The Ambivalence of Acceptance – The Acceptance of Ambivalence IV: The Death and Life of Rabbi Abraham Bloch – in Philippe-E. Landau’s “The Jews of France and the Great War” – 1999

Prior to researching Jewish military service in the French Army during the Great War, the story of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch was entirely unknown to me.  Through a variety of digital and text sources, I soon learned more about his life, and in a larger context, the relationship of his story to the experience of French Jewry during that conflict, and beyond. 

One excellent source of information about Rabbi Bloch appears within Philippe-E. Landau’s monograph, Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre  (The Jews of France in the Great War).  His chapter on the Rabbi is presented below, translated from the French. 

Myth and Reality: The Death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch

Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre / The Jews of France in the Great War (front cover)

From 1915 to the defeat of 1940, Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch’s death on the field of honor symbolizes the community’s communion of body and spirit with the nation.  As much for Jewish youth as for the generations having lived the Great War, the image of Epinal represents the patriotic fidelity of French Judaism.

This pious picture, where the chief rabbi, then chaplain and stretcher-bearer, dies from his wounds in a shower of enemy fire after bringing a crucifix to a dying Catholic soldier, remains in the collective memory as “an image that will not perish” according to Maurice Barrés. (1)

Israelitism retained this event to claim its sacrifice during the ordeal.  The death of the chief rabbi has also benefited from important publicity, if only by the enthusiastic article that Maurice Barres has given him.  The information is then disseminated by the entire national press.  Also, it is not just an episode limited to community history.  By far, it goes beyond the denominational context because it is the very image of the Sacred Union.  We cannot gauge the impact of this death on the post-war mentality, anxious to perpetuate the fraternity of the trenches.

The first simple fact of the day at the end of the year 1914, the event is growing in the pen of the nationalist writer who awakens more the patriotic ardor of Israelitism.  The rabbis and the notables salute the glorious death of Abraham Bloch, but are however discreet on his famous gesture.  Did he really bring a crucifix?

But enthusiasm prevails over reason.  In 1917, once the press took hold of the story and the painter Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer fixed for eternity the gesture of the chief rabbi, the rabbinate agrees.  Here is Abraham Bloch becoming a “martyr” for his co-religionists and “saint” for the nation.

Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer‘s painting of Rabbi Abraham Bloch holding a crucifix before a dying soldier

Far from perishing, the image spreads in all Jewish families in the form of postcards and the memory of the Chief Rabbi is recounted in all the patriotic demonstrations that the community celebrates.

If, in the twenties, this episode comforts the Judaism which sees there the consecration, from the thirties, the death of the chief rabbi becomes the object of political recovery and patriotic outbidding.  Veterans, especially those of the Patriotic Union of French Jews, use this symbolic image to better revive the memory of the Sacred Union.

A GREAT RABBI PATRIOT

Born in Paris in 1859, Abraham Bloch is 55 when war is declared.  Despite his advanced age, he plans to become a chaplain and is assigned to the 14th Army Corps.

Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch (image from Judaica Algeria)

Coming from a pious Alsatian family, he has a strictly rabbinic background.  After studying at the Jewish seminary in Paris, he was sent to Remiremont (1884-1897) where he demonstrated a particular zeal that earned him the esteem of the faithful.  He then became chief rabbi of Algiers from 1897 to 1908.  The anti-Semitic maneuvers generated by the Dreyfus affair forced him to look after community interests and to support the republican cause.  The chief rabbi of France, satisfied with his action, decided to promote him by offering him the responsibility of the chief rabbinate of Lyon and his region, a position he held from 1908 until mobilization. (2)

Rabbi Israel Levi, in an article he devotes to him in January 1915, testifies to his patriotic ardor while Abraham Bloch is of fragile health: “When the mobilization was decreed, the military authority asked the Chief Rabbi of Lyon to appoint the chaplain to follow the 14th Army Corps.  Deaf to the objurgations of his friends and relatives, Abraham Bloch did not hesitate to claim for himself the honor of serving his country.” (3)

The latter adapts quickly to the new situation.  If he notes with irony and pleasure in his notebook that he is the “Jewish priest”, because his outfit hardly distinguishes him from other chaplains, he welcomes the Sacred Union: “… I am the dean of the band.  The officers are charming with us all.” (4)

If, for the moment, the chief rabbi has few Jews to comfort, he takes the opportunity to visit fellow Jews in the Vosges region where he had already established lasting relations during his first pastorate.

But the German offensive interrupts friendly visits.  After Fraize and Provenchères, on the 25th of August the battalions are in front of Saint-Dié.  Two days later, the chief rabbi notes for the last time in his notebook: “We are waiting for the order of departure to look for wounded.  Meanwhile, it is said that it was on the side of Saint-Dié that one would have bombed…” (5)

Here ends the impressions of Abraham Bloch.  From now on, the 14th Corps the journal of marches and operations tells us about the evolution of the fighting and the conditions of its death.

On August 28, the Chief Rabbi has neither the time nor the leisure to write, because the attack has resumed and is very violent.  The troops, including the 58th Division, have been specifically ordered to “retake the offensive at all costs on Taintrux and Anozel.” (6)  During the night of August 28 to 29, relief workers must evacuate more than 600 wounded and recover 150 soldiers on the battlefield.  Despite the losses suffered, the French troops intend to remain masters of the place while the German artillery is unleashed.  The Anozel pass becomes the stake of the fight, because the enemy wants to take this position which would then allow him to reach the small town of Saint-Dié.

The fighting is still raging.  The daily newspaper mentions the tenacity of the troops: “During this day, which was very hard for our regiment, the personnel showed the greatest calm under the fire of the German howitzers.  On August 29, around noon, stretcher bearers including Abraham Bloch were to transfer 450 wounded from Taintrux while they were still facing “enemy artillery fire.”  Abbé Dubodel, Catholic chaplain and eyewitness, confirms the extreme violence of the fighting during this day: “Then the fire recommences, more violent than ever; the wounded lying pell-mell on the earth; stretcher bearers; ambulance cars.  On arrival at the aid station, 5 or 6 missing, a wounded military chaplain, a Jewish rabbi wounded.” (7)

Can a rabbi be anything but Jewish?  The expression of Father Dubodel, who knows the chief rabbi since the beginning of August, makes us smile.  Be that as it may, it is certain that for several hours, between noon and six o’clock, the French troops suffered the repeated assaults of the German forces and are then obliged to retreat and “descend towards the Meuse in order to maintain it.”

It would be around 5 pm that the chief rabbi was killed in the conditions described by Major-General Raymond in the journal of the march of the stretcher-bearer group of the 68th Infantry Division:

“… It (the stretcher-bearer service) first evacuates the wounded of the 229th installed at the school of Anozel (about thirty), the closest to the line of fire, then those of the aid station of the 30th infantry located in the village barn.  At this moment the bomging begins.  A shell falls on the emergency station that the group is evacuating, without hurting anyone but starting to burn the barn.

This second post evacuated, the group took care of the third organized by the 229th and located in the last house of the village.  At this moment, the bombing is in full swing, a shell falls on the first aid post, another on the neighboring house that it burns. (…)  The shells continue to fall around the station and beat the road.

One of them kills a stretcher-bearer of the corps and violently throws the stretcher of the Dubodel group on the ground; this violent fall causes him a fracture at the base of the skull.  Evacuated, quoted to the order of the army.

The rabbi (Mr. Bloch, rabbi in Lyon, section of the femoral, died in a few moments) of the stretcher bearers who carried a wounded man is also killed…” (8)

The battle is calm in the evening.  At about 9:45 p.m., the chief of staff sent this note to the commander-in-chief: “Heavy fighting today on the entire front of the 14th Corps, great fatigue, large incalculable losses, again because of the extent of the front: 20 kilometers in the forests.” (9)  The next day, there are more than 1,000 wounded.  According to the military authorities, it is clearly admitted that Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch was killed “by a shell that took away his left thigh and a bullet in his chest.  In Taintrux, evacuating a wounded man.” (10)  This is a trivial case on this Saturday, August 29, 1914.

“PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS” card for Rabbi Abraham Bloch

THE PRESS MAKES THE EVENT

As early as September 17, Les Archives israélites announce to its readers the disappearance of the Chief Rabbi, who became the first rabbinic victim in this context where one strives to celebrate with force the Sacred Union.  In an article on page 2, the editor is content to mention the conditions of his death:

“The war has made a victim in the French rabbinate and it has chosen for its prey, one of its most worthy, most pious and most respected members: Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch.

On the tragic circumstances in which the Chief Rabbi Bloch of Lyons died on the battlefield, we have the following information provided by Father Debodel de Chateauroux, who was wounded in the same place …

At about two o’clock in the afternoon, the corps of stretcher-bearers of the 58th Reserve Division, of which he was a member, cared for him on a farm of about 150 wounded.  A German battery could not get the better of an alpine battalion, and directed its fires on the farm.  The wounded are being evacuated.  But the fire of the enemy is raging, waving pell-mell wounded, chaplains and stretcher-bearers.  It is at this moment that Chief Rabbi Bloch falls to no longer get up, while Father Debodel gets away with an injury.”

This short article remains faithful to the declaration of the doctor-major and is based on the testimony of abbot Debodel (in reality Dubodel) published in Le Salut of Lyon of September 8, 1914.  The abbot is in fact the only witness ocular who was close to the chief rabbi during the bombing.

The journalists do not yet mention the crucifix that the chief rabbi would have brought to a dying soldier.  This act would have been the cause of his death.  In May 1915, during the Ordinary General Assembly of the Consistory of Paris, President Edouard Masse evoked the death of Abraham Bloch, but without describing the circumstances of his disappearance.  Like so many others, he would have been killed by the enemy as a stretcher-bearer: “… The heroic end of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch showed, from the beginning of hostilities, how our chaplains know, when he it is necessary to die for their country, demonstrating not only the most admirable courage, but also a breadth of ideas of which public opinion, without distinction of cults or parties, has so unanimously emphasized beauty.” (11)

Does “breadth of ideas” refer to the famous rabbi’s famous gesture?  Perhaps!  In this case, Edouard Masse is very skeptical and doubts the new version of the death of Abraham Bloch appeared in November 1914.  It is the same for the other members of the assembly, which do not fall under the assertion of the President.

Yet, early in the fall of 1914, information will profoundly modify this event which is already becoming a symbol of the Sacred Union.  According to a letter from Father Jamin, Catholic Chaplain of the 14th Corps, addressed to Father Chauvin, then pastor in Lyon, the Chief Rabbi died by shrapnel but after having found and brought a crucifix to a seriously wounded soldier.  Seized by this detail which further illustrates the Sacred Union, Father Chauvin immediately communicated the information to the widow of Abraham Bloch on September 24, 1914:

“… Before leaving the hamlet, a wounded man, taking him for a Catholic priest, asked to kiss a crucifix.  Mr. Bloch found the requested crucifix and had it kissed.  After completing this act of charity, he left the hamlet accompanying another wounded man to the nearest car.  The shell hit him a few meters ahead of the car where the wounded man had climbed.

I thought that these details would comfort a pain that must be very lively.” (12)

The grand rabbi’s family informs Rabbi Israel Levi, who has been his friend since their studies at the rabbinical seminary.  A great patriot, Israel Levi believes that this example perfectly illustrates the dedication of the Israelites during the war.  Quoting Father Jamin’s letter, he writes a note specifying the conditions of death in Les Archives israélites.  He concludes, “… the rabbi’s act to get a crucifix to give to a wounded man to kiss – while the shells [that were] fired at the ambulance required a quick evacuation and died almost immediately afterwards, did it not deserve to be relieved?” (13)

Les Archives Israélites do not pay much attention to this story, which is narrated in the column “Jewish Echoes of the War” between the promotion of combatants and the patriotic actions of Baron Edmond de Rothschild.  However, the description caught the attention of journalists in the non-Jewish press, including Gerard Bauer who devotes a major article on the issue entitled “The death of a rabbi” and published in L’Echo de Paris November 7, 1914.  The author, by pointing out the sacrifice of a chief rabbi, glorifies the Sacred Union:

“… One evening when he was busy with this brave mission, he heard among the complaints the call of a dying soldier.  The poor boy, hit in a way that did not forgive [mortally wounded], had slightly stood on one elbow and in a weak voice, asked him for a crucifix…

The rabbi had no hesitation.  A hundred meters away, a priest was leaning over the dying.  He joined him in haste, asked him to lend him his crucifix, came back to the wounded man and kneeling at his side, [the wounded man] approached the image of the Redeemer [with his] lips.  And the soldier expired in that kiss.

But next to him another dying person, who had seen the Rabbi’s gesture, asked him to renew it for him.  This time the Israelite did not hesitate either.  He got up, but when he got up a bullet – we had not stopped fighting – a bullet hit him on the forehead.  He sank down, falling dead by the side of the dying man he was going to succor, holding in his clenched hand the crucifix, which for the first time he had used.”

This article should receive our full attention because it is for the first time a fictionalized version of the death of Abraham Bloch.  Where does Gerard Bauer hold his information, if not the note of Rabbi Israel Levi based on the letter of Father Chauvin?  Moreover, he distorts the facts.  The rabbi did this act only once and was killed by shrapnel, according to Father Jamin’s testimony.  Several questions arise.  Why is it not the Catholic priest who brings absolution to the dying soldier?  Who is this chaplain who could have testified later on the action of the chief rabbi?  Neither Pastor Rivet nor Father Jamin are with Abraham Bloch during the German offensive!  Only Father Dubodel is not far from the chief rabbi, but he never mentioned the act.

For Gérard Bauer, one needs a heroic death in the image of the Sacred Union.  Vulgar shrapnel is not dignified enough for such a gesture.  Better a ball!  Charitable action is not enough.  We must renew the act.

This version makes its impression on the mentality of the time and even after.  The rabbinate, if it doubts the gesture, does not question the information.  After all, it serves the patriotism of Judaism.  The community also needs heroes and martyrs and appropriates this story.  On the occasion of the first anniversary of the death of Abraham Bloch, the chief rabbi of Lille, Édgard Sèches, salutes the sacrifice of his colleague: “… Martyr, he was, certainly.  This word, you do not ignore, means WITNESS.  Yes, he has witnessed our ardent love for France.  Yes, he himself testified that this love can go to the complete sacrifice of life. (…)  His death did more for Judaism and the French rabbinate than the most eloquent speeches. (14)  Following the expression of Maurice Barrés, chief rabbi of France Alfred Lévy also pays tribute to Abraham Bloch, but does not mention the object: “… The name of this victim of duty will not perish; he will be the glory, the holy halo of his family, of the rabbinate, of French Judaism.”  On this point, the rabbis are very discreet.  Is it by religious conviction and disapproval of the gesture, or simply because they doubt the veracity of the act?

Preparing his study entitled The Diverse Spiritual Families of France, Maurice Barrés retains the fictionalized version in an article published in L’Echo de Paris on December 15, 1915 and included in his book.  It is an opportunity for the nationalist man of letters to celebrate the virtues of the Sacred Union: “… From degree to degree, we have risen; here the fraternity spontaneously finds its perfect gesture: the old rabbi presenting to the soldier who dies the immortal sign of Christ on the cross is an image that will not perish.” (15)

From now on, from La Dépêche Algerienne to La Tribune de Genève, the national and international press has taken over this version, which has become almost official.  This tragic, but symbolic end, also holds the attention of the political class and the poet Edmond Rostand who composes in March 1918 these few verses:

“A priest in a police cap
Wants to rush towards a dying person:
He falls.  A rabbi replaces him,
The door to his Christian brother,
And on this dying person he attends
Falls and dies, wonderful deist,
For a God who is not his!” (16)

Inebriated by the Republican victory, Israelitism keeps in memory the death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch, which has become a myth for the generation of veterans.  No authority calls into question the gesture.  The story is too beautiful and especially there has been too much ink and excited enthusiasm for the doubt [that] is now installed in the minds.

However, in 1921, Father Jamin returns to this episode in his book Advice to Young People of France, after the victory, in which he writes: “… I related in September 1914, in a private letter that was published the heroic death of Rabbi Bloch, military chaplain on the battlefield of Saulcy, near Saint-Die.  I had not assisted myself, but I was telling the story of several eyewitnesses.” (17)

Father Jamin does not mention the witnesses whose information he keeps.  Who are they?  Father Dubodel, the closest person to the Chief Rabbi during the bombing, never confirmed the fact.  The fighters present never appeared in the press and with the Bloch family.  Is it Father Chauvin from Lyon who amplified the story?  In this case, why is it not denied by Father Jamin?  Did these two priests, intending to build an image of Epinal in the precious context of Sacred Union, no longer able to stop the anecdote that turned into a myth?

The death of Abraham Bloch immortalizes Sacred Union and Jewish participation during the conflict.  The painter Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer reinforces the myth since 1917 with his canvas depicting the chief rabbi who brandished a crucifix on a dying wounded in the midst of the flames.  In the twenties, the work is reproduced in the form of a postcard which is a work of pious image.  At the same time, during the various patriotic celebrations, the rabbinate is careful to remind the public of the sacrifice of the chief rabbi.

The event, maintained by collective memory, resurfaced with more violence in the timid context of the thirties.  The Patriotic Union of the French Jews tries to appropriate it to reproduce the Sacred Union so dear to veterans and that the news constantly denies.

A HISTORY THAT ARRANGES AND DERANGES

The death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch is now history.  Dead for the fatherland in the conditions we know, he becomes a martyr in the eyes of his contemporaries, anxious to defend the image of Judaism in a republican France.  The disappearance of a private soldier in the same context may not have attracted the attention, but by the fact that it is a rabbi, known and respected by all, the anecdote then takes the extent.

The sacrifice of Abraham Bloch symbolizes the greatness of the Sacred Union and prides the collective memory since it meets all the necessary criteria, namely: the patriotic commitment with the voluntary service, the spiritual vocation with the chaplaincy, the fraternity with the help given to the dying soldier, tolerance with the crucifix.

If the chief rabbi becomes a martyr for the cause, the community does not make him a hero in the sense that we usually hear him, because he did not die fighting or resisting the enemy like the said young David Bloch.

The image of Epinal that holds the minds for several generations will however become suspect in the eyes of some historians. (18)  The famous gesture causes doubt.  Although they do not provide any proof for their claims, they consider the Chief Rabbi’s action to be implausible.  Nevertheless, it is an opportunity for them to denigrate Judaism, for which they have only mistrust and to attack the role of the Patriotic Union of the French Jews in its appropriation of the event.  But this story is only a brief episode for the Patriotic Union.  Studying this case, Michel Abitbol concludes: “Like any good myth that respects itself, this story was never authenticated.” (19)

Also, the circumstances of this death challenge us.  Since the debate is open and it will never be closed until the war logs (if they exist!) true witnesses will be untraceable, we will not know if the grand rabbi died [with] a crucifix in hand by rescuing a casualty.

Every war breeds myths.  As proof, let us retain the story of the soldier Chauvin and that of the famous “trench of bayonets.” (20)  French Judaism, like the Third Republic, needs myths to nourish its historical dimension.  Already, on the eve of the Great War, Ernest Lavisse considered that teaching could not do without heroes and their legends.  Memory succeeding history, it offers many possibilities as Pierre Nora recalls: “History is the always problematic and incomplete reconstruction of what is no more.  Memory is an ever-present phenomenon, a bond lived in the eternal present; history a representation of the past.  Because it is emotional and magical, memory only accommodates the details that comfort it; it feeds on vague memories, telescoping, global or floating, particular or symbolic, sensitive to all transfers, screens, censorship or projections.” (21)

After the war, Jean Norton-Cru is one of the first to doubt the authenticity of some testimonies relating to the Great War.  His critical study of the phrase “The standing dead!” launched by Jacques Pericard must question us.  According to Jean Norton-Cru, testimony is never perfect: “Each witness instinctively completes, and according to his own nature, the series of quick sentences, many of which have escaped him.  He fills the blanks instantly and now forgets that they were blanks; voids.  What he thought he saw, he sincerely believes he has seen.  It is therefore almost impossible that on about thirty statements there are two that agree, even approximately.” (22)

The Great War, in the enthusiasm it provokes and through the French victory, gives birth to myths, situations that allow the imagination to reveal the greatness of the sacrifice made during the four years.  Verdun, the heroism of fighters, bayonet charges are all examples that amplify a reality surely less ideal.  The trauma of violence and suffering tends to accentuate the distortion of history in favor of memory.

We can understand that a simple anecdote can become a myth, especially when mystifiers seize it.  In the present case, it is certain that Maurice Barrés, using Gérard Bauer’s article and Father Jamin’s letter, facilitated the diffusion of this myth.

It was from the summer of 1934 that the affair of Abraham Bloch resurfaced in the community when the Patriotic Union of French Jews led by Mr. Edmond Bloch uses the gesture of the Chief Rabbi to celebrate the fraternity of the trenches and, above all, to fight against anti-Semitism.  Contrary to what Maurice Rajsfus thinks, the Patriotic Union did not invent the myth of Abraham Bloch.  It has used it for its own sake, to revive unity among veterans as intolerance develops and the memory of Sacred Union is erased from the minds as the nation suffers social and economic crises.  Admittedly, it is a political maneuver on the part of Edmond Bloch, who seizes the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the death of the chief rabbi to demonstrate the action of his movement.  But the members of the Patriotic Union as their co-religionists are convinced of the authenticity of the gesture.  This symbol, while paying tribute to the rabbi, must popularize this association which has just been founded.  Faced with the rise of the leagues and the involvement of many Jews in the progressive parties, Edmond Bloch and his friends consider it necessary to regroup patriotic Jews, viscerally attached to the maintenance of the republican order.

