  In his novel, Mr. Gidron has imagined a world where the First World War ended with an outcome stunningly different than that of “our” world”: The Russian monarchy was never overthrown; Imperial Russia was never transformed into the Soviet Union; Communism never wreaked horror across the world; there was never a Shoah.  And with all, there was never a Second World War.  (Mr. Gidron discusses such details in detail in his closing “Author’s Note,” paralleling Leo Tolstoy’s afterword to War and Peace.)  And yet, while the world created by Mr. Gidron is dramatically unlike ours, it is still a world most human: a world of military alliances, geopolitical conflict, and unrelenting social and economic uncertainty, as exemplified in the life and fate of its protagonists, Janusz and Irena.

While I won’t present any “spoilers” in this post, suffice to say that the novel is very well-written and the plot smartly and well-conceived.  A particularly eerie aspect of Gidron’s novel is the way in which, through a succession of events of steadily and (as we know…) irrevocably greater impact, the world of The Severed Wing is supplanted with and completely replaced by our world.  The novel’s notable difference from The Man in The High Castle and Two Dooms is the near-absence of a science-fiction ambience, though one could justifiably include the book in that literary genre.  In this, I think it’s close in tone to Ward Moor’s brilliantly executed Bring the Jubilee – (ohhh, has that novel long-deserved a feature film or mini-series!!!) about a world in which the Confederacy won the Civil War, in indirectly posing questions about the nature of free will, destiny, and fate. 

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Portrait of Ward Moore, from his FindAGrave biographical profile, by contributor RPD2

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Otherwise, by nature and intention, Jewish history and Jewish destiny (I suppose the destiny of the Jews will be revealed in time, but “that” time will never be our time) are entirely and intentionally central to The Severed Wing, unlike Dick’s or Kornbluth’s works.  

In all this, I cannot say that I “l i k e d” the conclusion of The Severed Wing – I did not – but I did appreciate it.  (Well, if I restricted my reading to books about bouncing bunny rabbits with winsome eyes, I wouldn’t be reading much of anything!)

So, here are the novel’s front and read covers.  (For your consideration.)

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I read The Severed Wing in the early 2000s.  

About a decade and a half later, amidst reviewing, examining, and otherwise-looking-at issues of the Jewish Frontier at the Dorot Jewish Division of the New York Public library, I discovered works of a vastly different sort of writer, written in an altogether different sort of context, that – by virtue of their timing – immediately; eerily reminded me of Gidron’s novel.  The context?  The journal Jewish Frontier (on 35mm microfilm, remember that?!).  The writer?  Jacob Lestschinsky.

As described in his biographical profile at YIVO and Wikipedia, Lestschinsky (8/26/76-3/22/66) was a historian and sociologist specializing in Jewish demography and economic history.  He lived in Ukraine, Switzerland, Poland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, Latvia, and Poland once more, before – was it prescience, luck, or something else? – moving to the united States in 1938, where he lived until going on aliyah in 1959.  As an academic and journalist who lived during an era and in a world of enormous and perhaps inescapable political and social turbulence, Lestschinsky had a complex professional life, which included working for ORT (The Society for Handicraft and Agricultural Work among the Jews of Russia (Obshchestvo Remeslennago i Zemledelecheskago Truda Sredi Evreev v Rossii), helping to organize the Fareynikte Yidishe Sotsialistishe Arbeter Partey (United Jewish Socialist Party), working as a correspondent for the Forverts, being a founding member of the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, editing Bleter far yidisher demografye, statistik, un ekonomik in the mid-1920s, and throughout his career, writing for Jewish newspapers and periodicals.

In terms of Lestschinsky’s scholarship, Gennadiy Estraikh, in Science in Context (2007) notes the former as having been the author of over 35 academic papers, while a search of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency’s database yields 53 “hits” listing Lestschinky’s name in news items published between 1926 and 1966.  At the Center for Jewish History, his “Correspondence with individuals and institutions” comprises about 1,800 letters.