In this context, it is necessary to understand the role of the Patriotic Union when its president decides [upon] the erection of a stele in memory of the chief rabbi near the Anozel pass in September 1934, the place where Abraham Bloch fell.  If there is not a political aspect here, this monument is part of the will to make a pious homage to a personality and to keep alive the collective memory.

With the implicit support of the central and Paris presidencies, in the presence of numerous rabbinical authorities, including the chief rabbi of Nancy Paul Haguenauer, and politicians, such as Mathieu Prefect of the Vosges and Georges Rivollet Minister of Pensions, Edmond Bloch delivers a strong speech noticed that testifies to this patriotic mentality while bringing a new version of Abraham Bloch’s gesture:

“… He leaned over to a wounded man, who took him for a Catholic priest and asked him for absolution. – “I’m not a Catholic, my poor friend, I’m a rabbi.” – “Can you not at least get me a crucifix?”

A Catholic stretcher priest was passing nearby, carrying, with one of his comrades, a wounded man on a stretcher.  The chief rabbi asked him if he possessed a crucifix: the priest had one, but on his chest, inside his cloak; without giving up his stretcher, he indicated it to Abraham Bloch who opened the garment, took the crucifix and brought it to the wounded…” (23)

Where and how was Edmond Bloch able to gather this new information?  According to Rene Lisbon, a member of the Patriotic Union and friend of the lawyer, Father Jamin himself would have described the scene. (24)  In this case, why is the priest who has become a witness not invited to the demonstration to make his own declaration?  His testimony would certainly have had more impact on the public.

Also, [for] everyone – a lack of concrete and direct evidence – can give free rein to his imagination provided that it fits in the direction of the Sacred Union.  The adherents of the Patriotic Union are sensitive to this idea, as their spokesperson always says: “… More than the other French, we owe it to our country.  The natural, sentimental, affective bonds which unite all Frenchmen to the common mother are common to all.  We add one more: gratitude.”

This event draws the attention of the community press, which sees in Edmond Bloch’s action only a veteran’s action which is part of the continuity of the Sacred Union.

Late 1937, the death of the chief rabbi is again reminded to the community.  The consistory of Lyon proposes to erect a monument to the memory of its chief rabbi on a large square in the city. (25)  Edouard Herriot, the radical mayor, is in favor of the project.  In a letter of January 31, 1938, he informed the Chief Rabbi Bernard Schoenberg that the city council grants Antonin-Gourju Place for the construction of the monument.

From the beginning, the project raises reactions.  The chief rabbi of Lyon, supported by his colleagues from the Central Consistory, including Israel Levi, oppose the erection of a statue representing the chief rabbi bringing a crucifix to the wounded.  The religious objection is valid. The Chief Rabbi of France recalls the hostility of Judaism to any image carved according to the commandment “You shall not make a carved image, nor any figure of what is in the sky above or on the earth below or in the waters below the earth.“ (Exodus, 20).  It should be noted that no community has made a work of this type in synagogue courts or Jewish cemeteries.

But the hostility is even stronger on the side of the local population.  If the Israelites, as a whole, are in favor of the project because they see the recognition of the city, the anti-Semites refuse the construction of such a monument, as reported in a confidential note from Lucien Coquenheim, chairman of the committee of Lyon:

“… But this (religious) objection, which may not have been absolutely insurmountable, is today largely overtaken by the anti-Semitic objection, which has broken the non-Jewish unanimity, without which the initial project loses, singularly, of its meaning and scope.  Since then, it is no longer a work of social peace that will continue the erection of the monument, but will cause a fight, during which a Chief Rabbi will be unjustly slandered, thus reaching all French Judaism.” (26)

In 1938, the city of the radical Herriot knows many antisemitic disturbances caused by members of the Action Française and local leagues.  It is easy to speak of anti-Semitic coalition against the project, because the nationalists are organized and put pressure on the municipal council to abandon the idea of a monument dedicated to a Jew, moreover a great rabbi.

According to a confidential report from the Lyon committee, mention is made of threats to members of the community and doubts on the part of the population about the sacrifice of Abraham Bloch.  Lucien Coquenheim is obliged to conduct an investigation into the actions of anti-Semites:

“The investigation pursued by the members of the Lyon committee, among survivors, in recent months, has allowed them to discover that emissaries have been sent to these witnesses to make sure of the meaning in which they will testify.  So, the campaign is ready, it is waiting for a pretext to be triggered; the official announcement of the erection.

The thought of the Lyon committee is dominated by two principles:

– Do not provide our opponents the “pretext” that will trigger the campaign before being ready for the fight;

– Do not seem to give in to antisemitic blackmail.” (27)

L’Action Française, through its hawkers, is struggling to cancel the project.  A real campaign is organized to which the Lyons committee does not intend to answer.  Leaflets are distributed; posters pasted.  The Lyon public remains suspicious.  In this context, Albert Manuel suggests to Lucien Coquenheim to conduct a more thorough investigation into the conditions of the death of the Chief Rabbi.  The Consistory of Paris finances the proceedings of the Lyon committee, responsible for finding and interviewing witnesses.  From February to July 1938, the survivors of this time are contacted.  Lucien Coquenheim meets the abbots Jamin, Guyetant and Rouchouze, the pastor Rivet, the doctor-major Raymond and the teacher of Taintrux, Mrs. Richard.

The testimonies bring nothing concrete.  On the contrary!  Doubt persists about the act of the chief rabbi.  No one is able to confirm whether the chief rabbi brought a crucifix to the soldier and died after this act.

Father Jamin and Pastor Rivet are content to explain their absence at this time.  Confirming his letter of September 1914, Father Jamin asserts, however, that he keeps the information of a soldier who told him this story.  But he is unable to mention the name of the witness in question.

Father Guyetant, not mentioned in the testimonies since 1914, but a former stretcher-bearer, confirms the fact that the rabbi had fallen to about twenty meters from him, but he does not mention his gesture.  Worse, according to him, chief rabbi Abraham Bloch would have received absolution: “… Monsieur l’Abbe saw the rabbi fall 15 or 20 meters away from him.  As he wore a cassock, Catholic priest stretcher-bearers mistook him for a Catholic chaplain gave him absolution.” (28)

Monsignor Rouchouze does not appear as an eyewitness either and considers that the medical officer is perhaps the only person to know the truth.  But the latter’s statement addressed to Albert Manuel on April 14, 1938, confirms his statement mentioned in the march journal of the stretcher corps:

“… towards the end of the morning, we finished the evacuation of an emergency station located in Anozel, when this post was bombarded.  There were only a few wounded left on stretchers and a number of stretcher-bearers insufficient to carry them.  The chaplains then spontaneously joined the stretcher bearers to carry the last stretchers.

It was thus while carrying a wounded man that one of the chaplains whom I later learned, Rabbi Bloch was killed by shrapnel, at some distance from the village of Anozel.” (29)

Twenty years later, the memory of the doctor-major is intact, except that the chief rabbi died in the late afternoon.

Since, according to one version, Abraham Bloch was searching for the crucifix, he could have reached a house in the hope of finding one.  Lucien Coquenheim contacted the village teacher, present at the time of the bombing and withdrawal of French troops.  In a letter addressed to the grand rabbi’s daughter in June 1938, she is also unable to mention the circumstances of Abraham Bloch’s death: “… The Catholic chaplains and others immediately gave him all the responsibility.  I was told that your father asked a Catholic confrere for a crucifix-so I do not know if he really went to get one from a house’ that’s a very accurate memory…” (30)

In full retreat and under a shower of shells, the urgency is above all the evacuation of the wounded.  Can we imagine Abraham Bloch abandoning his duties as a stretcher bearer to fetch a crucifix when the battle is raging?  Especially since the nearest house, where may be a crucifix, is more than 350 meters away.  Could not the grand rabbi have the presence of mind to ask a soldier for a crucifix?

As for Father Dubodel, it is impossible to collect his testimony.

In the fall of 1938, for lack of sufficient evidence, the Lyon committee definitively abandoned the project.  The chief rabbinate prefers this solution, considering that it is not useful to accentuate the discord between the French.  With bitterness, Lucien Coquenheim writes: “… the presence of the chief Rabbi delegates, leaders of French Judaism seems to us indispensable.  Because their absence, because of the protest raised by our opponents, would be interpreted in Lyon as a disavowal of the ceremony or gesture or both.” (31)

Even the chief rabbi of France, namely Israel Levi, no longer intervenes in the debate.  Yet he was the friend of Abraham Bloch and the first to unveil Father Chauvin’s letter in the community press.  Did he also doubt the famous gesture, while in full union sacred, he was convinced?

Doubt remains.  Have there been mystifiers?  For what purpose and for what profit?

Perhaps Father Jamin embellished the story, both out of sympathy for the chief rabbi and for the sake of magnifying the Sacred Union.  The open-mindedness of Abraham Bloch and his cheerful and always voluntary attitude strongly impressed the coprs of the stretcher bearers.  With the five priests, he showed another image of the Jew, thus breaking many prejudices.  Here is a patriotic rabbi, devoted to the cause, and brave!

Father Dubodel never denied or confirmed the authenticity of the act.  No doubt he did not wish to denigrate this alluring image which had already invaded the memory and which symbolized so well the Sacred Union …  It is the same for the chief rabbi Israel Levi who, heir to the science of Judaism and professor at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes, preferred to maintain this myth rather than reduce it to a simple anecdote.

A symbol of the Sacred Union and glorification of Jewish patriotism, even after the Second World War, the image of the gesture of the Chief Rabbi is still present in the minds.  The chief rabbi of France Jacob Kaplan, himself a veteran of the Great War, retains from this example the persistence of concord, fundamental to all nations:

“… It will not perish at last because it will always speak to the French soul which unites in a harmonious agreement the most diverse tendencies, in the manner of this splendid Vosges landscape … yes, it will always speak to the the soul of France so comprehensive and so liberal because France can not, not be in love with grandeur and heroism, humanity and generosity.

The gesture of Taintrux, an example of union on the battlefield is also a symbol of understanding during peace.” (32)

Raised to the level of national and community myth, the story of the death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch is still not closed.  The debate thus remains open…

(1) Maurice Barres, The Diverse Spiritual Families of France, Emile-Paul, 1917, p. 93.
(2) ACIP, Abraham Bloch file.  SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds.
(3) L’Univers israélite, January 1, 1915.
(4) SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds, notebook, August 8, 1914.
(5) Ibid., August 27, 1914.
(6) SHAT, file 26 N.145.  Journals of 14th Corps.
(7) Ibid.
(8) SHAT, file 26 N.154.  Medical Service Journal, August 29, 1914.
(9) SHAT, file 22 N.1033.  Operations of the stretcher-bearer group, August 29, 1914.
(10) SHAT, file 26 N.154.
(11) ACIP, PV series.  General meeting of May 30, 1915.
(12) SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds.  Letter from Father Jamin to Mrs. Bloch, September 24, 1914.
(13) Les Archives israélites, November 5, 1914.
(14) L’Univers israélite, October 8, 1915.
(15) Maurice Barrés, op. cit., p. 93.
(16) The Revue des Deux Mondes, March 1, 1916, p. 66.
(17) Fernand Jamin, Advice to Young People After the Victory, Perrin, 1921, p. 89.
(18) See David H. Weinberg, The Jews in Paris from 1933 to 1939, Calmann-Lévy, 1974, p. 107, Maurice Rajsfus, Be Jewish and Shut Up!, E.D.I, 1981, pp. 214-215, and Michel Abitbol, The Two Promised Lands – The Jews of France and Zionism, Olivier Orban, 1989, p. 281.
(19) Michel Abitbol, op. cit., p. 281.
(20) G. de Puymege, “The Soldier Chauvin” (pp. 45-80), and Antoine Prost, “The Trench of Bayonets” (pp. 111-141), Places of memory. The Nation, t. 2, under the direction of Pierre Nora, Gallimard, 1986.
(21) Pierre Nora, “Between memory and history”, Les Lieux de mémoire, t. 1, p. XIX.
(22) Jean Norton-Cru, From the Testimony, Éditions Allia, 1989, p. 25.
(23) L’Univers israélite, September 7, 1934.
(24) Ibid.
(25) ACIP, carton B.134. Year 1938, project of erection of a monument for Abraham Bloch.
(26) Ibid.
(27) Ibid.
(28) Ibid.
(29) ACIP, carton B.134.  Year 1938, received letters.
(30) SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds. Letter from Mrs. Richard to Mrs. Netter (daughter of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch) of June 17, 1938.
(31) ACIP, carton B.134.
(32) Journal of Communities, No. 202, September 1958.

Abbreviations

ACIP: Association consistoriale israélite de Paris
SHAT: Service historique de l’armée de terre (SHAT Vincennes)
SIF: Séminiare israélite de France (Paris)

References

Landau, Philippe-E., Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre – Un patriotisme républicain, CNRS Editions, Paris, France, 1999

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (1914-1918) (Israelites [Jews] in the French Army), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve [Forward to the Second Edition], Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2000)

Page listing Rabbi Abraham Bloch’s name in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (the notations and “doodles” (!) are my own)

Postcard of Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer’s painting of Rabbi Abraham Bloch holding a crucifix before a dying soldier (“Künstler-AK Le Grand Rabbin Aumonier Abraham Bloch, Rabbi als Feldgeistlicher”), at oldthing.de

Photograph of Rabbi Abraham Bloch, at Judaica Algeria

The Ambivalence of Acceptance – The Acceptance of Ambivalence I: “The Jews and The War”, by Maurice Barres, in The Jewish Exponent, July 26, 1918

“I hold my life as wholly sacrificed, but if fate should be kind enough to spare me, after the war I shall consider my life as no longer belonging to me, and, after having done my duty towards France, I shall devote myself to the great and unhappy Jewish people from whom I am descended.” 

A perennial, central, and universal aspect of human nature has been the need for acceptance – and the validation of that acceptance – by one’s surrounding culture, society, and nation.  The overlapping motivations for this range from the pragmatic and material, to even the spiritual – at least in so far as politics being a substitute for religion.  The paradox with the need for validation – whether it be for an individual, or, for the “place” of a distinct group – is that typically, that very validation is accorded greater credence when it emanates from one who is unafillated with, and ultimately in opposition, to that very person or group.

A striking example of this was manifest as the cover article of The Jewish Exponent (of Philadelphia) in its issue of July 26, 1918, published only four months before the end of the Great War.  Entitled “The Jews and The War,” the essay is an English-language translation of a chapter within Maurice Barrès’ 1917 book Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France (The Various Spiritual Families of France), entitled “les Israelites” (“The Israelites”).

As such (you can view the book’s table of contents by scrolling below…) that chapter was one of five (or six, depending on how you interpret the text!) of the book’s eleven chapters, which taken together focused upon the various groups within and comprising the nation of France, whose unity Barrès deemed essential to the survival of that nation at a time of existential crisis.  Noteble is the fact that while two of these “families” – Catholics and Protestants – are defined by religious belief and doctrine; a fourth – the Socialists – can be termed political (with economics thrown in for the mix?); and the fifth – the Traditionalists – one might be deemed cultural. 

Ultimately, Barrès title subsumes and equalizes all these groups within the larger whole of France, as, families.  And, among these national families of France is the Jewish people, a family defined not only in terms of terms of the nature of its religous belief (or, disbelief, as the case may be), but simultaneously with a particular land, and ultimately, peoplehood – the Jewish people.  In his discussion about the Jews of France, rather than engage in a lengthy religious, philosophical, or political exegesis, Barrès simply presents accounts about the enlistment, military service, and death in action of three French Jewish soldiers: Sous Lieutenant Amadee Rothstein, Sous Lieutenant Robert Walter Hertz, and Caporal Robert Cahen. 

The examples of these three men – three, alas, of very many – seem to have been chosen based on their ancestry, the symbolism inherent to their stories, and finally, the sense of literary expression evident in their correspondence with friends, family, and even in literary or academic journals: Rothstein (from the fourth Arrondissement?), a proud Zionist, born in Cairo in 1891; Hertz, a student of the Normal College and professor of philosophy in the college of Douai, born in Saint Cloud in 1891, to a father of German Jewish ancestry; Cahen, a graduate of the Normal College and freethinker who wrote, “I do not believe in any dogma of any religion.”  “I have just read the Bible.  It is for me a collection of tales, of old and charming stories.  I do not look for, nor do I find in it anything else but poetic emotions.” – None and nevertheless, a Jew.  

Obviously – ! – Barrès penned his book in French, (I don’t know if an English-language translation exists, the 1917 edition being available at archive.org., while you can – I think! – more easily read the chapter in its original French text, transcribed here.)  In that light, it’s interesting that the Exponent did not mention the name of the text’s translator.  Could this person have been M. Marcel Knecht, mentioned in the article’s preface as a member of the French High Commission to the United States? 

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You can read the full text of Barrès’ article / chapter – as presented in the Exponent – below, transcribed verbatim, below. 

I’ve supplemented the text by including “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” forms (for example, see my earlier post, Three Soldiers – Three Brothers? – Fallen for France: Hermann, Jules, and Max Boers) Cards for Rothstein, Hertz, and Cahen, listing biographical information about each soldier as derived from both the Cards and other sources, such as l’Univers Israélite (reviewed at the Dorot Jewish Division of the New York Public Library), and the 2000 reprint of Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921.  To enable you to distiniguish between my textual additions and the original article, more easily, this information is presented in maroon-colored text, like this. 

To place the lives of these three men in greater perspective, at the “end” of this rather lengthy post, I’ve listed the names of French Jewish soldiers, and German Jewish soldiers, who lost their lives on the same dates as Rothstein, Hertz, and Cahen.  The record for each of the French Jewish soldiers comprises that soldier’s 1) rank, 2) country or land of birth, and, 3) the geographic location where he was killed.  All these names were obtained from the SGA’s Base des Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale (Database of Killed for France in the First World War) database.  And, the record for each of the German Jewish soldiers comprises the soldier”s name, rank, military unit, and (where known) place of burial.  Notably, of the eighty-eight French Jewish soldiers who were killed in action or died of wounds on May 9, 1916, the names of twenty-seven men do not appear in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française. 

(Amidst discussion of a stark and haunting topic, a technical point:  The databases at the SGA website give access to an extraordinary trove of historical and genealogical information.  But, while records can be searched using the soldier’s date of birth, there is no search field for the date on which a casualty was incurred.  Okay, back to the discussion…)

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What about Maurice Barrès’; what about his article?

The animating idea underlying M. Marcel Knecht’s laudatory introduction to Barrès’ article is that the circumstances of the Great War, with the nation of France in peril and its survival dependent upon the steadfast unity of all elements of its population, caused a sea-change – a “great transformation” (adopting Karl Polanyi’s appelation from an entirely different topic…), as it were – in the latter’s perception of the Jews of France.  (And perhaps indirectly – albeit unaddressed in the essay – Jews, “in general”?  But, that’s speculation…)  This changed perception centrally manifested itself in terms of a straightforward appreciation of the dedication, valor, and willingness for self-sacrifice on the part of French Jewish soldiers, and secondarily, as the consequent willingness to accord the Jews of France a place within and of the national body – a place symbolic; yet a place quite real – paralleling that of other groups which together comprise the French nation.

But, that’s simplifying things a little.  The issue at hand is more complex, for Barrès actually divides the Jews of France into two distinct groups.

One group is comprised of those Jews whose families have a long tradition of residence and ancestry in France, as evidenced in the opening paragraph, “Many Jews, settled in our midst for generations and centuries, are natural members of the national body,” and later, “But there are other Jews in large numbers, rooted for centuries and generations in the soul of France, and intimately identified with the joys and sorrows of the national life.”

Second, those Jews whose connection to France is been less immediate both temporally and geographically, their hhaving been born and raised in the country’s colonies (such as Algeria), or whose immediate ancestry even derives from the land of the nation’s foe, Germany, epitomized in the adjective “adopted”.  This is seen in such comments as as, “Passing on to another portion of this category of adopted ones who conduct themselves as good Frenchmen in order to pay for and justify their adoption, I advance positive evidence, which brings us before a noble and ardent soul and introduces us into the midst of the intimate sufferings of Gallicized Israel,” and, “Let us now come a little nearer, and from this friend from the outside let us proceed to our adopted ones.” 

In any case, however well-written the essay, Barrès’ closing and ending sentences are revealing, and a sign – perhaps intentional; perhaps taken-for-granted – of his perception of the nature and “place” (a place real; a place symbolic) of the Jewish people in the world, and in history.

First, there’s the sentence with which the very article commences, “For Israel in his eternal wandering, choosing a country is a matter of great importance.”  Israel – the Jewish people – is definied by definition and nature as a wanderer; as eternally homeless, despite finding homes – a secularized political version of a Christian theological definition.  Curiously, this seems at odds (perhaps Barrès’ himself neither perceived nor contemplated the contradiction!) with a not-so-passing reference to the re-establishment of a Jewish nation-state: “Did he [Amedee Rothstein] expect to obtain from the victory of the Allies the realization of the curious plans, which are not without grandeur, of Doctor Herzl, or did he, more simply and with more certainty, desire to increase through sacrifice the moral force and prestige of Israel?  One word which he uttered leaves no doubt of the strength and direction of his thought.  He told his friends he would meet them after the war in Palestine.” 

And, the closing paragraph, in reference to the death of Rabbi Abraham Bloch:

“The old families rooted for generations in the French soil will take, as their typical hero and standard-bearer, the Chief Rabbi of Lyons, who falls on the field of Honor offering a crucifix to the dying Catholic soldiers. 