I’ve had no success in finding his photographic portrait, but his biography at YIVO includes three images in which he appears with other intellectuals, writers, and YIVO members.  I’ve taken the liberty of editing (“Photoshop-Elementing”, that is) these images, which are shown below, accompanied by YIVO’s captions:

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“Jakob Lestschinsky (second from right), historian Simon Dubnow (center), Meyer Abraham Halevy from Bucharest (left), and other delegates to the YIVO Conference pose at the grave of Tsemaḥ Szabad, a physician, leader of the Folkist party, and founder of YIVO, Vilna, 1935.” 

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“A gathering of Jewish intellectuals in Kulautuva, Lithuania, 1920 or 1921.  Those identified in the photograph include journalist Reuven Tsarfat (2, in fedora); Bal-Makhshoves (4, wearing white boater); Dovid Bergelson (6, on ground with his head on his neighbor’s knee), his wife (10, seated, second from left), and son (5, small child to Bergelson’s left); Zelig Kalmanovitch (7, with striped tie, center); Jakob Lestschinsky (8, to Kalmanovitch’s right); and Nokhem Shtif (9, to the left of Bergelson’s wife).”

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“Shmuel Niger (second from right, hand-numbered “3”), his brother, the writer Daniel Tsharni (second from left, “2”), scholar Jakob Lestschinsky (left, “1”), and others, on a trip to the Alps, ca. 1920s.  Photograph by M. Aschwarden.”

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Lestschinsky’s writings in the Jewish Frontier, all penned while he resided in the United States, pertain to the same topics as his scholarly work:  They profile life in the Jewish communities of Eastern Europe in vocational / professional, economic, and demographic terms, effectively capturing a late 1930s sociological snapshot of the world Eastern European Jewry … only one year before the commencement of the Second World War.  Though entirely substantive, direct, and grimly unflinching in content, and characterized by statistics and quantitative information, the quality of Lestschinsky’s writing is excellent, and comports well with the serious but not-necessarily-too-academic tone of the Jewish Frontier.

Four of these items were published as a series from June through September of 1938, each installment pertaining to a different Eastern European region or country.  These titles comprise:

The Jews of Central Europe – June, 1938
The Fate of Six Million – July, 1938
Jews in Baltic Lands – August, 1938
In Fascist Rumania – September, 1938

A fifth item, published five months before the war’s September beginning, specifically describes conditions experienced (well, a more apt word would be endured) by Jewish students in Polish academic institutions.  The appropriate title:

Terror in Polish Universities – April, 1939

Lestschinsky’s sixth and last item in the Jewish Frontier pertains to the Jews of the Soviet Union, but – the Second World War having ended three years previously – covers Jewish life in the Soviet Union during the early years of the (first?!) Cold War.  Paralleling the refreshing, anti-Communist, anti-leftist ethos of the Jewish Frontier from the mid-1930s through the early 1950s, Lestschinsky, too, has a deeply skeptical and worried (in retrospect, more than validly so) view of the future of Jewish life in the Soviet Union.  The title:

Jewish Expressions in the U.S.S.R. – December, 1948

And so, my next bunch of posts will be comprised of Lestschinsky’s Jewish Frontier articles, one article per post, verbatim. 

The one conclusion that can be drawn from the articles, especially those from 1938, is that even if the river of time had traversed an altogether different and infinitely more benign course, Eastern European Jewry – in a collective sense; as it existed under conditions prevailing in the 1930s – would have intentionally and steadily reduced to an abject, irrecoverable level of penury and social degradation.  Lestschinsky proposed no explicit answers to this awful predicament, but he didn’t need to:  The very publication of his articles in a publication unapologetically devoted to Zionism was his answer.  

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In the meantime, here are some sort-of-randomly chosen news articles about, or mentioning, Jacob Lestschinsky, several found via FultonHistory.  They’re chronologically arranged, and illustrate how his scholarship appeared in both the general and Jewish news media, as opposed to specialized, professional, and academic venues. 

The central and haunting take-away in terms of raw numbers is how relatively little total Jewish numbers have changed across a century’s span. 

Then again, what will historians of the future (if there are historians in the future) write of the world of 2023; the world as a whole; the Jewish world?  

I won’t broach that question.

Oh.  Seems I just did.

Whether for good, ill, or neither, perhaps it is best that the future remains unknown to man.     