“In the village of Taintrux, near Saint-Die, in the Vosges, on the 29th of August, 1914 (on a Saturday, the sacred day of the Jews), the field hospital of the 14th Corps catches fire under the German bombardment.  The stretcher-bearers, amid flames and explosions, carry away 150 wounded.  One of the latter, mortally struck, asks for a crucifix.  He asks it of M. Abraham Bloch, the Jewish chaplain, whom he takes for the Catholic chaplain.  M. Bloch bestirs himself, he seeks, he finds, he brings to the dying man the symbol of the faith of the Christians.  And a few steps further on, a shell strikes him down.  He dies in the arms of the Catholic chaplain, Father Jamin, a Jesuit Father, whose testimony is proof of this incident. 

“No comment could add aught to the feeling of sympathy inspired in us by such an act, so full of human tenderness.  A long procession of instances has just shown us Israel striving in the war to demonstrate his attitude towards France.  Step by step we have risen; here fraternity spontaneously meets its perfect gesture; the old Rabbi presenting to the dying soldier the immortal sign of Christ on the cross is a picture that will never perish.”

Aside from the historicity (actually, the lack thereof) of Barrès’ account of Rabbi Abraham Bloch’s death (about which you can read much more in English and French, from a translation and transcript, respectively, of the chapter “Mythe et réalité: la mort du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch“, from Philippe-E. Landau’s Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre) I’m struck by the symbolism and power of this tale in terms of the self-identity of French Jewry.  It parallels (if it doesn’t even unintentionally anticipate!) the story of “The Four Chaplains” – at least, as reported during and promulgated after the Second World War – vis-a-vis the self-perception of American Jewry.  (There were many other Jewish men – both soldiers and Merchant Marine crewmen – who became casualties during the loss of the U.S.S. Dorchester on February 3, 1943, whose names have vanished from history.  Maybe more about that topic in the future…)

Anyway, back to Maurice Barrès’, the writer; the journalist; the politician, and simply, the man… 

Born in 1862, he was fifty-five years old when Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France was published in 1917.  He died only six years later, in 1923. 

Did the composition of “les Israelites”, within Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France, mark a genuine sea-change in his beliefs about and attitude towards the Jewish people, or did this signify only a temporary moderation, modified by expediency, from his prior beliefs about the Jews – most evident during the Dreyfus Affair?  I do not know.  Now do I know if subsequent to 1917 he penned anything further about the Jewish people.  (A cursory web search seems to yield no further writings in this vein.)  Well, it’s notable that For And Against Dreyfus mentions that he, “…deduced Dreyfus’s guilt “by his race”, while in 1897, Les Déracinés, the first volume of his trilogy Roman de l’énergie nationale, rejected the legacy of the Enlightenment, which had made a moron of France.”   However, his biography at Wikipedia (being cognizant of Wikipedia’s ideological bias) states, “During World War I, Barrès was one of the proponents of the Union Sacrée, which earned him the nickname “nightingale of bloodshed” (“rossignol des carnages”).  … During the war Barrès also partly came back on the mistakes of his youth, by paying tribute to French Jews in Les familles spirituelles de la France, where he placed them as one of the four elements of the “national genius”, alongside Traditionalists, Protestants and Socialists – thus opposing himself to Maurras who saw in them the “four confederate states” of “Anti-France”.” 

There is a winding road between these two extremes.  Perhaps Barrès took only a temporary detour from a certain well-established ideological path; perhaps hegenuinely navigated to a land of different belief.  Perhaps he remained somewhere between; perhaps the issue became moot, after a time.

In any event, onwards to his article, which you can view, and read, below.

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The Jews And The War
By Maurice Barres
Member of the French Academy

(Translation for The Jewish Exponent)

The article here presented for the first time in an English translation is notable not only because it comes from the pen of a member of the French Academy and one of the foremost European litterateurs of the day but because the glowing tribute paid to the Jewish people has been written by one who in the past has stood on the side of the enemies of the race, having lent his influence to the unenlightened activities of the anti-Semites.  His new realization of the intrinsic worth of the Jews as a people and of the immense services which the Jews have rendered to the cause of France and her Allies in the great struggle for the freedom of the world, constitutes one more conversion of striking significance and illustrates anew one of the remarkable effects of the great awakening brought forth by the war.  The author himself does not hesitate to refer to his change of views and in reviewing the correspondence of Robert Hertz, he says, “On various occasions my own name, now condemned, now praised, recurs under his pen, and I listen to our agreements and disagreements with the greatest attention, FOR THE WAR LEAVES US NOTHING, WHICH WE SHOULD REFUSE TO REVISE.”  The article consists of a chapter from “Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France” (The Various Spiritual Families of France), a book by M. Barres, just published, in which the distinguished author describes how the diverse population of France has been welded into one whole by the struggle against a common enemy, and pays enthusiastic tribute to the different classes of people living in the country, which have attested their loyalty by sacrifice.  M. Marcel Knecht, a member of the French High Commission to this country, who recently wrote in the Jewish press on the important role which the French Jews have played and are still playing in the present struggle, paid particular attention to the new book of M. Barres, asking for it the special consideration of the Jews in this country, “because this book contains the greatest praise for the Jewish attitude in the war.”  He said further: “This book was written by a man who, during the Dreyfus affair, and who since has always been on the other side of the barrier.  He is a Lorrainer, a great French writer, a member of the French Academy, a man occupying a great official position in the Nationalist Party of France, Maurice Barres, who was not particularly considered a friend of the Jews.  He has written in this book a great chapter on the Jews, praising their heroism.”

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MAURICE BARRÈS

OF THE FRENCH ACADEMY
PRESIDENT OF THE LEAGUE OF PATRIOTS

THE VARIOUS SPIRITUAL FAMILIES OF FRANCE

PARIS
EMILE-PAUL FRÈRES, EDITORS
100, RUE DE FAIBOURG-SAINT-HONORÉ. 100
PLACE BEAUVAU
1917
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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapters. – Pages.

I  Our diversities disappear on August 4, 1914 – 1
II  … And reappear in the army – 9
III  The Catholics – 19
IV  The Protestants – 51
V  The Israelites – 67
VI  The Socialists – 90
VII  The Traditionalists – 137
VIII  Catholics, Protestants, Socialists, all defending France, defend their particular faith – 193
IX  An already legendary night (Christmas 1914) – 205
X  Twenty-year-old soldiers devote themselves to creating a more beautiful France – 215
XI  This profound unanimity, we will continue to live it – 259

Notes and Appendix – 269

PRINTING CHAIX, RUE BERGERE, 20, PARIS – 842-1-17. (Lucre Lurilleux)

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For Israel in his eternal wandering, choosing a country is a matter of great importance.  His country is not always a heritage from his ancestors; he acquires it then by an act of his free will, and he assumes his citizenship as a quality of which he is anxious to prove himself. 

Many Jews, settled in our midst for generations and centuries, are natural members of the national body, but they are concerned that their newly-arrived co-religionists should prove their loyalty.  In the early days of the war, when a hostile feeling rose up in the ancient Parisian Ghetto (in the fourth Arrondissement) against the Jews from Russia, Poland, Rumania and Turkey, a meeting was held in the home of one of the editors of the newspaper, The Jewish People (Le People Juif), of which it published a report, “Do you not think, “ said one, “that it is necessary to organize a special service for enlisted foreign Jews in order that it may become known that the Jews have also brought forward their contingent?”

The same day an appeal in French and Yiddish was addressed to the immigrant Jews inviting them to come and register in the rooms of the Jewish People’s University, 8 Rue de Jarente.  It was received with enthusiasm, and, says The Jewish People, “Not one Jewish tradesman in the Jewish quarter failed to display a copy of it in his show window very prominently.”  On the very next day, an enormous crowd thronged the rooms of the Jewish People’s University.  Each one wished to be registered as soon as possible, and to be in possession of the card certifying to his enlistment, the magic card which opened the ranks of police officers and calmed the wrath of janitors and over-zealous neighbors.  (Le People Juif, October, 1916.)

Eager young men, intellectuals, it seems, questioned, informed, exhorted, and registered these motley recruits.  The most zealous was a 22 year old Jew, a student of the engineering school, small, frail, with gleaming, almost feverish eyes, with a strong and aggressive spirit.  This young enthusiast dreamed of creating a veritable Jewish legion.  Rothstein was a Zionist.  By this devotion given to France, he was sure that he was serving the cause of Israel. 

How did he understand it?  Did he expect to obtain from the victory of the Allies the realization of the curious plans, which are not without grandeur, of Doctor Herzl, or did he, more simply and with more certainty, desire to increase through sacrifice the moral force and prestige of Israel?  One word which he uttered leaves no doubt of the strength and direction of his thought.  He told his friends he would meet them after the war in Palestine. 

When all had enlisted, he himself signed the sheet. 

Having departed as a simple soldier, Amidee Rothstein was promoted second lieutenant then mentioned in an army order “for having displayed remarkable vigor and coolness to the admiration of the infantry officers and of his men,” and finally made a Knight of the Legion of Honor, “for having particularly distinguished himself on the 25th of September, 1915, by being the first to leave the trenches, and vigorously carrying his men along with him, which helped to give superb dash to our first wave of assault.”

We should like to be familiar with the thought, the wonderments, the sympathies, the hopes of this young hero of Israel amid the soldiers and landscapes of France, in a moral atmosphere so different from his own spirit, but with which he was intoxicated, and wished to enrich himself. 

I have read his analysis of the treatise by Pines on “Yiddish Literature,” an analysis quite brief and unadorned, which makes us regret a more considerable work, “too subjective, too personal,” we are told, which he had devoted to the same subject.  “Such as they are, these ten pages, where he hears the Jewish people speak, reveal his fixed idea, his obsession on the sufferings and hopes of Israel, his gaze towards Palestine.  He seems to place over everything the feeling of national pride, which he endeavors to reconcile with the ideal of humanity.” 

We have his ultima verba, in a letter addressed to his chaplain, Mr. Leon Sommer.  “At the present moment,” says he, “I hold my life as wholly sacrificed, but if fate should be kind enough to spare me, after the war I shall consider my life as no longer belonging to me, and, after having done my duty towards France, I shall devote myself to the great and unhappy Jewish people from whom I am descended.  My dear chaplain, in case I should die, I should very much like to sleep under the Shield of David.  A Mogen David would rock me with a last thrill and my soul would he happy in the thoughts of sleeping my eternal sleep under the shadow of the emblem of Zion. 

On the 18th of August, 1916, Lieutenant Rothstein fell at the head of his men, struck by a bullet in the forehead. 

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Sous Lieutenant Amadee Rothstein

Sous Lieutenant, 1635, France (Egypte), Armée de Terre, Legion d’Honneur
Légion étrangère, Regiment de Marche de la Legion Etranger
(“En subsistance au 4eme Regiment de Afrique”)
Killed by the enemy [Tué a l’ennemi] August 18, 1916 at Fortin Route du Fort de Vaux / Verdun a Vaux, Meuse, France
Born June 20, 1891, Cairo, Egypt

l’Univers Israélite
9/8/16 (article), 11/16/17
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921, p. 72 (“Rothstein, Amedee”)
l’Univers Israélite: “Inhume a Haudainville (Meuse), avec le ministere de M. Sommer, aumonier militaire.  Il aviat ete cite deux fois a l’ordre de l’armee en fait chevalier de la Legion d’honneur”

Specific place of burial unknown

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There is something painful and alluring in the destiny of a young spirit who regards the world exclusively through the Jewish nation, and who dies in the service of those he loves most, but from whom he insisted on being distinguished.  It is one of the innumerable trials of wandering Israel. 

Let us now come a little nearer, and from this friend from the outside let us proceed to our adopted ones. 

The Algerian Jews, during the war, show us Israel just united to French civilization, and ardently eager to partake of our rights, our duties and our sentiments.  Forty-five years ago they had not a single right.  Cremieux suddenly granted them a privilege which greatly upset the Arabs.  He decreed them French citizens.  The nobility of this title, the prerogative attached to it, and our education seem to have transformed them into patriots.  Their fathers were only familiar with commerce, but they thrilled with the call to arms.  They departed, I am told, with great enthusiasm.  A witness assures me that they were heard to exclaim: “We will throw ourselves on the Boche, and we will bury our bayonets in their bodies with the battle cry of the Eternal.” 

The cry is superb, and carries out imagination back to old Biblical times and to the Maccabaean epic.  One authorized to speak in their name writes me as follows: 

“They are serving for the most part in the Zouaves, and were there (until recently) in the proportion of one in four.  They have fought in the battle of Belgium, of the Marne (particularly at Chamigay), before Soissons, in Arras, on the Yser, in Champagne, at Verdun, on the Somme, at the Dardanelles, in Servia.  It is especially in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 8th Zouaves, which included them in the beginning.  The 45th Division, formed in Oran of reservists and territorialists, is the one which went through Paris the first days of September, and which was immediately sent by Galliene to the neighborhood of Meuse, there to deliver the blow which was decisive.”

Passing on to another portion of this category of adopted ones who conduct themselves as good Frenchmen in order to pay for and justify their adoption, I advance positive evidence, which brings us before a noble and ardent soul and introduces us into the midst of the intimate sufferings of Gallicized Israel. 

I have before me the family correspondence of Robert Hertz, student of the Normal College, professor of philosophy in the college of Douai, founder of the Socialist Memoranda, the son of a German Jew.  And it is this last circumstance which constitutes the tragedy of his position and his psychology.  His letters to his wife are admirable in their fullness and warmth.  I should not be fair to him if I did not mention his love for his hearthstone, his vigorous intellectual curiosity which operates in the most original manner even in the course of the war, his entire satisfaction with that military discipline where he satisfied what he calls his “nostalgia for the absent cathedral,” and finally his indomitable and deliberate will [to] go “to the limit.”  On various occasions my own name, now condemned, now praised, recurs under his pen, and I listen to our agreements and disagreements with the greatest attention, for the war leaves us nothing which we should refuse to revise.  But I shall not stop; I hurry on almost brutally, for the very honor of this Robert Hertz, to his naked and quivering thought, “If I fall,” he writes to his wife, “I shall have discharged only a very small part of my debt to our country.” 

And on this point this splendid passage:

“My dearest, I recall my dreams when I was very little, and later a student in d’Alma Avenue.  With all my being, I wanted to be a Frenchman, to deserve to be one, to prove that I was one, and I dreamed glorious deeds in the war against William.  Then this desire for “integration” took another form, for my Socialism proceeded largely from it.

“Now the old boyish dream lives again in me, more ardent than ever.  I am grateful to my chiefs who accept me as their subordinate, to the men whom I am proud to command, to them, the children of a people truly elect.  Yes, I am filled with gratitude to the fatherland which receives me and crowns me.  Nothing will be too much to pay for that, so my little lad can always walk with head erect, and, in the France restored, to free from the torment which poisoned many hours of our childhood and youth.  ‘Am I a Frenchman?  Do I deserve to be one?  No, little one you will have a country and yes you will be able to walk proudly on the earth, nourishing yourself with this assurance:  ‘My daddy was there, and he gave everything to France.’  As for me, if I need any, this thought is the sweetest reward.

There was something in the position of the Jews, especially in the recently arrived German Jews, which was dubious and irregular, clandestine and spurious.  I consider this war as a welcome opportunity to ‘regularize the situation’ for ourselves and for our children.  Afterwards, they will be able to work, if they so please, for the super and international ideal, but first of all, one must demonstrate by deeds that one is not beneath the national ideal.

The author of this testament signed it with his blood, certified it with his death, Robert Hertz was killed on the 13th of April, 1915, at Marcheville, at the time second lieutenant in the 330th Infantry.  I do not think it would be possible to find a text revealing with greater strength and feeling the passionate desire of Israel to lose himself in the French soul. 

______________________________

Sous Lieutenant Robert Walter Hertz

Sous Lieutenant, 453, Armée de Terre, 330eme Regiment d’Infanterie
Killed by the enemy [Tué a l’ennemi] April 13, 1915; Died on the field [Mort sur le terrain] at Marcheville, Meuse, France
Born June 22, 1881, Saint Cloud, Seine, France

l’Univers Israélite
10/8/15
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921, p. 42
l’Univers Israélite: “Eleve diplome de l’Ecole des Hautes-Etudes”

Place of burial unknown

______________________________

Such are the Jews recently arrived among us and in whom the unreasoning, almost animal part which there is in our love for our fatherland does not exist.  Their patriotism is wholly spiritual, an act of the will, a decision, a choice of the spirit.  They prefer France, that country presents itself to them as a freely constituted association.  Moreover, they are able to find in this very condition a reason for devotion, and Robert Hertz, the son of a German, shows us in admirable manner that, knowing himself to have been adopted, he wished to conduct himself in such a way as to be worthy of his adoption.  But there are other Jews in large numbers, rooted for centuries and generations in the soul of France, and intimately identified with the joys and sorrows of the national life.  I ask myself what patriotic support do they find in their religion?  What remains in them of pious Israel of old, and what aid does the latter offer to its sons engaged in the war? 

The chief rabbi of the Central Consistory of France, in a letter which I have before me, answers: “My chaplain and myself have, since the beginning of the war, established the fact that there has been a great return of faith among the Jewish soldiers which fuses with their patriotic enthusiasm.”  Nevertheless, I have no documents in my possession.  I point out in simple good faith, the gaps in my investigation.  The documents which I possess on the moral elite among the Jews introduce me only to such spirits as appear to be devoid of their religious tradition.  They are all free thinkers.  [Subsequently, Mr. Barres received a number of communications, revealing the fact that with many of the Jewish soldiers fighting and dying for France, their religion is a great element in the sum of their moral strength.]

The free thinkers who emerge from Catholicism or Protestantism subsist, in large measure, on the ancient Christian foundation; for centuries they have been prepared in the little village churches.  But these Jews, what is their devotion and resignation made of?  What has the spirit of wisdom which rests in the shadow of the old synagogue told them?  Towards what synagogue of Jehovah do they incline when they pronounce the Fiat voluntas tua?  And how do the gradations of their assent group themselves on the moral scale which runs from painful expectancy to joyful eagerness for self-sacrifice.

One young Jew gives us an answer to these great questions.  Roger Cahen, recently graduated from the Normal College, less than 25 years old, is a second lieutenant in the forests of Argonne.  Under the German fire, he gives himself up voluptuously to an inspection of his conscience of which his letters gives us a sketch.  Clear and strong, with all the buddings which promise great talent, they exhale the confidence of a young intellectual who, speaking to his family, to loyal friends, to his old teacher, M. Paul Derjardine, is not afraid to reveal his pride and his spiritual freedom.  They are like to many little meditations where it is clearly seen that the young soldier looks for and finds only himself in all the chaos of this war.  Roger Cahen does not venture beyond the circle of light which is shed by his small inner frame.  “I do not believe in any dogma of any religion,” he writes.  That was his view before the war, he confirms himself in it in December, 1915, two months before his heroic end.  “I have just read the Bible.  It is for me a collection of tales, of old and charming stories.  I do not look for, nor do I find in it anything else but poetic emotions.” 

It is poetic emotions, also, which he looks for in war, and he finds many very beautiful ones.  I believe him entirely when he writes: “I have within me a fund of joyousness without end, a soul which is fresh and pure, receptive to everybody and to every sensation.  Every morning I have the feeling that I have only just been born and that I am seeing the vast world for the first time.”  Certain of his letters written on his knees, in the light of a small wax candle, five meters under the ground, are of great lyric power.  Listen reverently to this fragment of eternal poesy:

“Splendid of the nascent day, no hymn can equal that which rises up in the soul of the men who watch in the trenches, when, after hours of expectance they first feel, and then see appear and grow the light triumphant.  At those moments, I have a whole orchestra within me.  If I could only write down this inward music which no concert will ever restore to me.  If you only knew how rich and beautiful are the emotions of the dearly beloved day into the world.”

In the bottom of the first line trenches he notes down that the only events in his history are “the changes in the natural order, nightfall, dawn, an overcast or starry sky, the war with or the coolness of the air.  This amalgamation with the life of the world gives to our own life an incomprehensible grandeur and beauty” 

Thus bound up with the universal splendor, he defies destiny.  “I am confident that whatever happens today, tomorrow, in a week, I have shown myself lofty enough to dominate events and to look at them only with curiosity.”

All that is summarized in this confession of faith:

“At the risk of appearing insane to you, I declare with all my soul and conscience that I love to be here.  I love the first line trenches as an incomparable “Thinkery.”  Here you retire into yourself, with all your powers concentrated: here you enjoy complete fullness of life.  I am here as under a reflector.  I see myself here under a very keen light with a clearness which better than any study chamber encourages self analysis.”

To each one of his letters, his conclusion is always that henceforth he considers himself a good and strong instrument.  It is the refrain and the mainspring of his daily thought.  He has found his rule of life and his road.  He is sure of himself. 

This is his manner in pronouncing in his turn the flat voluntas tua:

“I endeavor to take advantage of my isolation and of the keenness of mind induced by danger for knowing myself better.  If you only knew with what simplicity one looks upon oneself and judges oneself in this region.  I have succeeded unto the present in maintaining myself in a state of philosophic equanimity and indifference of constant resignation.”

There it is, this universal word, resignation.  And it’s not a word alone, it is indeed the thought.  Very warm and noble, profoundly painful for those who listen to it with perfect sympathy, but for him shot through with a joyful peace:

“I have forbidden myself to pass judgment on the value of the events of my life; I accept them all as opportunities which fate offers me for knowing myself better and for improving myself.”

It is true that he is unique, but how can one read him without loving him, this young intellectual who died at the age of 25 years for France.  Indeed, he is happy that besides here there were Reguy, Psichari, Marcel Drouet and the young Leo Latil, Jean Rival Cazalia, luminous children all.  His spiritual freedom, his isolation, his fine and noble voluptuous nature, are yet a form of courage very elegant and very strong.  Roger Cahen continues, revives, and broadens a conception of life which we so much loved a quarter of a century ago.  He seals it with heroism.  Having fallen in the field of honor, in that Argonne where, for six months he had indefatigably listened to his thoughts, he is cited in the order of the 18th Brigade of Infantry, and wept for, a sergeant tells us, by the men in his company.

______________________________

Caporal Roger Cahen

Caporal, 7586, Armée de Terre, 149eme Regiment d’Infanterie
Killed in combat by gunshot [Tué par coup de feu au combat] May 9, 1915
at Aix-Noulette, Pas-de-Calais, France
Born October 17, 1892, Havre, Seine-Inferieure, France

l’Univers Israélite
12/7/17
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921, pp. 21 and 26 (Name appears as both “Cahen, Roger” and “Cohen, Roger”)

Place of burial unknown.

______________________________

Roger Cahen, Robert Hertz, Amedee Rothstein, all of these strong individualized figures, present something rare and singular.  I like to follow in their various epochs, the stages, the formation of a personality, the young Jewish intellectual, who for several years has been playing a big role in France, but I do not offer them as representatives of the Jewish French community.  The old families rooted for generations in the French soil will take, as their typical hero and standard-bearer, the Chief Rabbi of Lyons, who falls on the field of Honor offering a crucifix to the dying Catholic soldiers. 

In the village of Taintrux, near Saint-Die, in the Vosges, on the 29th of August, 1914 (on a Saturday, the sacred day of the Jews), the field hospital of the 14th Corps catches fire under the German bombardment.  The stretcher-bearers, amid flames and explosions, carry away 150 wounded.  One of the latter, mortally struck, asks for a crucifix.  He asks it of M. Abraham Bloch, the Jewish chaplain, whom he takes for the Catholic chaplain.  M. Bloch bestirs himself, he seeks, he finds, he brings to the dying man the symbol of the faith of the Christians.  And a few steps further on, a shell strikes him down.  He dies in the arms of the Catholic chaplain, Father Jamin, a Jesuit Father, whose testimony is proof of this incident. 

No comment could add aught to the feeling of sympathy inspired in us by such an act, so full of human tenderness.  A long procession of instances has just shown us Israel striving in the war to demonstrate his attitude towards France.  Step by step we have risen; here fraternity spontaneously meets its perfect gesture; the old Rabbi presenting to the dying soldier the immortal sign of Christ on the cross is a picture that will never perish. 

 __________________________

______________________________

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה –
תהא

נפשו
צרורה
בצרור
החיים

April 13, 1915 – Sous Lieutenant Robert Walter Hertz

Jewish Casualties in the French Army

Cahen, Rene, Caporal, France, 1957, Meurthe-et-Moselle; bois le Pretre
Israel, Lucien, Caporal Fourier, France, 17557, Meuse; Verdun; l’Hopital No. 1

Jewish Casualties in the German Army

Cohen, Siegfried, Soldat, 21 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 6 Kompagnie, at Apremont
Goldmann, Leo Alfred, Soldat, 36 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 5 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Harville (Frankreich), Grab 110
Schloss, Moritz, Kriegsfreiwilliger, I Bayerische Armee Korps, 2 Landwehr Eskadron
Steinitz, Bernhard, Unteroffizier, 93 Reserve Infanterie Regiment 93, 1 Battalion, 3 Kompagnie – Ulrichstein-Jüdischer Friedhof

May 9, 1915 – Caporal Roger Cahen

Jewish Casualties in the French Army

Aberbach, Tobie, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 25537, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Abram, Pierre, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Italie), 19535, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Abramovitch, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 20487, Pas-de-Calais; Mont-Saint-Eloi (pres); Berthonval
Astruc, Mail, Caporal, France (Bulgarie), 19272, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Barkan, Jacques, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23139, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Baur, Georges Henri Victor, Sergent, France, 12156, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Ben Hamou, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 1639, Belgique; Nieuport-Bains
Ben Mouchi, Isaac Zenon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 18775, Turquie; Dardanelles; Gallipoli Peninsula
Ben Soussan, Abraham, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 995, Belgique; Nieuport
Benarroche, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 4623, Pas-de-Calais; Roclincourt
Benbassat, Moise, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 20110, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Berkovitch, Berg, Canonnier Servant de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23184, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Berlevy, Moise Herich David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23028, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Chait, Moise, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26319, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Cherki, Moise, Caporal, France (Algérie), 16297, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Chwat, Nathan, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25411, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Cohen, Liaou, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 994, Belgique; Nieuport
Czajkowski, Boleslas Charles, Sous Lieutenant, France (Turquie), 9038, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Daici, Elias, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 26788, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
David
, Louis, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Italie), 26087, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast

Davidovici, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 27022, Pas-de-Calais; Mont-Saint-Eloi
Dobrowolski, Ronald, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25389, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Dores, Rahmiel Faivel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23567, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Evlagon, Vitali, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 22914, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Fain, Judas, Caporal, France (Algérie), 1841, Somme; Abbeville
Feldmann, Charles Maurice Albert, Sergent, France, 12243, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Fogelbaum, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 20456, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Frankel, Felix, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 6378
Fried, Jean, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Roumanie), 22953, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Garbarovitz, Albert, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26409, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Gerchinovitz, Valodia, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23489, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Ginsbourg, Simon, Soldat, France (Russie), 23130, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Goldberg, Guibel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25446, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Goldenberg, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 26836, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Golstein, Faivel, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Pologne), 26469, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Gourevitz, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26362, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Guez, Emmanuel, Caporal, France (Algérie),  Belgique; Nieuport
Haron, Maurice, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Egypte), 21598, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Herscu, Joseph, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 24462, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Kandel, Leib Leon Ori Selig Georges, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26495, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Katz, Francois, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 29188, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Katzigna, Abraham, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26339, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Konetzki, Jacques, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Russie), 26892, Pas-de-Calais; nord de Arras
Krakouschansky, Helcite, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23396, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Leiba, Moise, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 26907, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Leibovici, Nahman Georges, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 26901, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Levine, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26916, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Levy, Chaim Lemel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23023, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Levy, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 22973, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Levy, Max Jean Francois Claude, Sergent Major, France, 16063 / 16635, Pas-de-Calais; Carency
Levy, Paul Emile, Lieutenant, France, 45, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval / Mont Saint Eloi
Litwak, Levy, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 20586, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Manassohn, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23573, Pas-de-Calais; Saint Vaast; secteur de Berthonval
Migdal, Leibus, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25386, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval,
Miller, _____, France (Indefini)
Moscowitch, Maurice, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Egypte), 27086, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Novak, Antoine, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Hongrie), 25283, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Picard, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 823, Pas-de-Calais; Carency
Posner, Nathan, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 26970, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Praschker, Idel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie),  Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Rapaport, Boris, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Israël), 26986, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Rosa, Joseph, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25373, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Rosenbaum, Hermann, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 34017, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Roterman, Moschelt, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26486, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Rotker, Victor, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23051, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Rousseau, Daniel, Adjutant, France, 27968, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Schapiro, Simon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26337, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Schlitt, Aron, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23548, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Schtraim, Ilhaim, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26493, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Schulman, Abraham, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23148, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Sklarewski, Samuel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23411, Pas-de-Calais; Mont-Saint-Eloi
Sobol, Barouch, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 20449, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Spack, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23475, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Tchellebides, Clement, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 22401, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Terner, Aron, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 19617, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Tiano, Moise, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Grèce), 22909, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Waichmann, Israel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23502, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Wechsler, Sigmund, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Roumanie), 27053, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Weichman, Schulim, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23094, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Weil, Alphonse, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 8236, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Weinberg, Casimir, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25383, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Weinberg, Lazare Rene, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 9690, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Wolger, Mayer, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26313, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Wunenberger, Francois Leon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 22311, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Yakar, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 23075, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Zenou, Mouchi ben Isaac,  France (Indefini),  Turquie; Dardanelles; Gallipoli Peninsula
Zerbib, Nathan, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 2375, bord du Ceylan
Zimmerling, Michel, Caporal, France (Russie), 23700, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval

The names of twenty-seven of the above men do not appear in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française.  They are: Aberbach, Benbassat, Berkovitch, Berlevy, Chait, Liaou Cohen, Dobrowolski, Fried, Gerchinovitz, Herscu, Francois Katz, Katzigna, David Levine, Chaim Lemel Levy, Isaac Levy, Migdal, Moscovitch, Praschker, Rotker, Schapiro, Schtraim, Sklarewski, Wechsler, Weinberg, Wolger, and Yakar

Jewish Casualties in the German Army

Blass, Max, Soldat, 12 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 8 Kompagnie, at Arras – Kriegsgräberstätte in St.Laurent-Blangy (Frankreich), Kameradengrab
Blumenthal, Otto, Soldat, 55 Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 5 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Illies/Nord (Frankreich), Block 5, Grab 1
Bodenheimer, Arthur, Unteroffizier / Landsturmmann, 201 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Langemark (Belgien), Block A, Grab 4842
Burger, Fritz, Soldat, 7 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie, Bayoneted by a Senegalese soldier, Died while Prisoner of War on 5/15/15, at French Military Hospital, Le Mans
Davidsohn, Ludwig, Unteroffizier, 110 Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 8 Kompagnie
Ephraim, Eduard, Soldat, 208 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Freimann, Sigmund, Gefreiter, 10 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie, at Neuville
Gerechter, Georg, Soldat, 208 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 12 Kompagnie
Gross, Salo, Soldat, 205 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Herrmann, Friedrich, Soldat, 111 Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 2 Kompagnie
Itzig, Georg, Gefreiter, 206 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 2 Kompagnie
Laibon, Abraham, Soldat, 55 Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie
Levy, Julius, Unteroffizier, 14 Feldartillerie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Lens-Sallaumines (Frankreich), Block 11, Grab 155
Lilienfeld, Bernhard, Soldat, 39 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment 39, 1 Battalion, 2 Kompagnie
Lowy, Ernst, Soldat, 13 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie, at Bukow, Galizia, Poland
Mendel, Emanuel Emil, Soldat, 39 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Mey, Salomon, Soldat, 39 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Mischlowitz, Siegfried, Soldat, Lehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Neufeld, Herbert, Soldat, 109 Leib Grenadier Regiment, 3 Bataillon, 9 Kompagnie
Nussbaum, Julius, Unteroffizier, 13 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie, at Bukow, Galizia, Poland
Oppenheimer, Salli, Unteroffizier, 77 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Philipp, Hans, Dr., Oberleutant, 7 Bayerische Reserve Infanterie Regiment, Maschinen-Gewehr Kompagnie, at Souchez – Kriegsgräberstätte in St.Laurent-Blangy (Frankreich), Kameradengrab
Rauschmann, Willi, Soldat, 206 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Reich, Siegfried, Soldat, 231 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 7 Kompagnie
Reichhold, Louis, Soldat, 10 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Bataillon, 9 Kompagnie, at Neuville – Kriegsgräberstätte in St.Laurent-Blangy (Frankreich), Kameradengrab
Silberbach, Arthur, Soldat, 55 Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Illies/Nord (Frankreich), Block 5, Grab 3
Thal, Adolf, Gefreiter, 73 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie
Weinstein, Artur, Soldat, 205 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 5 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Vladslo (Belgien), Block 8, Grab 905

August 18, 1916 – Sous Lieutenant Amadee Rothstein

Jewish Casualties in the French Army

Amsellem, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 24892, Somme; Maurepas
Attar, _____, France (Indefini) (“Partie a Remplir par le Corps” card could not be found or identified in SGA database)
Ben Simon, Joseph David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 26067, Somme; Maurepas
Benchetrith, Jacob, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 21048
Canoui, Elie, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 6454, Somme Maurepas
Dahan, Rene, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 21054, Somme; Maurepas
Danziger, Manasse Michel, Aspirant, France, 8025, Meuse; Vaux Chapitre
Fischhof, Robert Eugene, Sous Lieutenant, France, Somme; Maurepas
Godchaux, Alcide, Sous Lieutenant, France, Somme; Maurepas; sud de
Levine, Albert, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 33288, Meuse; Vaux; Damloup
Saada, Isaac, Soldat, France (Algérie), 16818, Somme; Maurepas

Jewish Casualties in the German Army

Guggenheim, Hartwig, Unteroffizier, 692 Fussartillerie Batterie
Hermann, Siegfried, Soldat, 55 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment
Hirsch, Helmut, Soldat, 80 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 12 Kompagnie
Lemberger, Julius, Soldat, 119 Grenadier Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie
Minkel, Max, Soldat, 68 Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 3 Kompagnie
Neumann, Markus, Soldat, 144 Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 8 Kompagnie
Priester, Max, Unteroffizier, 64 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 12 Kompagnie
Simon, Fritz, Soldat, 1 Garde Reserve Regiment, 2 Battalion, 7 Kompagnie
Stern, Isaak, Soldat, 123 Grenadier Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Wolf, Aloys, Unteroffizier, 364 Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie

References and Suggested Readings

Barrès, Maurice, Les diverses familles spirituelles de la France, Paris, Émile-Paul frères, Paris, France, 1917, at Archive.org

Maurice Barrès, at Wikipedia

Maurice Barrès, at For and Against Dreyfus

Maurice Barrès, at Radical Right Analysis

Maurice Barrès, (photographic portrait by Atalier de Nadar [Photo (C) Ministère de la Culture – Médiathèque du Patrimoine, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais / Atelier de Nadar]), at images d’art

Englund, Steven, An Affair As We Don’t Know It (Book Review of An Officer and A Spy, by Robert Harris), at Jewish Review of Books, Spring, 2015

Weber, Eugen, Inheritance and Dilettantism: the Politics of Maurice Barrès, Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer/été 1975), pp. 109-131, at JSTOR

Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch, Reichsbund Jüdischer Frontsoldaten, Forward by Dr. Leo Löwenstein, Berlin, Germany, 1932

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (Israelites [Jews] in the French Army), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve [Forward to the Second Edition], Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2000)

“Died for France in the First World War” “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” forms, at Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale

French Military War Graves, at Sépultures de Guerre

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Eastern Europe: “How Russian Jews Suffered in War” – The Jewish Exponent, November 3, 1916

In its issue of November 3, 1916, an article describing the plight of Jewish civilians in Poland – during the advance, occupation by, and retreat of Russian military forces through that country – appeared The Jewish Exponent of Philadelphia.  As indicated in the article’s introductory paragraph, this news item was itself derived from a series of reports previously published in The New York Times, with information obtained from “confidential reports”.  

The Exponent presented the information in this article under seven major headings.  Namely:

1) The Attitude of the Russian General Staff towards Jewish soldiers (400,000 then serving in Russian army)

2) The Situation of the Jewish populace in Poland

3) The Experience of the Jews of Galicia

4) Taking of hostages and expulsion of Jews

5) Treatment of Jews during the retreat of the Russian army

6) Implications and impact of “Kush Incident” on the treatment of Jews by the Russian army, as reported on and instigated by the Russian military periodical Nash Vestnick

7) The Plight of Jewish refugees

The “take-aways” (in the jargon of 2019) from a reading of this article are simple, and, striking:

The seeming irrelevance – at least as perceived at the level of the Russian General Staff – of the dedication and loyalty Jewish soldiers in the Tsar’s army, and the General Staff’s corresponding near-automatic assumption of treachery on the part of all Jews – both soldiers and civilians;

…the generally hostile attitude of non-Jewish Poles towards Polish Jews (albeit not universally and consistently so), which was communicated to and influenced the attitude of Russian military leadership towards Polish Jewry;

…and, the difficulty (if not the practical impossibility) of self-defense – any projection of power, for that matter – by Polish Jews, whether individually or collectively. 

Read more, below…

______________________________

How Russian Jews Suffered In War
Confidential Reports tell of Their Persecution by Military and Civilians
(From the New York Bureau of The Jewish Exponent)

November 3, 1916

THE STORY of what the Jews suffered in Russia during the war, although barred by the censor from the columns of the Russian press, has come to The New York Times in a series of confidential reports, each one bearing open some aspect of the situation.

Soon after war was declared the Jewish people by word and deed offered every assurance of loyalty to Russia and her cause.  They responded to the mobilization summons as eagerly as any other element of the population.  Great numbers of students, barred from the Russian university because they were Jews, abandoned their courses in foreign institutions and returned to Russia to serve as volunteers.

An examination into the circumstantial sources from which the charges of Jewish treachery and espionage actually sprang about, showed according to a report of the Central Committee, that most of the accusations were made and prosecuted without reference to the ordinary rules of evidence and n utter disregard of the laws governing judicial procedure in such cases.  The written records from which it could be ascertained whether or not these charges were supported by legal evidence sworn to by witnesses are conspicuously absent.

On the other hand, the Central Committee found that the military authorities often pursued the most rigorous course on mere hearsay and rumors which they did not ignore even in the absence of sufficient proof for fear that some possible act of espionage or treason might escape unpunished.

The written records of eight typical cases of Jews charged with treason in the early days of the war show that six of these proceedings fell through for want of proof.  One defendant, a miller, was accused of guiding German artillery fire with the arms of his windmill.  On the day of a certain bombardment the wing kept turning the wheel in the direction of the Russian position under fire from which it was surmised that the miller was transmitting signals to the German gunners.  He was acquitted.

Another defendant was accused of possessing a secret telephone in his moving-picture establishment by which he could send information from the Russian lines to the German trenches.  The telephone case, which was heard in the town of Lomsch, not only terminated in the vindication of the defendant, but his accuser, a military inspector, was himself convicted of bribery and extortion.  It was proved that he deliberately manufactured false evidence in order to have the defendant arrested and obtain money and jewelry from his relatives by pretending to save him from the rope.

Most of the charges alleged nothing more treacherous than conversations in which the defendants either gave information to German soldiers or withheld information from the Russians.

Jewish Soldiers Suspected

Despite the triviality and collapse of these charges, the story of Jewish treachery continued to gain ground until it even took root in the ranks of the army, bringing the Jewish soldiers themselves, of whom there were about 400,000 in the Russian lines, under suspicion.

The General Staff issued a circular in April, 1915, demanding the careful collection of all available facts pointing to treachery and disloyalty on the part of Jewish soldiers.  The same kind of order was issued with reference to Jews who were doing service in the medical, sanitary, and commissary branches of the army. 

“This evidence,” a proclamation asserts, “is indispensable in view of the fact that after the war it will be necessary to pass serious judgment upon the question of Jewish service in the ranks of our army; therefore, it is extremely desirable to have at hand the testimony, systematically collected by members of the various military branches who had to tolerate the menacing presence of the Jew in their very midst.”

Aside from inflicting a stigma upon the Semitic soldiers, the General Staff took official cognizance of the alleged acts of Jewish infamy.  Numerous proclamations were issued against the crimes of the Jewish populations in the theatre of war.  They were accused among other things of refusing to feed the Russian soldiers and of putting poison in the food when they did feed them.  They were accused of betraying the movements of Russian troops, by overhead or underground wires, many of which were supposed to emanate direct from the synagogues and Jewish cemeteries.  They were accused of transporting secret supplies to the German troops.  They were accused of harboring soldiers in their cellars and yards and allowing the Russian to march into traps of destruction.  Thus in November the following proclamation was issued from the division headquarters in the region of the fortress of Novoe Georgievsk:

Articles appear in German newspapers to the effect that the German troops have found in the Jew a trustworthy ally who, having access to unknown supplies of food, is often diffident enough to serve the Germans in every way that might do damage to Russian interests.  In German victory the Jews saw their escape from the imperial yoke and from Polish oppression.

Information of a similar nature has also been received from the army at the front.

To protect the army against the perfidious activities of the Jewish population, the Commander in Chief hereby orders that in all occupied points hostages be taken from the Jewish inhabitants with a warning that any act of treachery by the Jews while the town was in our hands, or even after its evacuation, would mean the forfeit of the lives of those taken as hostages; that the disclosure in these places of any wireless apparatus or signaling stations or underground telegraph communications, etc., would expose those responsible to the full rigor of the law.

The Situation in Poland

During the occupation of Poland by Russian troops in the opening year of the war the Jews there inspired imperial distrust for several reasons.  In the first place, the anti-Semitic Poles, to whom Jewish competition in business was always distasteful, did everything in their power to fan the flames of suspicion and hatred.  Secondly, the condition of Jewish life in Poland, very different from that of the Gentiles, or even the Jews of the Russian provinces, also contributed to general uneasiness in the ranks of the army.  To quote the report of the Central Committee on this point:

“For the most part, the Jewish population of Poland has not yet emerged from its past, but clings securely to its pristine self-conscious kind of existence.  They retain the medieval costumes of the race, which give the men who wear beards and queer, dark clothes an especial alien and ominous aspect.  They speak a language that is neither Polish nor Russian, but a jargon, Yiddish, founded a hundred years ago and developed by admixture of Slavic and Hebrew words. 

“All these conditions naturally added to the feeling of estrangement between the Jewish inhabitants and Russian soldiers who invaded their territory and who for the first time looked upon people of such peculiar appearance.  Naturally, they became suspicious of a people who, though Russian subjects, spoke a language sounding like German, a language understood easily enough by the enemy, but not by the Russians.

“The excuse of suspicion on the one side evoked an attitude of fear and timidity on the other.

“The anti-Semitic element naturally encouraged the hostile attitude of the army, believing that it would result, if not in the extermination of the Jews, at least in their ruin or a radical abridgement of their rights after the restoration of the Imperial Government in Poland.”