Some articles…

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Estimates 14,830,832 Jews in World

The New York Times
August 7, 1925

BERLIN, Aug. 4 (Jewish Telegraphic Agency). – The dispute concerning the total number of Jews in the world has become more complicated by the publication here of new figures gathered by Jacob Lestschinsky, who says that the total is 14,830,832.  According to the American Jewish Yearbook the total is 13,000,000, while Trietsch’s estimate is 17,000,000.  Besides these figures there are others less authoritative compiled in America and elsewhere.

New York State Digital library
New York State Digital library

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Jewish Population Is Put at 16,000,000
World Total is Five Times That
of a Century Ago German
Authority States

The Evening Leader (Corning, N.Y.)
November 1, 1932

During the last hundred years the world’s Jewish population has grown from 3,000,000 to 16,000,000, having quintupled in numbers from 1825 to 1925, whereas Europe, America, South Africa and Australia increased their population only three and a half times, according to figures published in the current number of the Menorah Journal by Jakob Lestschinsky of Berlin, an authority on Jewish demography.

“Never before,” Mr. Lestschinsky writes, says the New York Times, “were the Jews so numerous, nor to such a great extent gathered together in Metropolitan centres.  Almost a third of the Jewish people now live in the fourteen largest cities of the civilized world.

“Quintupling in numbers from 1825 to 1925, the Jewish people propagated at over one and one half times the rate of Europe’s population as a whole.  In no other period of their history have the Jews shown a similar growth.  Moreover, this phenomenal increase was achieved not through Increased birth rate but through extraordinarily reduced death rata.

Rate of Increase High

“In the 55 years from 1825 to 1880 the Jewish numbers grew from 3,280,000 to 7,660,000; and in the halt century from 1880 to 1930 their numbers grow again to 15,800,000.  In each of these periods they mora than doubled.

“This unprecedented increase seems all the mora remarkable when we recall that during the last half century the East European Jews were engulfed by three large pogrom-waves (1881-82, 1903-5 and 1918-21), with 2,000 massacres in which approximately 100,000 Jews were murdered and from 200,000 to 300,000 prematurely died of epidemics.”

What may properly be called “World-Jewry,” the writer says, arose only during the last century.  Out of a small people, the greater majority living in Southeastern Europe, Asia Minor and North Africa, and strewn about in innumerable villages and small towns, forming tiny, unimportant islands in vast Gentile seas, the Jews have expanded over the entire world, settling in the industrially most advanced countries and concentrating in the largest cities.

“The geographical map of Jewry of a hundred years back,” he writes, “shows plainly that the Jews warn at that time crowded together in the most backward countries: In the Russian part of Europe, in Poland and Galicia, in the Balkans, in North Africa and Asia Minor.

Migrations to the West

“In the course of the century huge Jewish migrations took place from East to West; from the agrarian to the Industrial countries, from political despotisms to democratic nations, from the spheres of Slavic-Arabian culture to those of English-German culture.

“Perhaps the most striking change has come about in America, which now contains about a third of world Jewry, whereas a hundred years ago it contained only one-third of 1 per cent – no less than a hundredfold multiplication.”

In the fourteen largest cultural centres in Europe and America, of more than 1,000,000 inhabitants each, there are now 4,500,000 Jews – almost 20 per cent of the entire Jewish people.  New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Boston and Cleveland have 2,750,000 Jews, or more than 80 per cent of the entire Jewish population in the United States.

More than 6,000,000 of the world Jewry, or 38.6 per cent, are engaged in trade, contracting and banking.  The next largest group, 5,750,000, of 36.4 per cent, is engaged in Industry and handicraft.  A million, or 6.3 per cent, are professional men and public officers: 625,000 are engaged in agriculture, 325,000 are houseworkers and diverse hirelings, while 2,000,000 are without vocations.

New York State Digital library
New York State Digital library

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30 PCT. OF JEWS LIVE IN AMERICAS

Nearly Two-Thirds Are in Europe, New Survey Discloses.

The Evening Star (Washington, D.C.)
April 10, 1936

WARSAW, April 10 (Jewish Telegraphic Agency). – A total world Jewish population of 16,240,000 of whom 5,000,000, or 30 per cent, live in the Americas it has been reported by the Jewish Scientific Institute in a statistical survey published in the publication, Yivo Bletter.

The survey, conducted by Jacob Lestschinsky, economist and writer, as of the beginning of 1936, shows the world Jewish population increased 1,300,000 in the last 10 years.

The distribution of the Jews has remained stationary.  More than 60 per cent of them, about 10,000,000, live in Europe, 5,000,000 In the Americas, more than 5 per cent, or 500,000, in Asia, and the rest, about 30,000, in Australia.

More than 10,000,000 Jews, or two-thirds, live in three countries.  The United States has 4,450,000, Poland has 3,150,000 and Soviet Russia 3,080,000.

The Jews are scattered over 30 countries, of. which only four – the above three and Rumania – have more than 1,000,000.  Seventeen countries have more than 100,000 Jews.  The number of Jews shows an increase in every country except Germany, Austria, Hungary, Switzerland, Italy and Turkey.

Digital Newspaper Archives of US & Canada
Digital Newspaper Archives of US & Canada

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Jewish Population

The Southern Jewish Weekly
June 6, 1952

The figures indicating the Jewish population in various sections of the world, released last week by the World Jewish Congress, are substantially similar to those made available earlier in the year in the American Jewish Year Book for 5712, published jointly by the American Jewish Committee and the Jewish Publication Society.

The present study, made by Dr. Jacob Lestschinsky, statistician and demographer, shows that “wars and anti-Jewish terror in Europe, the birth of Israel and other factors led to the migration of more than 4,000,000 Jews since the turn of the century, thus changing the entire Jewish demographic picture.”

Coming closer home, the United States is given a Jewish population of five million; Argentina, 400,000; Canada, 200,000; Brazil, 120,000; with the Jewish population in other eighteen Latin-American countries estimated at 150,000.

Of especial significance, Dr. Lestschinsky points out is the “remarkably swift growth of the Jewish community in the Holy Land, where the Jewish population has increased forty-fold in the last fifty years, rising from 35,000 in 1900 to 1,400,000 at the end of 1951.”  One shudders to contemplate what might have happened to a preponderant majority of these 1,400,000 men, women and children had Israel not been eager, even though not prepared, to receive them.  This may not come within the purview of the statistician; it must not be overlooked by those who read his figures.

In Europe, that is, with the exception of the Jewish groups behind the Iron Curtain, there are only two major Jewish communities – Britain with a Jewish population of 400,000, and France with a Jewish population of 240,000.

All of which furnishes an interesting picture of world Jewry today.

Digital Newspaper Archives of US & Canada
Digital Newspaper Archives of US & Canada

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This April, 1966 issue of The National Jewish Post and Opinion (of Indiana) is interesting on two counts. 

First, it mentions Jacob Lestschinsky’s passing in Jerusalem. 

Second, it carries an obituary for and tribute to a man whose life took a far different path: Israel Jacobson of Rochester, New York, who at the young age of forty-four (young even in 1966) passed away only a week before Lestschinsky.  Though Jewish affairs in upstate New York would ostensibly have little relevance to Jewish life in Indiana, it turns out that Israel Jacobson, as T/Sgt. Israel Jacobson (12017570), heavily decorated for military service as an infantryman in the North African campaign, was the subject of several articles in Rochester and Buffalo newspapers in mid-1965.  These related his belated receipt of military awards, and (perhaps because he’d been a boxer before entering the military) his struggle with cancer.  

A member of E Company, 18th Infantry Regiment, 1st Infantry Division, Israel Jacobson was the son of Rabbi Harry Jacobson, of 60 Baden Street, in Rochester.  Born in Poland on November 2, 1921, he passed away on March 20, 1966, and is buried at Britton Road Cemetery, in Rochester.  His name appears on page 351 of American Jews in WW II, which records that he received the Silver Star with one Oak Leaf Cluster, Bronze Star, and Purple Heart (he was wounded in mid-February of 1943) with one Oak Leaf Cluster.  His wartime story was noted in The American Hebrew (6/11/43), Chicago Jewish Chronicle (5/28/43), and Rochester Times Union (3/26/43, 8/24/43, 7/11/45), while postwar, news articles about him appeared in the Buffalo Courier-Express, Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, and Jamestown Post-Journal.