The story concerning secret telephone communications with the Germans received the widest audience in military circles and more than once innocent Jews had to pay with their lives for this particular accusation.

Another story which did much damage was to the effect that the Jews were responsible for the scarcity of money throughout the empire, that the Jews were concealing great stores of coinage in their cemeteries, cellars and other secret places.  They were even alleged to have carried great sums of money across the border in coffins.

The Situation in Galicia

The experience of the Russian Army in its invasion of Galicia proved to be another source of anti-Semitic resentment.  The Galician Jew differed but slightly in appearance and customs from the Polish Jews.  He spoke the same incomprehensible language, only understood by the Germans.  There was really nothing to distinguish the two excepting that the Galician Jews were more ferociously hostile to the Russian Army than the Jews under Muscovite rule.  True enough, the Galician Jews offered the Russians no cordial reception.  For them the ravaging Cossack typified the whole Russian Army.

So it happened that whatever difficulties the Galician Jews created for the Russian Army in its Carpathian campaign reacted directly against the Jews of Poland and Russia.

The tendency to put all Jews, whether Russian or Austrian subjects, in the same unfriendly class first manifested itself officially in a proclamation issued by the General Staff on the southwest front.  Subsequently, the same order issued on January, 1915, was sent to all points of the front.  It read as follows:

The events of the present war have revealed a decidedly unfriendly attitude toward us on the part of the Jewish inhabitants of Poland, Galicia, and Bukowina.  Whenever our forces stopped, the friendly inhabitants open the subsequent occupation of those regions by the Germans have had to endure great hardships because of the lying reports made by the Jews to Austrian and German authorities.

Wherefore, to relieve the inhabitants of Jewish prosecutions and to protect our armies against the espionage in which the Jews are engaged on all our fronts, the Commander in Chief has forbidden the presence of the Jews in the vicinity of our armies and their migration to any point south of the city of Yaroslav; furthermore, in view of the slanders perpetrated by the Jews against the population, and in view of the espionage practiced by the Jews, the Commander in Chief has ordered that hostages be taken who shall be liable to the punishment of death by hanging.  For every peaceful inhabitant made a victim of by Jewish slander, and for every instance of Jewish espionage, the lives of two hostages shall be forfeited.

This step is taken top protect the peaceful and friendly inhabitants from suffering as the result of Jewish lies; it is taken on the basis of six months experience which has brought our military authorities to the firm conviction that the Jews have and will continue to display a disloyal and relentless attitude toward the local population.

Taking of Hostages

The taking of hostages was a circumstance which caused the deepest resentment throughout the whole Jewish population of Russia.  Hostages were taken beginning with the second month of the war in Prushkov province of Warsaw.  Thereafter, the military authorities adopted this policy as a guarantee against Jewish treachery throughout the provinces of Poland, Courland and Kovno.  As a rule, the hostages were rabbis and wealthy Jews – the most influential members of the community.  They were men not only valuable to their own people, but men who had also proved themselves exceptionally energetic in the humanitarian endeavor of providing and caring for wounded Russian soldiers and their families, irrespective of religious faith.

The report of the Central Committee records the execution of three men held as hostages in Sohachev in December, 1914.  The reason for their execution could not be ascertained.

The decree quoted above was only one of a series of similar proclamations which culminated in the anti-Semitic propaganda of 1914 and in the spring of 1915.  Shortly after the war began, orders were issued directing the Jews of certain towns on the Polish-German frontier to retire into the interior, taking with them as much of their belongings as they could carry.  Beginning with perfunctory proclamations that were to all appearances prompted by military necessity, the policy of the authorities within a few months assumed a relentless course of discrimination against the Jews.

By the end of December, 1914, under the lash of military proclamations, the exodus of Jews had developed into a great upheaval of the whole Semitic population of Poland.  On January 25, 1915, a general order was issued expelling the Jews from more than forty towns in the region of Warsaw.  More than 100,000 Jews had to abandon their homes under this decree.  They were driven from one town to another in rapid succession, and they had no time in most cases to collect the necessities of life, such as food, clothing and utensils.  Old men, women and children – all the able-bodied Jews being at the front fighting for Russia – made up this dreary and endless caravan of misery, which the military authorities got into motion. 

Once the order to leave was issued, the Jews were expected to comply without a moment’s delay.  All considerations of home, family and property had to de abandoned.  The rabbis, on behalf of their community, often appealed to the military commander for an extension of the allotted time.  Sometimes the appeal was granted; more often it was refused.  The police, moreover, being themselves held strictly responsible for the prompt execution of military orders, were right on the heels of the Jews with whips and threats.

The report of the expulsion of the Jews from Smorgon, province of Vilna, in September, 1913, [sic] cites an occurrence where a Cossack officer, on finding that two sons and an aged father had not vacated their homes with the rest of the Jews, demanded to know the reason why.  The sons declared that they did not know what to do because their old father was lying very ill in bed and could not possibly be moved without endangering his life.  The officer asked to see the old man.  On being brought to his bedside the officer drew a revolver, put a bullet through the sick man’s brain and remarked to his sons, “Now you are free to go.”

On many occasions Jewish inhabitants fleeing from their native towns saw the sky illuminated that night with the flames of their burning homes.  They had no redress unless the commanding officer happened to be especially humane.  Thus, in Ynova [sic]. the military commander, Gabrilowitsch [sic], in checking the instigation of a pogrom against the Jews, reminded the Cossacks and peasants that he knew “neither Jew nor Gentile, only Russian subjects”.  Very often, too, especially during a period of Russian advance, soldiers who engaged in pillage, even of the Jews, were punished with the full rigor of the law.

Crimes Following the Retreat

When the Russians were thrown back into Poland, the protection of the Jewish inhabitants along the line of retreat became so extremely lax that they were at the mercy of Cossacks and peasants.  The cry was, “All Jews are traitors.”  The following is reported to have taken place in the town of Lokachi, province of Volinski:

“On July 24 the Cossacks and Dragoons, in order to distinguish between the Gentiles and Jews of the village, ordered the former to display ikons in their windows.  This being done, they hastened to destroy and plunder Jewish property.  The pogrom began in the shop of a Jew when a Cossack demanded a pound of tobacco, costing not less than four roubles.  The Jew replied that he did not keep such high-priced tobacco in stock, whereupon the Cossack pierced him with his lance and killed him.  Following this occurrence the whole Jewish population fled and encamped in the open about two miles from the village.  For the three following days the destruction of property continued without cessation.  When their was nothing else to destroy the Cossacks rode out to the spot where the Jews had encamped under the open sky.  They lined up the Jews and robbed them of all their money and valuables.  One of the Jews, Gershon Pfeffer, resisted their violence.  They dragged him into the woods and he never returned.  On August 11 a gendarme found his coat there all covered with blood.”

A Cossack, in a letter to his brother concerning conditions in a town he had helped to sack, wrote as follows:

“The people here are very poor, not sure of getting anything, and you spend very quickly whatever you get.  With 70 cents a months you can’t go very far, when you have to put up for the horses’ feed, too.  Bread you get wherever you can.  Kill a Jew and he has not got anything, and we club them like dogs, only there is nothing to be had; they are starving of hunger themselves.”

The Kush Episode

The wholesale and systematic expulsion of the Jews did not begin until May, 1915, when it was practically coincidental with the publication of what is termed the most vicious canard of the war.  On May 5, the official military organ, Nash Vestnick, published a dispatch which read as follows:

“On the night of April 28, in the village of Kush, southwest of Shavie, the Germans made a successful attack upon a detachment of our infantry which was resting in that vicinity.  The occurrence revealed sedition and treachery of the part of certain elements of the population, especially the Jews.  Before the appearance of our troops in this village, the Jews had concealed German soldiers in many of their cellars.  At a given shot, the Germans poured in on us from every direction.  Rushing out of the cellars they attacked the house occupied by the commander of our infantry regiment.  This disastrous event demonstrates the military necessity of taking the most diligent precautions in places which the Germans had formerly occupied and of which the inhabitants are largely Jews.”

Distributed by the Petrograd Agency to all the important newspapers, this dispatch created a tremendous wave of anti-Semitic feeling even among the more intelligent people.  The Kush dispatch, furthermore, was placarded in and posted in nearly all the large cities and in all towns near the war zone.

An investigation of the German raid on Kush by two members of the Duma, Kerensky and Friedman, established beyond a doubt, according to a report of the Central Committee, that the Kush dispatch was a lie from beginning to end.  The facts as developed by this inquiry showed that out of forty houses there were only two occupied by Jews which had cellars.  These cellars, moreover, were merely very small basements, which could not have possibly accommodated any German soldiers.  On April 26, in the evening, a detachment of Russian infantry moved into the town.  Owing to the presence in the village on that very morning of a German scouting party, the Russians were warned by one of the inhabitants that the Germans were not more than four versts away, but they merely laughed at the suggestion and paid no attention to it.  On the same night a bombardment set the village on fire.  On the 27th the commanding officer advised all the inhabitants to leave the town, so that when the German attack took place on the 28th there was not a single Jew in the village.

Plight of the Refugees

This Kush dispatch had a very pointed effect upon the Gentile population of Russia when the exodus of the Jews reached its climax in the wholesale expulsion of about 200,000 Jews from the provinces of Kovno and Courland.  They met with hatred and contempt all along the route of their flight.

Furthermore, although the problem of transporting so large a mass of people across the country was a very serious one, neither the railroad nor military officials gave it much consideration.  The refugees were packed into freight and cattle trains and kept there for many days at a time with disease and filth and epidemic in their midst.  In the beginning, the railroad officials, taking advantage of their misfortune, tried to charge third-class rates for accommodations in box cars.  This abuse, however, was quickly checked by the Provincial Government.

Part of the refugees were transferred without delay to the districts of the provinces of Poltava Ekaterinoslav designated as a new pale of settlement by the authorities; others fled to other villages and towns of adjoining provinces, hiding in synagogues, barns, or under the open sky.  Some had passports and documents, which would entitle them to retain residential rights; others had nothing, and they were continually hounded from place to place.  Freight cars packed with Jews poured into the provinces of Poltava, Ekaterinoslav, and Tavrich and soon evoked from these districts a clamor of protest.

“In Homel,” reads the report of the Central Committee, “the members of the Jewish committee organized to give aid to the refugees as they passed through the town were ordered not to approach the cars with provisions under the threat of being shot.  They were strictly prohibited from giving any food to the refugees.  In connection with the circumstance, the Gentile population of the town was also very hostile to the refugees.  There were times when stones were thrown at the Jews and several were killed, and there were also times when the Gentiles, seeing that the ‘criminals’ were merely old, trembling men and women and children, immediately changed their entire attitude.

“It may be noted with satisfaction,” reads the committee’s report, “that in those provinces where the influence of the Black Hundred was not allowed to dominate the Gentile inhabitants showed no enmity toward the Jews, but, on the contrary, displayed on many occasions the warmest sympathy.”

The expulsion of the Jews took place on the eve for the call for recruits of the class of 1916.  Hence, thousands of young Jews who had been driven out as “spies” were ordered to return to their native provinces at once to fulfill their military obligations.

The expulsion of the Jews was followed by economic demoralization of business in all the provinces from which they were driven.  Although the nationalistic paper of Kovno, Litovskaya Russ, urged the Gentiles to take advantage of their economic opportunities after the Jews were gone, business remained at an absolute standstill.  The shops in all the main streets of Kovno remained shut.  There was hardly a grocer, butcher, or delicatessen store to be found.  Jewish industries and factories were shut down and thousands of men were thrown out of employment. 

Towards the end of May the Government and military authorities realized that the expulsion of Jews had been a great mistake.  But in order to retain the political effect of this movement and continue the distinction between the Jews and the rest of the population, the authorities agreed to have them return provided that they gave hostages as a guarantee that there would be no treachery.  Feeling it impossible to accept a condition which was based on a presumption that they were capable of treachery, most of the Jewish communities rejected the invitation and the situation remained unchanged. – New York Times

Readings and References

Lohr, Eric, The Russian Army and the Jews: Mass Deportations, Hostages, and Violence During World War I, Russian Review, V 60, N 3, July, 2001, pp. 404-419

Petrovsky-Shtern, Yohanan, The “Jewish Policy” of the Late Imperial War Ministry: The Impact of the Russian Right, Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History, V 3, N 2, Spring, 2002, pp. 217-254

Vital, David, A People Apart – A Political History of the Jews in Europe, 1789-1939, Oxford University Press, N.Y., 2001

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Eastern Europe: “The Russo-Jewish War Victims” – The Jewish Chronicle, February 11, 1916

Through 1914 and 1915 (and beyond…) the Jewish Chronicle and Jewish Exponent closely focused news coverage upon the experiences, travails, and suffering of Eastern European Jewry, in the context of the social dislocation and suffering engendered by the military and political leadership of Russia, and to a lesser extent, the military forces of the Central Powers.  This took the form of relatively brief news items, and, lengthy analyses and editorials.  The commonality of this material being, that these were direct, relatively (well, in the context of a century ago!) “real-time” news reports, closely linked in time and space to the events at hand.

On Friday, February 11, 1916, the Chronicle published a lengthy news item that approached the tragedy of the Jews of Eastern Europe from another context: The newspaper reported on a meeting that took place in Whitechapel, London, a few days earlier (on Sunday, February 6, to be specific) at the Pavilion Theatre.  There, significant figures in British Jewry spoke before attendees – largely from the East End of London – in an effort to exhort them to make charitable donations in support of their suffering brethren, the majority of those in attendance doubtless having immediate family in the East, and thus having a direct and urgent connection to the issue at hand.

Those present at the gathering included (comments quoted from Wikipedia, thus there might be some oversimplification as well as ideological bias here…):

Elkan Nathan Adler – “English author, lawyer, historian, and collector of Jewish books and manuscripts.”  “Adler was extremely active in English-Jewish communal affairs, especially in education, and was an ardent Zionist; he was an early member of the Hovevei Zion in England. Per his will, his personal archives are now at the library of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America“

Joseph Herman Hertz – “British Rabbi and biblical scholar.  He held the position of Chief Rabbi of the United Kingdom from 1913 until his death in 1946, in a period encompassing both world wars and the Holocaust”

Louis Samuel Montagu, 2nd Baron Swaythling- “prominent member of the British Jewish community, a financier, and a political activist”

Claude Joseph Goldsmid Montefiore – “founding president of the World Union for Progressive Judaism, a scholar of the Hebrew Bible, rabbinic literature and New Testament. He was a significant figure in the contexts of modern Jewish religious thought, Jewish-Christian relations, and Anglo-Jewish socio-politics, and educator. Montefiore was President of the Anglo-Jewish Association and an influential anti-Zionist leader, who co-founded the anti-Zionist League of British Jews in 1917″

Nahum Sokolow (Nahum ben Joseph Samuel) Sokolow – “Zionist leader, author, translator, and a pioneer of Hebrew journalism”

And – as you can read below – the meeting was opened with Baron Swaythling’s reading of a letter from Leopold de Rothschild (“British banker, thoroughbred race horse breeder, and a member of the prominent Rothschild family“.

Though I have little familiarity with significant figures in the history of British Jewry, I think it notable that the six men above span a spectrum of opinion regarding Jewish nationalism and Zionism, from Montefiore (by whom and especially about appeared many opinion pieces in the Chronicle throughout the Great War) on one end to Adler and Sokolow on the other.  As to the attitude of the other figures mentioned, I do not know if they were indifferent, noncommittal, or simply silent.

Notably, the article was one of the very few times that The Jewish Chronicle (as opposed to The Jewish World) published a photograph in association with an article.  The image – you can view it below – shows a young boy seated between an elderly man covered in blankets, to his left, and a woman – his grandmother? – his mother? – on his right.  Both the boy and woman (a basket before her – the family’s only remaining possessions?) have their attention focused directly on the photographer, while a woman and young girl (a mother and daughter?) are seated in the background.

Is he the same boy who appeared in the photograph that was published in The Jewish World on October 27, 1915?

There’s no way of knowing, and certainly one hundred and three years later in 2019, no way of ever knowing.

There are numerous statements in this post that bear deep consideration and contemplation, and if attention was accorded to all, “this” introduction would be lengthier than the article itself.  So…  Perhaps the most telling comment, appropriately reserved by the Chronicle’s anonymous reporter for the article’s conclusion, was that of Nahum Sokolow, who stated, “If there were two parties in Jewry to-day, it would be those who had given and those who had not, those who worshipped the Jewish God and those who bowed down to the golden calf; the party of Moses and the party of Korach.  They had to choose between God and Baal.  The party of God would accept the resolution.” 

________________________________________

“Seven million Jews – a population exceeding that of Belgium by one million, have borne the brunt of the war…  True all the peoples of this area suffered the ravage and pillage by the war, but in no degree comparable to the suffering of the Jews…  Hundreds of thousands were driven from their homes on a day’s notice, the more fortunate being packed and shipped as freight – the old, the sick and insane, men, women and children, shuttled from one province to another, side-tracked for days without food or help of any kind – and the less fortunate being driven into the woods and swamps to die of starvation.  Jewish towns were sacked and burned wantonly.  Hundreds of Jews were carried off as hostages into Germany, Austria, and Russia…  These Jews, unlike the Belgians, have no England to fly to.”

THE RUSSO-JEWISH WAR-VICTIMS
MEETING IN THE EAST END
THE DUTY OF ANGLO-JEWRY
The Jewish Chronicle

February 11, 1916

A large gathering crowded all parts of the Pavilion Theatre, Whitechapel, on Sunday afternoon. 

Pavilion Theatre, 191-193 Whitechapel Road, London, England)

The meeting was held in connection with the fund that is being raised for the benefit of the Jewish sufferers in the Russian and Polish war zone.

Lord SWAYTHLING, Treasurer of the fund, who presided, read the following letter from Mr. Leopold de Rothschild, the President: –

DEAR LORD SWAYTHLING,

I shall be very grateful if you will kindly express to the meeting on Sunday next my great regret that I do not feel able to attend, since after a week of work in the City, a rest seems necessary for me.  There are two things in connection with our fund for the relief of the Jewish sufferers by the war to which I should like to refer.  The one is the manner in which the people of the East End have supported it.  It is not the first time that I have had reason to admire their splendid sympathy and their generousity when their feelings had been touched by the misfortunes of their coreligionists in other lands.  I should like also to pay my tribute of gratitude to what our colonies have done.  All will agree that they have responded nobly.

With best wishes for a successful meeting in so good and urgent a cause.

I remain,
Yours very truly,
LEOPOLD DE ROTHSCHILD

Leopold De Rothschild

The CHAIRMAN said he would like to associate himself with that expression of gratitude, not only to the East End of London but to the Provinces and Colonies for the magnificent way in which they had responded to the appeal made by the Committee.  That meeting was intended not solely and only for the East End of London, but was intended also as an appeal to the West, North and South, the Provinces and the Empire.  One of the objects of the gathering was to call attention to the close union between the Fund for the Relief of the Jewish Victims of War in Russia and the Central London Committee for the Relief of the Polish Jews.  From that day onward all official receipts from the combined Committee would either bear the signature of himself or of Mt. Otto Schiff, and would contain a portrait of their President, Mr. Leopold de Rothschild.  Specimens of these receipts were to be obtained at that meeting, and they would be a guarantee that the money would be properly applied.  He had received during that week two letters from Baron Gunzburg, President of the Petrograd Committee which acted as the distributing agents in Russia.  In the first letter he wrote that the Russian Government in certain large districts where there were a large proportion of Jewish refugees were providing kosher meat for the benefit of all classes so that the Jews could partake of the food provided freely.  In the second letter the Baron reported that in certain large districts the Government had not been able to provide sufficient food, and the Petrograd Committee had had to relinquish some of their cherished schemes for the permanent benefit of the Jewish refugees in order to meet their immediate wants in the shape of food.  This was a pity, because the Committee in London were hoping that more permanent relief might be given.  But this fact could only spur them on to renew their efforts to first meet the immediate needs and provide them large funds for permanent assistance.  His late father used to tell him – he did not know whether he had Rabbinical authority for it – that one of the great objects of the Day of Atonement was that every Jew and Jewess during the day suffered the pangs of hunger and were therefore made more sympathetic towards those who were really hungry on more than one day of the year.  In this case, judging from all the letters received by those who had correspondents with Russia, they knew that their coreligionists there were hungering and were also suffering from another form of physical pang, that of cold.  The Jewish refugees were ill-fed, ill-clothed, and were compelled to find shelter where they could.  He appealed to them to continue and increase their efforts on behalf of their poor brethren.  (Cheers.)

The CHIEF RABBI said that that was the second time he had spoken to that hall and the fourth occasion that he had been called upon to address a large meeting called for the purpose of helping their suffering brethren in the war zone.  He felt, however, that the honour of British Jewry was at stake, and it was for him to convince them and the larger audience that would be reached through the newspapers that there was a sacred duty confronting them and that very much more must still be done if they were to discharge their obligations to their suffering brethren.  To realise what British Jewry should do he invited them to glance for a moment at the manner in which the Jewry in the United States had faced and grappled with this problem.  When fifteen months ago, a few weeks after the outbreak of the war, tales of distress in the Polish provinces reached America various private attempts at relief were made.  These were started all over the country, usually from the poorest classes and gradually a sum amounting to about £ 300,000 was collected in the United States for the benefit of the sufferers in the war zone.  Some months ago the leaders of American Jewry realised that a sum like £ 300,000 from a population of three million Jews was hopelessly inadequate.  They felt that the fund would never grow as it ought to grow, and that moneys commensurate with the evil would not be collected unless the wealthy classes could be interested in the movement.  A new committee was organised, and it was decided to hold a general mass meeting for this cause towards the middle of December.  Only a few days before his death Dr. Solomon Schechter was asked either to be present at the meeting or to send a message.  He (the Chief Rabbi) wished to quote one or two sentences from the message from this appeal from the grave sent to the meeting by that great scholar.  He spoke of the sacrifices that the poor had made, and went on to ask: –

Rabbi Joseph Herman Hertz in 1913

Unfortunately this cannot be said of our better situated classes whom the Lord has blessed with wealth and with all the good things of this world.  Many, it is true, have made smaller or larger contributions, but none, almost, has responded in the way hoped for, considering the fortunes this class commands, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the terrible dimensions of this disaster.  It is not for me to pass judgement upon my people, but I cannot refrain from remarking that it would seem to me that we have not realised the greatness of the disaster, which has overwhelmed our people, nor have we comprehended the full extent of our duty.

This was absolutely true.  Only the relatives of those suffering in the war zone had realised what was happening there, and when this new committee appealed to the large Jewish public and to the non-Jewish public and acquainted them with the facts the response was encouraging.  At the meeting to which he had referred, in the course of one evening no less than £ 160,000 was collected.  The meeting determined that during 1916 the sum of £ 1,000,000 should be New York’s contribution towards the amelioration of that vast ocean of suffering.  (Cheers.)  The effect of that meeting was educational.  Tens of thousands of Jews and non-Jews heard of what was going on.  Speeches were delivered by the Bishop of New York, United States Senators, Presidents of Universities – and these addresses opened the eyes of the Jewish and non-Jewish public.  The Chief Rabbi went on to say: This is not a political meeting.  Nothing is further from the objects of this gathering.  We know THERE ARE TWO RUSSIAS.

There is the Russia of the future, the Russia of democracy, the Russia of freedom, and everything that is good and noble in Russia belongs to that class.  That Russia is heart and soul with us and with the suffering Jews in this ordeal, in this martyrdom.  Thus recently at Petrograd a non-Jewish Committee was formed, with Count Tolstoi, ex-Mayor of Petrograd, as President, to help the suffering Jews in this war zone.  But it is criminal to hide the fact that there is, unfortunately, besides this Russia of Tolstoi, the Russia of Ivan the Terrible, and a great deal of the woes in the war zone are attributable to this dying Russia.  Proceeding, the Chief Rabbi cited a passage, quoted at the New York meeting by Senator W.J. Stone: –

Seven million Jews – a population exceeding that of Belgium by one million, have borne the brunt of the war…  True all the peoples of this area suffered the ravage and pillage by the war, but in no degree comparable to the suffering of the Jews…  Hundreds of thousands were driven from their homes on a day’s notice, the more fortunate being packed and shipped as freight – the old, the sick and insane, men, women and children, shuttled from one province to another, side-tracked for days without food or help of any kind – and the less fortunate being driven into the woods and swamps to die of starvation.  Jewish towns were sacked and burned wantonly.  Hundreds of Jews were carried off as hostages into Germany, Austria, and Russia…  These Jews, unlike the Belgians, have no England to fly to.

The only England to which they could appeal was their charitable hearts. (Cheers.)  The American newspapers published lists of promises of weekly and monthly contributions ranging from 10 cents to 1,000 dollars.  He had before insisted on the necessity of the relief being of a continuous character.  It was no use saving a man from starvation in October and allowing him to starve again in January or February.  The Chief Rabbi then referred to the institution of a Jewish Relief Day in the United States, and read President Wilson’s proclamation relating thereto.  The American papers, continued Dr. Hertz, had not yet come to hand showing what response had been made to the appeal to the President.  They had read only one cable, which revealed the fact that £ 400,000 was collected in one day, among the Jews and non-Jews of New York City alone.  (Cheers.)  After describing what had been done in England, and the response made especially by the provinces and the colonies, the Chief Rabbi repeated his view that nothing less than £ 500,000 should be the response of British Jewry to the appeal.  He pointed out that not hundreds of thousands but millions were dependent on the Petrograd Committee for every crust of beard they ate.  The Petrograd community, numbering only between 15,000 and 20,000 Jews, had collected £ 100,000 for local help and had contributed a similar sum for general relief.  If Petrograd could do this, how much more should be done by London and the other Jewish communities in Great and Greater Britain.  He urged them all nobly to discharge their duty.  (Cheers.)

MR. HERMAN LANDAU pointed out that the contributions of British Jewry did not amount to 10s a head, which was not a great sacrifice in view of so much misery and suffering.  He made the interesting confessions that since the war he had not bought s single new article of clothing but had devoted the money he would have spent to the refugees.  He appealed for general self-denial.  They hoped to be able to send Baron Guznburg 75,000 roubles weekly.  He stated that the Central Committee had paid £ 3,000 for the refugees from Palestine and a further £ 2,500 had gone for the same purpose.  Some support had also been extended to the Yeshiva at Mir, which had received the pupils of other Yeshiboth.  He urged that on the coming festival of Purim generous gifts should be made to the fund.

MR. CLAUDE G. MONTEFIORE moved the following resolution: –

Claude J.G. Montefiore (from PaintingStar.com)

That in view of the ever-increasing distress of the Jewish population in the Russian and Polish war zone, this meeting pledges itself to make every sacrifice to enable the existing organisations to carry on its relief work.

He said that it might seem wrong to spur the willing horse, but the need was imperative.  He referred to the united character of that meeting, at which every section of the community was represented.  The distress they were endeavouring to meet was of appalling magnitude, appalling in its quantity and degree.  The resources the refugees might have had at first were becoming exhausted, and more and more claims were being made on the relief fund.  The charity of the Russian Jews has its limits, and the spread of the war zone added to the distress.  He was glad to think that some help had been given by the Russian Government, but it was nevertheless a fact that the Government was not giving to the Jews in the same proportion as to other refugees, and therefore distress among the Jews was greater.  He stated emphatically, that every penny contributed would go straight to Russia.

MR. LEONARD L. COHEN seconded the resolution, and referred to the fact that three-quarters of the refugees were in need of clothing, and those who were familiar with a Russian winter would know what that meant.  Mr. Elkan Adler had gone to Petrograd to see the way in which the money was being administered, and he had no doubt he would bring back a satisfactory report.  He regarded the representative character of that meeting as a very happy augury for the future.

Elkan Nathan Adler (from geni.com)

M. NAHUM SOKOLOW, who was enthusiastically received, supported the resolution in an eloquent speech in Yiddish. 

Nahum Sokolow

He said that it was a bitter thing to have to appeal for his fellow-Russian Jews who did not want to be dependent on “the gifts of flesh and blood.”  But it really was not charity they were asked to give, but an insurance premium for the future of Judaism.  The Russian Jews were the depositories of the spiritual and intellectual treasures, of the traditions of the Jewish people, and that gave them a right to ask for help in the time of their need.  He compared the present crisis with the expulsion from Spain.  The horrors of 1492 were but child’s play when set besides the sufferings of the Russian Jews.  He gave a vivid description of the varied character of the relief work that was being conducted, not only for the purpose of satisfying the material needs of the refugees but also for maintaining their commercial life.  He pointed out that the artisans were easier to help than the students and those who followed intellectual pursuits.  The great danger they had to avoid was that of pauperization, and the relief in a good many cases was afforded in the shape of loans rather than of gifts.  The crisis had united all parties.  The East was working with the West.  If there were two parties in Jewry to-day, it would be those who had given and those who had not, those who worshipped the Jewish God and those who bowed down to the golden calf; the party of Moses and the party of Korach.  They had to choose between God and Baal.  The party of God would accept the resolution.  (Loud Cheers.)

The resolution was carried unanimously.

On the motion of Mr. H.G. LOUSADA, seconded by Dayan FELDMAN, a vote of thanks was passed to the colonies and provinces for their help, and a vote of thanks to the Chairman was passed on the motion of Dayan CHAIKIN, seconded by Dayan HILLMAN. 

References

– People –

Adler, Elkan N., at Wikipedia

de Rothschild, Leopold, at Wikipedia

Hertz, Joseph Herman, Chief Rabbi, at Wikipedia

Montagu, Louis S., 2nd Baron Swaything, at Wikipedia

Montefiore, Claude G., at Wikipedia

Montefiore, Claude G., at PaintingStar

Sokolow, Nahum ben Joseph Samuel, at Wikipedia

– Places –

Pavilion Theatre in Whitechapel, at Wikipedia

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Eastern Europe: “Loyalty of Jews in War Lands Unshaken” – Boston Traveler, 1915

By the summer of 1915, with the Great War having raged through and beyond Europe for well-nigh a year, news about the military service of Jewish soldiers and naval personnel had become a regular feature in Jewish (and not only Jewish) periodicals published among some of the major combatant nations of both the Allies and Central Powers.

In The Jewish Chronicle, this generally took the form of brief vignettes about the experiences and observations of individual servicemen, along with – albeit much less frequently – analysis and commentary about Jewish military service in the armed forces of the British Commonwealth, as a whole.  The Jewish Exponent (of Philadelphia) seems to have alluded to or actually published news items of a similar nature (derived from material in The Chronicle?), with of course – after all, this was 1915, two years before the United States’ direct involvement in military operations – relatively little about Jewish military service in America’s armed forces.  Which news content would inevitably change, come 1917…

What the Chronicle and Exponent did have in common was reporting on the travails and suffering of the Jews of Eastern Europe – then, the location of the demographic core of the Jewish people – amidst the ebb and flow of the armies of the Central Powers (well – primarily, Germany) and Allies (primarily – well, Russia).  Probably due to the military centrality and geographic setting of England vis-a-vis the war, new items of this nature seems to have been vastly more common in the Chronicle than the Exponent, albeit the latter did (as you can read in previous posts…) cover this topic, with great prominence.

In the summer of 1915, the themes of these two subjects – the military participation of Jews in the militaries of both the Allies and Central Powers, and the fate of Jewish civilians in Eastern Europe – were fused into a single, lengthy article by Alexander Brin (at the time a reporter for The Jewish Advocate, of which he became editor in August of 1918), in The Boston Traveler, under the title “Loyalty of Jews in War Lands Unshaken”.  Republished by The Jewish Exponent on August 27, Brin’s article – fascinating; compelling; infuriating – devotes its first half to a broad survey of worldwide Jewish military service, and its latter half to a summary (illustrated by specific incidents) of the brutalities – brutalities chaotic; brutalities calculated; brutalities intentional – endured by the Jews of Poland, through the accidental intersection of German opportunism, Polish hostility, and the ideology of the civilian and military leadership of Imperial Russia.

Of particular note – especially in light of my prior post The World at War, The Jews in War: Jewish Military Service in World War One, which includes a statistical overview of the approximate number of Jewish servicemen, and Jewish military casualties (fatalities) in the Great War – is Brin’s presentation of the number of Jewish soldiers in the belligerent nations.  Being that his article was published in 1915 and reflective of data available up to that point in time, a comparison with numbers in Dr. Martin Gilbert’s 1976 Atlas of Jewish History (previously published in the Committee for a Jewish Army’s 1943 book The Fighting Jew) is illuminating.  The numbers are doubly ironic, for in 1915, as much as in 1918 (as observed by David Vital) the countries in which served the greatest number of Jewish soldiers were not England, France, or Germany, but instead Imperial Russia, and, Austria-Hungary. 

Three decades later, the irony continued – as irony often does:  In the Second World War, the country in which served the greatest number of Jewish soldiers was the Soviet Union.

So.  Below…  You can view an image of Brin’s article, as it appeared in the Exponent.  (The resolution is 395 dpi, for those so curious.) 

So, further below…  You can read a full transcript of the article.  I’ve inserted comments [such as: “…comment...”] where appropriate, to elaborate on and clarify points raised in the article. 

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“Great battles – perhaps the greatest thus far – have been fought in what may be well called Jewish country.  The great armies that have been swaying back and forth in Poland and in Galicia have fought every inch of ground in Jewish towns and villages.  The great fortresses, captured or besieged, stand in the very heart of the Jewish centre of population.  Fire and sword are being carried through territories thickly sown with Jewish populations.

“And yet while practically half the race is facing extermination four-fifths of it – represented by all the Jews in the warring nations – is loyally giving its all to the mother country.”

LOYALTY OF JEWS IN WAR LANDS UNSHAKEN
Honored for Bravery Under All Colors – Plan for Race Recognition
The Jewish Exponent
August 27, 1915
(Alexander Brin, in Boston Traveler)

From the beginning of their history up to the present time the Jews have been the world’s chief sufferers in every upheaval, notwithstanding they have been most loyal and patriotic citizens.  To this precedent the present war is no exception.

After twelve months of war, with slaughter unparalleled in history, the full horror of the war zone is beginning to loom large in the world’s eye.  The general public is beginning to realize that they have suffered not only the hardships of war, but in many instances also the redoubled persecution incident to the unleashing of man’s primitive passions.

In eastern Europe the Jews are living in an inferno.  The battle smoke alone hides the ocean of tears and blood.  When the veil of war is lifted, the stupendous tragedy will be revealed.  If matters continue as they are the political future of the Jew of Russian Poland and Galicia will cease to be a problem.  There will be hardly any of them left.  There are fewer in the world today by some hundreds of thousands than a year ago.

From reliable reports that have just reached this country, we learn, of the appalling misery of the hundreds of thousands of Jews who are innocent victims of the conflict.  They suffer because of the war, but they suffer also because they are Jews.  Theirs is a double burden of woe.

The world has shuddered in sympathy for Belgium.  Of late realization has come that the fate of Poland, invaded and conquered, but once, but a dozen times – has been ten times worse.  Poland has no sympathetic natural neighbor to extend a helping hand.  No tons of foodstuffs have been rushed to Poland’s starving.  And yet Belgium, Poland and even war-and-typhus Serbia are buoyed up by the feeling of a purposeful martyrdom, by the hope of restored freedom, by the bonds of a patriotic consciousness.

Suffering Staggers Imagination

The suffering of the Jewish people in the eastern war zone staggers imagination.  Today hundreds of thousands of them are starving, homeless, driven from place to place by the armies that are fighting for Russia and those fighting against her, without future, without country, without refuge.

The number of Jews in proportion to total population is larger in Poland than that in any other country.  The struggle now raging there has rooted up whole stretches of country where they have been domiciled for centuries.  The Jews in Galicia have been scattered all over Austria, the Jews of Russian Poland have been driven to the interior.  Families have been parted never to come together again; fathers, brothers and sons have been swallowed up in the war, never to return; homes have been devastated, belongings seized or destroyed; wives, sisters and daughters sacrificed to the passions of the passing soldier.

Great battles – perhaps the greatest thus far – have been fought in what may be well called Jewish country.  The great armies that have been swaying back and forth in Poland and in Galicia have fought every inch of ground in Jewish towns and villages.  The great fortresses, captured or besieged, stand in the very heart of the Jewish centre of population.  Fire an sword are being carried through territories thickly sown with Jewish populations.

And yet while practically half the race is facing extermination four-fifths of it – represented by all the Jews in the warring nations – is loyally giving its all to the mother country.  The extent to which the war affects the Jewish race may be gathered from a consideration of their numbers in the nations now fighting.

Russian Empire – 3,983,800
Austria Hungary – 2,758,202
Great Britain – 250,000
Germany – 615,000
France – 100,000
Turkey – 175,000
Belgium – 12,100
Luxembourg – 1,970
Serbia – 17,000
Italy – 33,617

Total – 9,450,178

The number of Jewish soldiers in the countries now at war is as follows:

Russian Empire – 350,000
British Empire – 20,000
Germany – 50,000
Austria-Hungary – 175,000
Serbia – 2,500
Belgium – 1,800
France – 25,000
Turkey – 9,000
Italy – 1,000

This makes a total of 634,900.  Even from Morocco and Tripoli come Jewish troops – they number 20 per cent of the Zouaves.

Have Won High Praise

They after playing no part for eighteen centuries in the various wars which have reddened the fields of Europe, the Israelite is today plunged into the very vortex of this world war.  Himself a militant advocate of peace, he is today pouring his blood like water in defense of his native land.  In Russia, his loyalty to the Czar, in spite of recent anti-Semitic persecution, is termed “one of the phenomena of the war”.  Yet not the word has been uttered by the government that indicates a loosening of these cruel laws.  The Jew is still persecuted in Russia, though his courage has won him medals and crosses.  The famous “my beloved Jews” manifesto at the outbreak of hostilities has ended in the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Jews from their homes.

Four thousand five hundred Jewish soldiers were killed in one charge of the battle of Arras.  These heroes, in whom dwelled the Maccabean spirit of old, were members of the French Foreign Legion.  They were all volunteers and were born in Russia.  Their heroism called forth the highest praise from the commanding officers.

Now and again there trickle through the news channels wonderful stories of Jewish heroism and bravery.  From every battlefield, whether it be in France, or in Flanders, in East Prussia or in Poland, in Galicia or in Serbia, or at the Dardanelles, the same story comes.

Honored in Death

The Zion Mule Corps, recruited from Jerusalem refugees, attained signal distinction in the Dardanelles, one private winning the coveted Distinguished Conduct Medal.  A news report tells of English soldiers driving back a German attack and the killing of the Bavarian commander, a Jew, who remained behind to hurl a deadly bomb at the foe.  With all the honors of war, this brave soldier was buried by his enemies, and the Jewish service was read for him by Jews in British ranks.  [This is correct.  Alexander Brin is referring to a news item that appeared in The Jewish Chronicle on July 2, 1915, only two months before the publication of his essay.  Entitled, “German Jewish Officer Bayonted,” the text follows:

In the course of a letter from Squadron Sergt.-Major V. Rathbone, King Edward’s Horse, to his brother, Mr. M. Rathbone, the former writes: – “I was up and down the trenches for twenty-four hours, with one hour’s rest.  We captured a German officer, Lieut. Max Seller, of a Bavarian Cavalry Regiment.  He and about fifty men were attacking us with hand bombs and the officer was bayoneted on the parapet.  I helped to bury him with our own casualties.  He was a Jew so I had the service altered by the Chaplain.  Possibly his people might be glad to know, and if you asked the JEWISH CHRONICLE and the Jewish World to mention it they might learn of it.  He was a plucky chap and our fellows could not help expressing admiration at his effort to bomb us.”

Who was Max Seller?

Born in Gunzenhausen, Bayreuth, Germany, on November 25, 1890, he was the son of Martha Seller.  An Unteroffizier in the 7th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment, he was wounded on September 3, 1914.  Promoted to the rank of Leutnant der Reserve (equivalent to Reserve Second Lieutenant?), he was eventually assigned to the 10th Company, 3rd Battalion, of the 5th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment, where he was a Zugfuhrer (Squad Leader).  Twenty-four years old, he was killed – as described in Sergeant-Major Rathbone’s account – on June 24, 1915.  Max Seller is buried in the British Military Cemetery “Hyde Park Corner” at Ploegsteert (Belgium), at Block 1, Row B, Grave 21.

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Max was one of six Jewish war dead from Bayreuth, as seen in this page from Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch:

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This document, from the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, is a record of Lt. Seller’s burial.  Note the specific mention of a “Jewish Memorial”…

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…however, until this past decade, Max’s matzeva bore no religious symbol.  As described by Stephen Daisley in The Jewish Chronicle in October of 2017, in “Retelling the Tale of a Plucky Chap“, this symbolic anonymity was rectified in 2016:  This occurred through he efforts of German historian Robin Schäfer, who worked in concert with the German ambassador to Belgium, and, the CWGC.  Thus, the matzeva now bears a Magen David. 

Stephen Dailsey’s article recounts The Lieutenant’s story in detail, relating biographical information about his family and their subsequent fate, and includes a photograph of Sergeant-Major Rathbone.

You can view Lt. Seller’s matzeva as it appeared in April, 2013, in the photo essay “Vanishing Point: Stumbling through Ploegsteert“, at the blog of photographer Nick. J. Stone.  Mr. Stone’s photo essay includes images of three records pertaining to Max Seller’s military service, as well as genealogical information (some the latter of which has been incorporated into “this” blog post).  You can see in the image that Max Seller’s matzeva (visible at the front right) simply listed his name, military unit, and date of death. 

Well, unlike so many millions killed in the Great War, he has a place of burial. 

At least there was that.

Stepping back, several news stories of this nature – about Jewish soldiers in opposing armies who became military casualties at the hands of one another – appeared in the Chronicle and Exponent early in the Great War (not so much if at all, later), the setting for such tales typically being the Eastern War Zone.  As such, a solidly verified account of this nature from the Western War Zone was unusual.  Such stories, regardless of their veracity, reflected the implications, complexities and possible tragedies – in terms of the conflict between universalism and peoplehood – inherent to, resulting from, and perhaps inevitable with Jewish political emancipation, and its attendant service in the military forces of opposing nations.  Max Seller’s story still bears resonance, and in the context of the ongoing history of the Jewish people, will continue to do so.  (But, I digress.  Back Alexander Brin’s article….)

The first British soldier to fall in German Southwest Africa was Ben Robinson, a famous Jewish athlete.  [Brin is probably referring to Private Benjamin Rabinson, Serial Number 189.  From Buluwayo, a member of the 1st Battalion, Rhodesia Regiment, he was killed in action on February 7, 1915.  His name appeared in The Jewish Chronicle on March 19 and April 23 of that year, with (as was typical) absolutely no information about his next of kin or place of residence, as well as on page 113 of British Jewry Book of Honour.  He is buried at the Swakopmund Municipal Cemetery, in Namibia.]  In Buluwayo, half a company of reserves is composed of Jews.  Victoria Crosses, Iron Crosses, St. George’s Crosses, Crosses of the Legion of Honor decorate the breasts of the Jewish soldiers who are defending the countries of their birth and adoption.