Jacob Lestschinsky

National Jewish Post and Opinion
April 1, 1966

JERUSALEM – Jacob Lestschinsky, dean of Jewish sociologists, died at the age of 89 last week following long illness.

A native of Russia, Lestschinsky was one of the founders of the Zionist Socialist Party and was a delegate to the Sixth Zionist Congress in 1903.

Later he devoted himself to Jewish sociology, publishing dozens of books and studies and countless articles in Hebrew, Yiddish, Russian, German and English.

Following the Bolshevik Revolution he moved to Poland, then to Germany, finally to the U.S.  In 1959 he settled in Israel – first in Tel Aviv and later in Jerusalem.

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RABBI’S SON ENTERS PRO PRIZE RING

The Wave (Rockaway Beach), July 11, 1946

After five years in uniform, ex-Army tech sergeant Israel Jacobson, the fighting son of a Rochester, N.Y., rabbi, has laid aside his carbine, and henceforth will restrict his fighting qualities to the professional prize ring as a Long Island’s bid for featherweight honors among the paid to punch brigade.

Twice overseas and twice wounded, “Battling Jacobson” as he has been dubbed by Long Island fight fans, participated in five major campaigns and two invasions.  He holds several Army awards including the Croix de Guerre, Silver Star Medal, Bronze Star Medal, New York State Conspicuous Service Cross, and the Purple Heart with Oak Leaf Cluster.

Wisely enough, Jacobson, now a resident of Queens, has placed his fistic destiny in the hands of Irwin Goldie, internationally known fight manager and former G.I. who managed Billy Conn’s overseas tour and promoted service boxing tournaments in London, Paris and Rome.

Sgt. Jacobson’s story travelled from Rochester to Long Island.  Here’s an article from The Wave (Rockaway Beach) from July 11, 1946:

Old Newspapers

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MEMORIAL SERVICES FOR LESTCHlNSKY HELD IN NEW YORK; DIED IN ISRAEL

Jewish Telegraphic Agency
April 27, 1966

NEW YORK, April 26.  (JTA) — Memorial services for the late Jacob Lestchinsky, Jewish sociologist and author, who died a month ago in Israel were held here today by the American section of the World Jewish Congress and YIVO, the Institute for Jewish Research.  Dr Maurice L. Perlzweig, director of the WJC department of international affairs, who presided at the services, noted that Dr. Lestchinsky was a founder of the Congress movement, and was known for many detailed studies and reports on the Jewish position in many parts of the world.  Other speakers were Prof. Salo Baron, Jewish historian, and C. Bezalel Sherman, chairman of the administrative committee of the WJC American section.  Mr. Lestchinsky died at 89, in Israel.

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For Your Further Enlightenment and Distraction…

Jacob Lestschinsky, at…

Wikipedia

he.Wikipedia

The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe

Jewish Virtual Library

National Library of Israel (Catalog records of books, archives, articles, and miscellaneous items)

Center for Jewish History (Jacob Lestschinsky’s Correspondence with individuals and institutions, comprising about 1,800 letters)

World Jewish Population by Country, at…

Wikipedia

Estraikh, Gennadiy, Jacob Lestschinsky: A Yiddishist Dreamer and Social Scientist, Science in Context, V 20, N 2, 2007, pp. 215-237. (Bibliography lists over 35 works by Lestschinsky)

Chronicles From the East: Eastern European Jews – Soldiers and Civilians – in the First World War – An Overview

My prior two posts, “The World at War, The Jews in War: Jewish Military Service in World War One, in David Vital’s “A People Apart”“, and, “Images From the East: Russian Jewish Soldiers of the First World War, in “The Jewish World”“, focused upon the experiences of Jewish soldiers in the First World War. 

The former post centers upon a passage from D. David Vital’s book A People Apart, which presents a sociological and historical overview of the participation of Jews in the armed forces of the Allies and Central Powers from 1914 to 1918. 

The latter post is a little different: It displays a few of images published in the periodical The Jewish World (brother publication of The Jewish Chronicle) from 1914 through 1916, showing Jewish soldiers who served in the Army of Imperial Russia. 