Wherever we turn, we find the Jew prominently patriotic.  In England the late Lord Rothschild presided over the Red Cross fund, and Lord Chief Justice Isaacs is understood to have saved the financial situation not only for England, but for all her allies.  In Germany, Ballin, the creator of the Mercantile Marine, is now the organizer of the national food supply, stands as the Kaiser’s friend, interpreter and henchman, while Maximilian Harden voices the gospel of Prussianism, and as Zangwill says: “Ernst Lissauer – a Jew converted to the religion of Love, sings “The Song of Hate”.  In France, Dreyfus has charge of the battery to the north of Paris, while General Heymann, grand officer of the Legion of Honor, commands an army corps.  In Turkey, the racially Jewish Enver Bey [Enver Pasha; Ismail Enver Pasha], is the ruling spirit, having defeated the Jewish David Bey, who was for alliance with France, while Italy, on the contrary, has joined the allies, through the influence of Baron Sonnino, a Jew.  The military hospitals of Turkey are all under the direction of the Austrian Jew, Hecker.  In Hungary, it is the Jews who, with the Magyars, are the brains of the nation.

An error on Brin’s part!…  The Wikipedia entry for Enver Bey notes the following:  “Enver was born in Constantinople (Istanbul) on 22 November 1881. Enver’s father, Ahmed (c. 1860–1947), was a Gagauz Turk either a bridge-keeper in Monastir or a small town public prosecutor in the Balkans and his mother Ayşe, an Albanian.  His uncle was Halil Pasha (later Kut). Enver had two younger brothers, Nuri and Mehmed Kamil, and two younger sisters, Hasene and Mediha.  He was the brother in law of Lieutenant Colonel Ömer Nâzım.   He studied for different degrees in military schools in the empire and ultimately graduated from the Harp Akademisi with distinction in 1903.  He became a major general in 1906.  He was sent to the Third Army, which was stationed in Salonica.  During his service in the city, he became a member of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).”

Poles are Hostile

And all the record of devotion and patriotism only emphasized the cruel suffering of the six millions of Jews in the eastern war zone.   Fortunate is the Jew who, fighting for Russia, loses his life in the first charge on the battlefield.  How infinitely greater his suffering, to be forced to march through his native village and witness the picture of his ravished women, of aged men with nails driven into their eyeballs, tongues cut off and mutilations on young and old alike.

Whenever the Russians enter a city the native Poles invariably accuse the Jews of being friendly to the Germans, of being German spies.  The attempt of German newspapers to spread the belief that Germany was the real deliverer of the Jews in Poland only aggravated their plight.  Whenever the Germans took a town similar accusations were made and accepted as true by the conquerors.  And when in the intervals between the surging armies villages – already pillaged and looted – were left to their own devices, the native Poles often took advantage of the situation to rob, pillage and slaughter.

Scarcely ever is there any redress.  The Russian officials were almost invariably in sympathy, or at least connived at, the outrages against the helpless population.

A few authentic reports received in this country from a Russian editor, Miasoiedow, will disclose to the readers the effectual methods Russia is using in protecting her “beloved Jews,” demonstrating at the same time the true greatness of the true Russian.

Hundreds are Jailed

No sooner did the Russians enter the city than mischief was set afoot.  Hundreds of Jews were jailed because several Poles, notorious thieves and criminals, accused the Jews of according the Germans a friendly reception.  A number have been shot, knouted, hanged, imprisoned as hostages.  Immediately after that, Russian soldiery pillaged the town.  The stores were first rendered barren, then fired.  When certain representative Russian Jews petitioned the Russian commander on behalf of the population, he told them that “should any Jew dare set foot over the threshold of his room,” he would “execute him on the spot.”

The noble answer of the murderous Russian executive terrified the Jews to such an extent that for weeks they remained hidden in cellars, without food or cover.

Here is another incident of the greatness of the “true Russian spirit”.  Editor Miasoiedow talks about.

The following outrages are contained in the report of Dr. Arthur Levy and may be considered authentic:

“In Staschew, eleven Jews were hanged in the synagogue.

“In Klodawa, two of the most respected Jewish citizens were hanged on the balcony of their own house one Friday evening as the Jews came out of the synagogue, and the wife of one of them had to provide the rope.  The corpses were left in that position for twenty-four hours, and the neighbors were not allowed to close their shutters to the horrible sight.

Girls Seek Death

“In Schidlowee Jewish girls threw themselves into the lake because they had been outraged and would not carry that disgrace through life.

“In Ostrowice the Cossacks demanded that the rabbi, Zadik Kalischer, be turned over to them to be hanged because they believed he had assisted the Austrians.  The fact is that he, together with the Polish priest, went to meet the Austrian and German troops at the time of the latter’s invasion, just as they had approached the Russian troops on a previous occasion, to ask that the inhabitants of the town be kindly treated.  When the rabbi hid himself from the Cossacks, they waited until the feast of Yom Kippur was in progress in order to surround the synagogue on Kol Nidre evening and effect the capture in that way.  When they had seized the rabbi and were about to execute him, the German invasion again reached Ostrowice, and the Cossacks were forced to retire, after they had burned the rabbi’s home.

“During the Friday evening services the Governor of Petrikov and troops invaded the synagogues of the town and pulled the scrolls from the ark in the search for a telephone which they claimed the Jews had hidden there in order to keep in communication with the German invaders.

“In Kleczew 150 Jews were seized as spies and sent to Warsaw.  The whole Jewish population of Zyrardow, Prutshkow, Bialobrzeg, Iwangorod, Grodzisk, Skierneiwice and many other places were expelled.  In Skierneiwice the expulsion order was carried out on the Sabbath eve, and the 10,000 Jews of the town left their homes with Sabbath lights still burning and the rabbi at their head.

“In Lowicz two young Jews from Zgierz, named Sandberg and Frenkel, were accused as spies and hanged, after one of them had been mutilated.  The same misfortune befell Moses Lipschitz, a corn merchant and respected Talmudist, because he had done business with Germany before the war.  In Bechawa, in the government of Lublin, 78 Jews were hanged as spies on one day in October.  In Kramostaw, in the same government, many Jewish houses were burned and most of the 200 Jews there, with their wives and children, were destroyed.

Hang Children

“In Zdunsky-Wola all the Jewish women and girls were outraged, one of them, whose husband was on the line of battle, died in consequence.”

In line with Dr. Levy’s report, the article by Dr. George Brandes on the tragedies of the Jews in Poland gives similar examples.  The reputation of Dr. Brandes is international and his aloofness from political questions lends to his statement that element of disinterestedness.  Dr. Brandes says:

“In the towns of Janow and Krasnik the Jews were accused of having put out mines to destroy the Russians.  The Jews, and among them many children, were hanged on the telegraph poles, and two towns destroyed.

“The town of Samosch was conquered by the Austrian Sokol troops, those beautiful slender people you do not forget when once you have seen them train in the capital of Galicia.  When they were driven away from the Russian army the Poles accused the Jews of the town of having been the accomplices of the Austrians.  Twelve Jews were arrested.  When they denied the charge, they were sentenced to death.  Five of them had already been hanged, when in the middle of the execution, a Russian priest, carrying an image of the Virgin in his hand, appeared and with his hand on this image took the oath that the Jews were innocent and that the accusation was all an outcome of Polish hatred of the Jews.  He proved that the Poles of the town  themselves had supported the Austrians and that even a telephone connection with Lemberg could be found.  The seven Jews were then set free; five had already been hanged.

“In the town of Jusefow, the Jews were accused of having poisoned the wells through which hundreds of Cossacks had lost their lives.  Seventy-eight Jew s were killed, many women were ravished and houses and shops plundered.”

Burned Alive in Hay

Another story is told of a Jew, H. Lipewsky, who was driving a wagonload of hay toward Wirhallen.  He was stopped by a plaotton of Cossacks and ordered to throw down the hay.  Having done as instructed, Lipewsky proved to the Cossacks that the wagon contained no German soldiers.  Yet Lipewsky was thrown in the wagon, covered with hay and set afire.  Several Jewish soldiers witnessed the incident, but for obvious reasons could not intervene; they reported it, however, in the city, and when friends of Lipewsky came out to the place of the tragedy, they found a heap of charred bones.

A number of women and girls were ravished.  The Cossacks would carry them off to the barracks and assault them.  Many nights in succession the deadly silence of Suwalki was startled by agonizing screams of these unfortunate women.

Lomza witnessed the most bloody deeds of Cossack bestiality.  A student of the Kieff Uiversity tells the following:

“The Russians entered Lomza on a Sunday evening.  A Jewish merchant, Markus Cohen, was arrested.  The Cossacks, while plundering his house, found several invoices from German business men.  This was enough.

“Tuesday afternoon he was hanged on a tree in the heart of the city.  A placard reading: “This is the body of a Jewish traitor and spy, Markus Cohen,” was fastened to the body.

“Immediately after that the Cossacks galloped through the streets shouting: ‘Kill the Jews, they betrayed our country.’

“In the house of the leather dealer, Neuman, they found the entire family hidden in the basement.  A barrel of gasoline was brought and the house fired.  All the members of the family perished.

“In another Jewish house was found a beautiful young girl.  The bound and gagged her and before her eyes killed her father.  The mother succeeded in escaping.  The girl was then so shamefully treated by scores of men that she died in the hands of the torturers.”

Await War’s End

The present war in Europe, in which every one of the big nations is concerned, cannot come to an end without a conference in which not only every nation directly concerned is represented, but it must also receive the support and participation of neutral powers, of which the United States may be one.

This conference, it is expected, will deal with every question involved in the struggle, and with others in which all the participants are interested.

The status of the Jews in all the countries is a subject that may come before that important body.

With the object of having it brought before the peace conference, or by whatever name the assemblage may be called, committees have been formed in several countries, United States included, which are expected to use every means at their command to have the matter made a subject for consideration.  The move has received the support of some of the leading men of the country, non-Jews as well as Jews.  Jews feel that now is the time to prepare, so that when the proper time comes they may be united for action. 

References

Websites

Enver Bey – Biography at Wikipedia

Alexander Brin Dead at 87 – News article at archive of Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Leutnant der Reserve Max Seller – Grave Record at Commonwealth War Graves Commission

Retelling the Tale of a Plucky Chap, by Stephen Daisley – The Jewish Chronicle, October 17, 2017

Benjamin Rabinson (“B. Rabinson”) – Grave Record at Commonwealth War Graves Commission

The Jewish Advocate (History of publication) – at Wikipedia

Nick J. Stone’s photographs – at Flickr

Invisible Works – Nick J. Stone’s photography blog

Books

Adler, Michael, British Jewry Book of Honour, Caxton Publishing Company, London, England, 1922

Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch, Reichsbund Jüdischer Frontsoldaten, Forward by Dr. Leo Löwenstein, Berlin, Germany, 1932

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Russia: “A Roadside Scene in Russia” – A Photograph in The Jewish World, October 27, 1915

My prior posts – “The Tragedy of Israel in Poland” by Herman Bernstein, and “If It Be True … A Terrible Indictment Against Russia” by ‘Mentor’ of The Jewish Chronicle – presented a vivid and detailed literary “picture” of what befell Eastern European Jewry amidst military operations of the Central Powers and Imperial Russia, during the early part of the Great War in 1914 and 1915.

Words alone, however, as compelling as they be, are by nature limited in the force of their message.  To that end, in its issue of October 27, 1915, The Jewish World (the Chronicle’s brother publication), amidst portraits of Jewish soldiers of the British Commonwealth, published a photo spanning two pages, and depicting a subject entirely different: An image of Russian-Jewish refugees.

The picture is shown below:

Notably, the location and date of the image, let alone the identity of the photographer, are not given.

The only information about the photo is what is presented in the caption:  “One of the many pathetic scenes which are, unfortunately, only too common on the highways of Russia in these days, showing Russo-Jewish families who have fled their homes  to escape the ravages of war and are undecided which way to turn or what to do.”

A central aspect of the image is literally present in its very center: A boy in late childhood appears to be gazing directly at the photographer – pensively, motionlessly – even as the attention of other persons in the image is fixed elsewhere.  Yet, in the boy’s very anonymity there is a host of questions that are unanswered, which will forever remain unanswered.

Who was he?

Did he (and his family) survive the war?

By the close of the Great War, did they eventually return to their home?

If not, where did they settle – elsewhere in Russia; in Poland?

If not, did they emigrate elsewhere?

If so, where?

Western Europe?

The United States?

South America?

The Yishuv?

If his family remained in Eastern Europe, and they survived the years of chaos, savagery, and anti-Jewish persecution that followed the end of the Great War, what then? 

Assuming that he was roughly ten years of age in 1915, by 1941, he would have been in his mid-thirties when the Third Reich invaded Poland in September of 1939, and the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. 

What then…?

 

 

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Eastern Europe: “If It Be True … A Terrible Indictment Against Russia” – The Jewish Chronicle, July 30, 1915

By August of 1915, slightly over a year had transpired since the Great War’s beginning.  The war’s unprecedented effects, awareness of which had by now become apparent to all observers,  would continue through the subsequent three years.  (And, beyond.)

By this time – as evidenced through examples of news items and investigative reports in the Jewish and general news media – information about the dire situation and appalling treatment of Jewish civilians in the Eastern War Zone, particularly in Poland, amidst the advance and retreat of armies of the Central Powers and Allies (well, the latter specifically being Imperial Russia), had become readily available.  By August, 1915, evidence of this – vastly more than mere anecdote and rumor – had reached such a level of pervasiveness, depth, and consistency that on August 13 The Jewish Chronicle published the editorial, “If It Be True… A Terrible Indictment Against Russia”, which was simultaneously news analysis, an opinion piece, and a tempered voice of alarm and outrage.

The editorial was authored by “Mentor”, under whose name innumerable essays, musings, and thought pieces – often focused upon Jewish Nationalism – were published in the Chronicle during and after the Great War.  I’m not familiar enough with the history of The Jewish Chronicle to know if “Mentor” was a moniker for the newspaper’s publisher or chief editor, a pen-name under which the writings of multiple individuals appeared under ostensible authorship of one person.  Or even, if “Mentor” was a member of the Jewish community not actually on the staff of the Chronicle.  Given the consistency of both Mentor’s wonderful literary style, and the consistent themes and opinions of his essays and editorials, I think the most likely simplest explanation is the simplest: Mentor was one person.

In any event, Mentor’s essay concerning the treatment of Jewish civilians by the Russian Army is careful and tempered; analytical and measured; powerful and impassioned.  Notably, he doesn’t actually address the issue at hand until well (well!) into the body of his essay, devoting his first four paragraphs, in tones almost abstract and academic, to concerns about the very propriety of expressing thoughts that might be construed as being even remotely critical of any aspect of the war’s conduct.  This is expressed in light of the mood of the British public, the necessity of not impinging upon relations between Britain and Russia under the imperative of maintaining the Triple Alliance, and possible (though unarticulated) fears about the perception of the “loyalty” of British Jewry, as perceived via criticisms of an ally of Britain – Czarist Russia – expressed in the Chronicle. 

The predicament being, how does one criticize his country’s ally, when that ally, through policies emanating from the highest positions in its civilian and military leadership, is treating one’s people – to use the apt word – “abhorrently?”  Specifically, “What has to be said here about Russia, about an Ally of this country, must be confessed to be singularly abhorrent reading, the more abhorrent because Russia is the country’s Ally.  For my part, however, I cannot believe that a clear statement of the matter to which I feel it incumbent to draw public attention, such as will be attempted, is in the remotest sense traitorous, for it is written in loyalty to truth.  I cannot believe the British Government, allied though it be to the Government of Russia, will so deem it.  Loyalty to truth, the denunciation of infamies, even when committed by the friends and allies of this country, cannot be disloyalty to England – the fount of honor, the palladium of freedom.”

In the central part of his essay, Mentor presents the reader with accounts of the Russian military’s forced deportation of Jews from Galicia and Bukovina – who astonishingly included Jewish soldiers of the Russian army who’d been recuperating from their wounds, let alone children and the aged.  This is followed by accounts of the immediate reaction to these events and policies by members of the affected Jewish communities, and, subsequently, by “prominent” members of Russian Jewry (named not indicated), the latter of which eventuated in the orders for deportation being annulled, albeit conditionally.

In the essay’s concluding paragraphs, Mentor focuses upon the origin of the Russian government’s policies vis-a-vis Jews, and other subject nationalities, imputing that the former arises (and has arisen…) through the influence of “German anti-Semites and German anti-Semitism,” seemingly casting greater responsibility for these events indirectly on Germany, rather than directly on Russia. 

He then concludes his thoughts with the same focus – and the same concerns – with which the essay began:  Upon the concept of Loyalty.  (Capital “L” loyalty, that is.)  For if loyalty there be, it can neither be one-sided, nor unreciprocated.

________________________________________

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“They were not soldiers on the battlefield in the conventional meaning of the term, but they were true soldiers on life’s battlefield, fighting an unequal contest against overwhelming odds.  And they refused their liberty, their freedom, their lives, their homes, because these could be gained only by a demeaning condition; they preferred exile to a dishonoring pact “inconsistent with the dignity of Judaism”.” 

“IF IT BE TRUE…”
A Terrible Indictment Against Russia
The Jewish Exponent
August 13, 1915

“Mentor,” in The Jewish Chronicle
(Reprinted from The Jewish Chronicle of July 30, 1915)

IT IS a commonplace of the world-struggle which in a few days will have been raging for a whole year that the sufferings caused by the war have fallen more heavily upon Jews than upon any other section of the population involved.  Perhaps, however, the very hardest measure that has been dealt out to the Jews has not been the direct effects of battle.  The hardest measure has been the persistent suspicion that has been leveled at them on all hands.  The hardest measure has been that Jews who, as a people, have the fault, if such could really be deemed a fault, of being abnormally loyal, even loyal to excess, have been pilloried as treason-mongers.  That there are black sheep in every flock, and that there are Jews who will stoop to treasonable practices must necessarily be in a body so distinguished for loyalty as are our people.

It is the way of nature to produce abnormalities.  But the loyalty of Jews to the land of which they are citizens has been proved in a thousand fires.  That loyalty cannot be purchased nor suppressed.  It is the way of the Jew, a part of his being, the very essence of his psychology.  The loyalty of the Jew is not confined to material considerations.  His history is in itself a demonstration of his loyalty to great principles and to the greatest of all – to Truth.  For his métier has been, and is, to be a passive if not an active witness of Truth before all the world.  For that he has suffered, for that he suffers, and for that he will suffer till the end of the variegated chapter which he is contributing to the history of mankind.

What I am about to say may possibly be deemed by some, mostly of the shallow and the unthinking, to be in some way disloyal when measured by their notions of patriotism.  Patriotism, especially in the stress and storm of wartime, however, takes unto itself remarkable contortions.  Men and women – of both sexes – lose even their average balance of intellect as soon as the war drum begins to throb.  Their anxiety to prove their patriotism – who prove what ought never to be in question? – impels them to the most extraordinary devices for satisfying this aspiration, so that they come to mistake for patriotism what is mere hysteria.  We are at war with the German nation, and, according to some of these unbalanced souls, the mere fact that we are at war with that people is proof that every individual of them is devoid of every scarp and vestige of qualities that are virtues and has become endowed with every quality which is vicious and evil.  Equally because in the political whirligig England has become allied to certain Powers, the people of those countries possess, according to these hysterical patriots, all the virtues.  It never crosses the mind of these people that these very allies could have ever been at enmity with England – as Russia was very recently, as France was for generations – at enmity and subjected to the same unreasoning prejudice of this worthless sort of self-styled patriot.  This “cockeyed” patriotism helps not even a little bit, it hinders greatly.  This patriotism runs mad and will never win a war.  The “Hymn of Hate” has been a deterrent to German in the prosecution of her campaign as lack of munitions is said to have been to the Allied Powers.

Wars are matters of great moment, requiring the true patriot to cultivate a broad outlook and wide purview.  The belligerent nation, the citizens of which indulge in petty scrapping worthy of garrulous washerwomen, is handicapped in carrying on vast operations of great pith and moment.  Patriotism – true patriotism – neither gags nor blinds.  Patriotism – true patriotism – is no enemy of the truth.  If we see clearly the virtues which exist in our enemies and the vices in our friends, we are all the better equipped for carrying on such a struggle as that in which we are now engaged.  I may be denounced as unpatriotic because of what I am about to say of Russia and the Russian Government.  Some, more hysteric and unbalanced than others, will perhaps seek to pillory me as traitorous.  But loyalty to truth is the first call upon the true patriot.  To suppress all record of infamies because they are charged against the country’s friends is as disloyal to truth as would be the disseminating of false accusations against them.  What has to be said here about Russia, about an Ally of this country, must be confessed to be singularly abhorrent reading, the more abhorrent because Russia is the country’s Ally.  For my part, however, I cannot believe that a clear statement of the matter to which I feel it incumbent to draw public attention, such as will be attempted, is in the remotest sense traitorous, for it is written in loyalty to truth.  I cannot believe the British Government, allied though it be to the Government of Russia, will so deem it.  Loyalty to truth, the denunciation of infamies, even when committed by the friends and allies of this country, cannot be disloyalty to England – the fount of honor, the palladium of freedom.