Given the tremendous number of Jewish soldiers who served in the Army of Imperial Russia during the First World War, as well as the demographic and historical centrality of Eastern European Jewry in the history of the Jewish people, these pictures directly resonate with observations about Jewish WW I military service expressed in Dr. Vital’s book.  As a lengthy follow-up to this topic, I plan to bring you more information about this subject in future posts. 

This will be in the form of transcripts of a news items, letters-to-the-editor, essays, and investigative reports published in WW I-era issues of The Jewish Chronicle and The Jewish World, l’Univers israélite from France, and The Jewish Exponent of Philadelphia, which – like The Jewish Chronicle – is still very much in publication over a century after the end of The Great War.

How did I find these items? 

Well, the second-best answer is … very, very (very!)* slowly.

The best (and lengthier) answer is by reviewing all issues of the above periodicals published between late 1914 and early 1919.  While the four publications are available as 35mm microfilm at the New York Public Library, I believe that only l’Univers israélite, published between 1849 and 1939, is available in digital format: via the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

The above-mentioned review was an effort to find news items directly covering, pertaining to, or even tangentially addressing military service by Jews in World War One.  Of which, from late 1914 through early 1919, there were, alas, inevitably many such items.

The near goal?  To identify and transcribe such items, simply for their own sake. 

The far goal?  As part of an effort to corroborate records about Jews who were military casualties and award recipients in the Allied armed forces, whose names appear in commemorative volumes about Jewish WW I military service (typically published in the 1920s; no such study was ever created concerning the military service of American Jews…), and of greater importance, to simply identify soldiers whose names never appeared in such books, in the first place.

Among the many, many (many!) such news items I discovered in this endeavor are a select few about:

1) Russian Jews – Soldiers and Civilians – and the Russian War Effort

2) Jewish Civilians in Eastern Europe – The experiences of Jewish civilians in Eastern Europe, as the tides of war carried the opposing armies of the Central Powers and Allies (specifically Imperial Russia) hither and yon; from west to east; from east to west; unpredictably; chaotically; often with appalling and tragic effect, through and across the world’s then demographic center of Jewish population;

3) Russian-Born Jews in England, and Military Service in the Allied Armed Forces –The controversy within English Jewry the about the military service of Jewish immigrants from Russia resident in England in the Allied armies, and thus indirectly in support of Russia, the country from which they sought refuge;

4) Thoughts and Observations – “Why are the Jews Fighting Germany?”, and, a subtle segue into Zionism.

5) Stories from the War – Non-Fiction (?), and Fiction – Two tales: One, a story about Jewish soldiers in a Russian military unit, in terms of the Jewish soldiers’ relationships with each other, and equally, their Russian officers and fellow soldiers.   Another, a brief tale about an encounter between Cossack troops and an impoverished Jewish woman in Poland.

Importantly, these news items weren’t categorized as such in the original publications.  Rather, it was only after reviewing these items and pondering their content, that I realized they could be set within the five above general areas, which are based on my own judgement.

So.  Here are these items, arranged as per the above categories, listed by periodical name, date of publication, and item title.  Unless otherwise specified, all these items are from The Jewish Chronicle.  I hope to bring them to you as full-text in the reasonably near future.

Jewish Civilians in Eastern Europe

January 1, 1915 – The Atrocities in Poland
March 12, 1915 – Russian Troops Take Jewish Prisoners
April 16, 1915 – Russian Accusations Against The Jews

The Jewish Exponent
– February 19, 1915 – The Tragedy of Israel in Poland (by Herman Bernstein)

The Jewish Exponent – April 16, 1915 – The War and The Jews of Russia (by George Kennan)
The Jewish Exponent – August 13, 1915 – If It Be True…  A Terrible Indictment Against Russia
The Jewish Exponent – August 27, 1915 – Loyalty of Jews in War Lands Unshaken (by Alexander Brin)
The Jewish World – October 27, 1915 – A Roadside Scene in Russia (Photograph)
February 11, 1916 – The Russo-Jewish War Victims – (Photograph: “Driven Out”)
The Jewish Exponent – November 3, 1916 – How Russian Jews Suffered in War

The Jewish Exponent – March 4, 1921 – Tragic Plight of the Ukrainian Jews

Russian-Born Jews in England and Military Service in the Allied Armed Forces

July 7, 1916 – Russian Jews in Leeds
July 21, 1916 – The Plea of the Russian Jew (Letter from S. Paul)
November 17, 1916 – Russian Jews Appeal
November 17, 1916 – Russian-Born Jews and Military Service – Attestation in England

February 2, 1917 – Russians in the British Army – Attestation in Egypt

Thoughts and Observations

June 4, 1915 – Why the Jews are Fighting Germany

September 22, 1916 – From a Russian-Born Jew – Neo-Nationalism and Jewish Rights (3)

Russian Jews – Soldiers and Civilians – and the Russian War Effort

September 11, 1914 – Freedom for the Russian Jew
October 9, 1914 – Russian Jews and The War – Christian Soldiers Commend Jews
October 16, 1914 – Russian Jews and The War (Pardiztal)
October 16, 1914 – Russian Jews Daring Exploits (Miller)
October 23, 1914 – Russo-Jewish Bravery
November 27, 1914 – Tribute to Jewish Loyalty in Russia
December 25, 1914 – Russo-Jewish Loyalty – More Distinctions (Yoffin, Korman, Umansky, Zeitlin, Chutz, others)

January 1, 1915 – More Jewish Bravery in Russia (Kane, Marslialek, Tziz, Shuler, Dushansky)
January 1, 1915 – Russian Archbishop Kisses Jewish Hero
January 1, 1915 – Jewish Collections for Russian Soldiers
l’Univers israélite – January 1, 1915 – Les soldats juifs dans I’armee russe
January 8, 1915 – Young Jewish Heroes in Russia (Reichelson, Sharfinowitch, Gelfenstein, others)
January 22, 1915 – More Russo-Jewish Distinctions at the Front (Goldberg, Goldner, Kaplan, Yapolski, others)
January 29, 1915 – The Russian Army and The Jews (Holtzman, Itke, Schuster)
February 5, 1915 – Further Jewish Distinctions in Russia (Glickman, Grusenberg, Gunzburg, Rivkin, Treistman)
February 12, 1915 – Growing List of Russo-Jewish Heroes
February 19, 1915 – Russian Jews and the War
February 26, 1915 – Russian Jews and the War – Declaration in The Duma
February 26, 1915 – Another Striking List of Russian Jewish Heroes
March 12, 1915 – Large Russo-Jewish Honours List
March 19, 1915 – More Russo-Jewish Distinctions (Alexander, Kaplan, Olshwanger)
March 26, 1915 – Russo-Jewish Distinctions (Koffman, Markovitch, Shlionsky)
April 9, 1915 – Russo-Jewish War Honours (Annie X, Abramovitch)
April 16, 1915 – Russian Jews and The War
April 30, 1915 – Russo-Jewish Distinctions In The War (Markovitch, Lev Israel, Leipuner)
May 14, 1915 – Heavy List of Russo-Jewish War Honours
The Jewish Exponent – May 21, 1915 – Three Hundred Russian Jews Decorated
The Jewish Exponent – June 11, 1915 – A Jewish Girl in the Ranks
September 3, 1915 – Russo-Jewish Prisoners of War in Germany
September 3, 1915 – Five Hundred Russo-Jewish Heroes
December 24, 1915 – More Distinctions for Russo-Jewish Soldiers (Dubovitzky, Frenkel, Maltinsky, Rubinstein)

February 4, 1916 – General Kuropatkin and Jewish Soldiers
l’Univers israélite – February 4, 1916 – Les Juifs russes et la guerre
February 11, 1916 – A Russian Jewish Heroine (Madame Bernstein)
March 31, 1916 – Russian Rabbis Exempted From Service
April 21, 1916 – A Russian Commander of Jewish Soldiers
July 21, 1916 – Jews and Field Work in Russia

The Jewish Exponent – May 18, 1917 – Jewish Soldiers in the Russian Army
July 27, 1917 – A Jewish Legion Formed in Russia
l’Univers israélite – November 23, 1917 – Les Volontaires juifs russes

Stories from the War, Non-Fiction (?), and Fiction

The Jewish World – October 11, 1916 – The Cossack in a New Light
The Jewish World –June 23, 1915 – Reinforcements (Samuel Roth)

*Very?  Yes, very!