Almost from the beginning of the war, stories have come to hand of Russian cruelties toward our people.  The Pope, in the course of a newspaper interview, recently rather more than hinted at them.  Reference to some that had been told to us here, were mentioned in this column a few weeks ago.  The source from which most of them that have reached this country were derived has, however, necessarily demanded extreme caution, if it has not imposed some suspicion.  It has been difficult, as was explained, to disentangle the false from the true, to measure aright what was fact and what was exaggeration.  It was difficult, too, to determine how much was more than – and in heaven’s name it was enough! – the necessities of military operations – the dire demands of the war, and how much was cruelty practiced upon our people under the guise of military necessity.  For the most part, the inclination has naturally been to give to the Russian Government as an ally of this country the benefit of the doubt, and in view of the general situation not to say a word upon such material as came to hand that would be embarrassing to an ally fighting side by side with England.  But there are limits.  And the limit is reached when silence involves traitorousness to truth.  Facts which have been detailed to the present writer by friends in whose impartiality and veracity he could have nothing but perfect confidence, are backed up and confirmed to a large extent by an official document, an Order of the Day, issued by the Russian Government.  This Order seems to have been promulgated in March last.  It decreed nothing less than the expulsion of all Jews from the military zones in Galicia, Bukovina and Poland.  The excuse for this terrible determination was an easy one to find ready to hand.  It was the alleged disloyalty of the Jewish population.  That allegation, needless to say, could have been based at most upon the treason of a few individuals.  But the Russian Government, bettering Burke, indicted a whole nation.  The decree, too, was directed not at any locality, or at any general section of the population.  It was a decree against Jews as Jews.

And now we have the result.  Some two hundred thousand Jews who had been living in the confines of Kovno, Kurland and Suwalki were exiled by the Russian authorities, so that, in the technical language employed, those districts might be “evacuated of Jews.”  Our unfortunate brethren upon whom this decree fell were compelled to obey it by a short notice, varying from eight hours to thirty at the most.  In that time two hundred thousand people had to leave their homes, their possessions, their all, and face – they knew now what!  What followed requires the pen of Dante adequately to narrate.  Not one Jewish soul of all this vast population was allowed to remain, so that towns which had contained a large proportion of Jewish inhabitants were deserted.  Aged men, little children, women – even those hourly expecting to become mothers – some clutching to their breasts their newborn babes; people insane, cripples, the blind; those who were sick unto death – there was no exemption for any.  The decree, it must be admitted, had at least the merit of impartiality.  For not only were the families of soldiers fighting at the front doomed by it, but soldiers who had received permission for furlough in their native towns, and soldiers, whose bleeding wounds were still unhealed, the Jewish nurses who attended them in the local hospitals, and even the Jewish military doctors – all had to go into exile.  Even the rage and fury of battle respects the Red Cross.  Sheltered beneath that symbol are the wounded in war, and those who are attendant upon the soldiers who have fallen.  But this decree tore away Jews whose condition entitled them to safety as if shielded by the sacred sign from the terrors of belligerency, and it sent them with their brothers and sisters into exile.  No wonder we read that the poor people were maddened unto despair; that they turned and destroyed their goods and chattels, their household goods or generations, preferring to leave behind them the ruin of their property rather than it should fall into the hands of the despoilers.

It were futile to attempt to describe with anything like competences what this horrible decree meant to the two hundred thousand poor Jews upon whom it fell.  But the Order for their expulsion was not the end by any means of the horrors which awaited them.  For the conveyance of these people from their homes to some far distant Eastern province, there were provided some twenty-six “extra trains,” as they were called.  Each of these “trains” consisted of from forty to seventy wagons into which were huddled pell-mell this population of misery.  The poor people had been able to take with them only a few of the most necessary of their possessions, and there in these “trains” they were crowded together – men, women and children of all kinds “well-to-do people and professional beggars,” as my correspondent puts it, “sound persons and infectious patients, all of them thrown together in this living load.”  None of them knew whither they were going.  With exquisite regard for the sufferings of their exiled passengers, the slow moving “trains” were not allowed to stop at stations where food could be supplied to the poor wretches.  The “trains” could stop only at a distance of at least one kilometer from any station.  But the poor stricken people who were carted away in these “trains” were perhaps not much worse off than the thousands upon thousands for whom the “trains” had no accommodation, but who had to leave none the less.  In every sort of conveyance for which, of course, extortionate prices were demanded, these people rumbled away along the roads; or footsore and weary they tramped along outside the forbidden war zone.  Like an avalanche of human misery, they came into towns already filled with populations in which poverty ruled.  Cellars, barns, outhouses – every nook and cranny was filled with this exiled population.  Even the synagogues were turned into doss-houses.  These destitutes had to beg for sheer life; they could, however, appeal only to the charity of the pauperism into which they were driven.  But above all they were forced to galling personal grief.  For in the suddenness of the exile to which they were compelled, families became separated.  Wives and their husbands, brothers and sisters, and little children were parted from their mothers.  Some were sent here, others were sent there, with regard to nothing save the capacity of the “extra trains,” or the availability of other means for conveyance all was subservient to the one idea that the war-zone districts must be evacuated of Jews.  To such an extent did this misery of missed relatives occur, that special inquiry offices had to be established at several points outside the war zones by Jews for the purpose of recovering lost persons.  What life was like upon the “extra trains” can as little be imagined as described.  In at least one case the “extra train” was not allowed by the local authorities to go into the station for which it was destined.  The consequence was that the poor people, still huddled in these wagons, were compelled to return hundreds upon hundreds of miles.  They were not allowed to remain; they went sent back to their destination!  Thus they were hunted backwards and forwards for five weeks.  Twenty-eight of the poor passengers became insane through their sufferings; typhus broke out in the “extra train”’ and death – cruel, lingering death – was the only mercy that is seemed to the harassed victims would be shown them by a fate against which they were powerless.  Let me break off for a moment here to remind the reader that this is a mere bald recitation of human suffering in Europe – it is not an imagined picture of the doomed in hell.  Nor was it suffering inflicted by an invading army upon enemies.  The victims were not belligerents.  They were civilian citizens of Russia herself – save those who were Russia’s soldiers, some bearing the wounds and the hurts of Russia’s combat.

Now, let us see what sort of disloyalty reigned in the breasts of these hunted and harassed Jews.  The boldest and bravest of men could well have been cowed into submission, into yielding up well-nigh every principle that honor, loyalty and courage demanded, after having suffered as these people had suffered.  But, notwithstanding everything, we find them possessed of a spirit which in the circumstances it would be difficult to discover among average men and women.  Listen to this!  After the “evacuation” had taken place, several Jewish organizations made urgent representations to the Russian Ministers in behalf of the expelled Jews.  Deputations of prominent Jews waited upon the ministers, and at last, after some days had elapsed and the exile had been effected, a promise was given that the whole measure was to be annulled.  To be annulled!  As if the mischief could be undone!  However, if it meant anything, it meant that the poor people could go back to their homes, back to the ruins of them that they would find, and there on their native soil begin again their hard, bitter lives.  It thus meant release from exile for them.  But the Military General Governor into whose hands the decree of annulment seems to have been placed, declared that the return of Jews to their homes could be sanctioned only on condition that they gave to the military authorities hostages from the ranks of their rabbis and the influential and better off among them.  He added that the population was to understand that, in case there was the smallest treason discovered on the part of any Jews, the hostages would be hanged.  The deputation to whom this information was conveyed in turn communicated it to the Jewish exiles.  These met together to discuss what they should do.  The conferred for three days, and then these “traitorous Jews,” these despised exiles, these men and women who had suffered every horror, who had faced every indignity, who had borne every insult and all the pains and penalties of this wicked murderous evacuation – these men and women came to this decision: that “we reject the government’s proposal because of the condition under which alone they will grant it, for it is not consistent with the dignity of Judaism!”

These then were the sort of “traitors” that the Russian Government hunted and hounded in its “evacuation”.  This was the sort of spirit that filled these people.  They were not soldiers on the battlefield in the conventional meaning of the term, but they were true soldiers on life’s battlefield, fighting an unequal contest against overwhelming odds.  And they refused their liberty, their freedom, their lives, their homes, because these could be gained only by a demeaning condition; they preferred exile to a dishonoring pact “inconsistent with the dignity of Judaism”.  One almost feels something of gratitude to the Russian Government for having been the means of showing the sort of stuff of which the people to whom they dare thus to persecute are made.  To the terrors of war we have become so inured that many will read the story of this “evacuation” of Jews from the war zone, it is difficult to believe, without a shudder, but it may be with but a passing shudder.  They will relegate it to the grim and awful catalogue of the terrors of war time.  But the information which comes from Russia shows that this wholesale baiting of Jews is likely to go on.  Already there are fears that the Jews in the other districts are likely to be deported, and meetings have been held both in Petrograd and the provinces in view of the threatened danger.  There again the fine spirit of our people has become manifested.  They have refused to purchase their liberty under any such degrading conditions as giving hostages for their good behavior.  It is said, too, that side by side with this threatened fresh exile – and this exile, recollect, means deportation for perhaps hundreds of miles – there are rumors which seems at least to have some solid basis, that from high quarters there has been issued an order for the collection of anti-Semitic material against Jewish soldiers.  We know what that means, and we know, too, that every untoward incident in which any individual Jews may become involved will be employed to the full to the hurt of Jews in general.

The sole responsibility of Russia and the Russian Government for their conduct towards Jews and other subject nationalities has been more than once contested in this column.  The influence of German anti-Semites and German anti-Semitism has been an element which could not be overlooked.  There is nothing that has occurred to shake the opinion that the root of the trouble of the Jews in Russia is to be found in Germany.  This awful narrative may be taken, therefore, as the full fruit of that country’s influence in Russia.  It will not tend to tire any who read it, of the task which this country has undertaken because it is told of one of this country’s allies.  It will, it is hoped, make men see all the clearer the necessity for ridding Russia from German influence, in the hope that thereby the conditions for our people, and others in Russia, who are subjects of the Czar, may be bettered.  Germany’s responsibility, great or small, however, does not excuse nor palliate the wickedness, the infernal, devilish wickedness of such doing as were involved in the “evacuation” of Jews in the war zones and which have here been set down.  Is the story untrue?  Then, the Russian Government has the means of denying its truth and of giving proof of its incorrectness.  If it be true, then loyalty to truth which nothing ought to depose as the highest duty, demands that the facts shall be known even though Russia is an Ally of this country.  It is as necessary as if forgive the bare suggestion – these horrors were the work of the Government of England itself.  For if the alliance between Russia and England imposes upon English citizens an obligation towards Russia, surely that same alliance imposes upon Russia a like obligation to England.  Deeds such as those narrated must be painful and disgusting to the liberty-loving Englishman.  They must prejudice the cause of the allies by influencing the opinion of neutral lands.  They must be painful and disgusting beyond words to England, which stands before the world as the protector of humanity, the shielder of the weak, the avenger of the outraged.

The obligation is, of course, upon us here in England, upon all the subjects of the King, to do nothing to shake in the least firmness of the alliance between this country and Russia.  We English Jews, not only out of loyalty to the country we love, but because we believe that the highest Jewish interests, too, lie in that direction, are anxious above all things to uphold, support and strengthen that alliance, so that England may triumph in the war she is waging.  In deference to that feeling, we have been willing, if not to forget, at least to forgive Russia’s past towards our people, to utter not a word in respect to their civil and political wrongs pending the war; to be content with the hope and the belief that the end of the war will begin the end of disabilities which they have borne.  But this loyalty to the alliance between England and Russia, this loyalty to the allies cannot be one-sided, and must not be abused by Russia.  To persecute Jews as Jews have been persecuted by the decree of “evacuation” from the war zones, to expect that this foul deed can be effected and that Jews – in England – can be dumb and utter not a word because of Anglo-Russian relations, is an abuse of the principles underlying the alliance.  It cannot be an element in any alliance into which a freedom-loving country such as England would enter.

Thus perhaps after all, the gravest charges against her involved in this “evacuation” crime is that Russia by her acts against our people has herself been disloyal to the Triple Alliance.  Writing as I do in England as an English born citizen of this beloved country, the aspect of the matter naturally appeals to me as it affects England only.  Yet let us not forget that the third element in the Triple Alliance is the fair country of France wedded to the high ideal of “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity”.  Her sons, like England’s, are bleeding upon the battlefield in defense of these high ideals which England and France hold in common.  While they are dying for the undying cause of those ideals Russia, by her treatment of her Jewish subjects, is trampling those ideals in the very dust.

References and Suggested Readings

Lohr, Eric, The Russian Army and the Jews: Mass Deportation, Hostages, and Violence during World War I, Russian Review, V 60 N 3, July, 2001, pp. 404-419 (JSTOR)

1914-1918 Online: International Encyclopedia of the First World War, Lists the following references, in Dr. Semion Goldin’s* essay, “Antisemitism and Pogroms in the Military (Russian Empire)“:

Anonymous: Iz chernoi knigi russkogo evreistva. Materialy dlia istorii voiny 1914 – 1915 godov (From the black book of the Russian Jewry.  Materials for the history of war 1914-1915), in: Evreiskaia starina 10, 1918, pp. 195-296

Gessen, I.V. (ed.): Dokumenty o presledovaniach evreev (Documents on persecutions of the Jews), in: Arkhiv russkoi revoliutsii XIX, 1928, pp. 245-284

Holquist, Peter: The role of personality in the first (1914-1915) Russian occupation of Galicia and Bukovina, in: Dekel-Chen, Jonathan L. (ed.): Anti-Jewish Violence. Rethinking the Pogrom in East European History, Bloomington 2010: Indiana University Press, pp. 52-73

Lowe, Heinz-Dietrich: The Tsars and the Jews. Reform, Reaction, and Anti-Semitism in Imperial Russia, 1772-1917, Chur 1992: Harwood Academic Publishers

Sanborn, Joshua A.: The Genesis of Russian Warlordism. Violence and Governance during the First World War and the Civil War, in: Contemporary European History 19/3, 2010, pp. 195-213.

* The Leonid Nevzlin Research Center for Russian and East-European Jewry, The Chais Center for Jewish Studies in Russian, The Hebrew University

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Russia: “The War and The Jews of Russia” – The Outlook, 1915

Through early 1915 at least four articles had appeared in two English-language Jewish periodicals (The Jewish Chronicle, and, The Jewish Exponent) concerning the ordeal of Jewish civilians situated in the eastern war zone, with the “last” of these four news items – entitled “Russian Accusations Against The Jews” – having been published in the Chronicle on April 16, 1915.  Curiously, on the same day, The Jewish Exponent of Philadelphia reprinted a lengthy news item, originally published in The Outlook, which focused on Russian Jewry from an altogether different perspective:  That of military service of the Jews of Russia, in the Army of Russia – in terms of Russian Jewry’s self-perception, and, the perception of Russian Jewry among varying levels of the country’s political and military leadership.

The article was penned by a certain George Kennan, but not that (!) George Kennan: Not “George F. Kennan”, American diplomat and historian, perhaps more well known as an “advocate of a policy of containment of Soviet expansion during the Cold War” (quote from Wikipedia), who under the pseudonym “X” (though his real identity was known at the time!) penned the article “The Sources of Soviet Conduct” in the July, 1947 issue of Foreign Affairs. 

Rather, the article was written by “George Kennan” (no middle initial), who was George F. Kennan’s cousin, twice-removed.

Born on February 16, 1845 (oddly sharing the same birthday as his cousin, albeit the latter having been born in 1904), the elder Kennan was a journalist and war correspondent, who was first (at the age of 12) employed at the Cleveland and Toledo Railroad Company, then by the Russian-American Telegraph Company, and finally in 1878, by the Associated Press.  A world traveler and war correspondent of eclectic interests, he accorded much of his intellectual and literary effort to the people, politics, and history of Russia, with a particular focus on the native peoples of Siberia, and, political conditions in Russia as a whole.  Though not an advocate of Russian autocracy (he was banned from the country in 1901), he nonetheless opposed Bolshevism and was a critic of the October Revolution.

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George Kennan in 1885 (image from his biography at Wikipedia)

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Kennan’s article opens with a quote from a speech by Deputy Naftali Markovich Fridman of the Duma of August 8, 1914, ardently proclaiming the support of Russian Jewry for the Russian war effort, and then presents various accounts of the bravery and heroism of Russian Jewish soldiers.  These are contrasted with the responses and perceptions – some changed; some not – of Russian Jews, by Russian political and military leaders, within the context of this early phase of the Great War.  A specific example is that of Cornet* Novikoff, concerning the death in battle of Hussar Meyer Lovinski (from Belaya Tserkov?), versus that of General Dumbadze, whose actions vis-a-vis Jews might be deemed, well … more than mercurial. 

In this manner, Kennan seems to suggest that, at the country’s highest levels of leadership, military and political leaders were simply taking cues or “pointers” from the Czar, and acting accordingly.  

While some of Kennan’s accounts convey a tone of measured, tentative optimism, his observations convey a deep sense of skepticism, if not pessimism, about the eventuality of full legal, political, and social acceptance of Russian Jewry by the country’s leaders.  This is exemplified in the final paragraphs of his article, which focus upon the story of Jewish military pilot Evgeniy Rostislavovich Shpitsberg…

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THE WAR AND THE JEWS OF RUSSIA
BY GEORGE KENNAN

Reprinted from The Outlook

April 16, 1915

In the historic “war session” of the Russian Duma, August 8, 1914, when the representatives of the various nationalities and political parties of Russia were given an opportunity to express their feelings with regard to the government and the war, Deputy Friedman, from the Province of Kovno, spoke in behalf of the Russian Jews as follows:

“Members of the Imperial Duma: Upon me has been conferred the high honor of giving expression at this historic moment to the feelings that inspire the Jewish people.  In the great spiritual uplift which has come to the nation the Jews fully participate, and they will go to the field of battle shoulder to shoulder with the other nationalities of the Empire.  Although we Jews have long suffered, and are still suffering from grievous civil disabilities, we feel, nevertheless, that we are Russian citizens and faithful sons of our Fatherland.  Nothing will ever alienate us from our country, nor separate us from the land to which for so many centuries we have been attached.  In defending Russia against foreign invasion we are actuated not only by a sense of duty, but by a feeling of profound devotion.  In this hour of trial and in obedience to the summons from the throne, we Russian Jews will take our stand under the Russian banner and repulse the enemy with all our strength.  The Jewish people will do their duty to the end.”  (Storms of applause and cries of “Bravo!” from the Right, the Centre, and the Left.)

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Naftali Markovich Fridman (image from Wikimedia Commons)

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Five months have passed since deputy Friedman expressed the devotion of the Russian Jews to their country and government that they would “go to the field of battle shoulder to shoulder with the other nationalities of the Empire.”  Has that devotion been shown in deeds, and has that promise been faithfully kept?

The Jews’ Magnanimity

If anything stands out clearly on the pages of recent Russian history it is the magnanimity and patriotism of the Jews.  Denied many of the rights of citizenship, forced to live in a great national ghetto, restricted in the learned professions, limited to a small quota of students in the universities and schools, crowded into cities within the Pale and expelled from cities without the Pale, insulted constantly by the reactionary press, accused of “ritual murder” in the courts, and beaten to death by pogrom rioters in the streets, the unfortunate Jews would seem to have little reason for loyalty or patriotic feeling; and yet, since the war began, they have subordinated personal resentment to a higher sense of duty, and, for the sake of “the Fatherland,” have done all that the most ardent patriots could to do support the monarch who has oppressed them and to defend the State that has discriminated against them.

Soon after the war began the Jews in Petrograd, Moscow, Odessa, and many other Russian cities began to hold meetings in their synagogues to pray for the health and safety of the Czar, and for the success of the Russian armies in the field.  At the same time hundreds of young Jews in the universities and higher technical schools who were not liable to conscription volunteered for active service and were sent to the front.  Even Jews who were awaiting trial on political charges, or who were already suffering imprisonment for political offenses, offered to enlist as volunteers, and promised that, if they should still be alive at the end of the war, they would give themselves up for trial or go back to prison and serve out the unexpired term of their sentences.  “We cannot bear,” they said in their petition, “to sit idle in prison cells while our comrades are fighting for their country and ours.”  (Russkoe Bogatstvo, September 14, 1914, p. 316).

Acknowledgement of Jewish Patriotism

As the war proceeded, and the Czar began to go back and forth through Russia on his way to and from the front, Jewish delegations in all the larger towns where he stopped came to him with plates of bread and salt (the Russian emblem of hospitality and goodwill) and presented him with addresses breathing the most ardent spirit of Jewish loyalty and patriotism.  In one such address they said:

“It gives us no great happiness to know that our brothers and sons are shedding their blood for the sake of their monarch, for the honor of the country that is so dear to them, and for the cause of right and justice with which your Imperial Majesty’s name will forever be gloriously associated.  We beg you, O Gossudar, to receive this assurance of loyalty from your faithful subjects who are followers of the Mosaic Law.”

In places which the Czar did not visit or in which he did not stop, the Jews went with patriotic addresses to the highest local representatives of the Church or the State and this they did even in towns where at the hands of Church or State they had suffered most injustice.  If there be in all Russia a city where the Jews, might, naturally record the Russians with enmity and the Government with resentment, it is the city of Kishineff – the scene of the bloodiest anti-Jewish pogrom that has ever blackened the history of the Empire.  But even in Kishineff the Jews hastened to show that their consciousness of civic duty was stronger than their sense of injustice.  They could not get access to the Czar, so they went with bread, salt and assurances of loyalty to the Archbishop Platon, the local representative of the Holy Orthodox Church.  The high ecclesiastical dignitary received them with as much courtesy as could have been expected, and said, in reply to their patriotic address:

“The Jews are completely united with us and they have proved their loyalty.  I am personally aware of the fact that they have contributed large sums to the Red Cross and other organizations for the relief of our wounded.  Their devotion to the country is beyond question.”

Addresses of Loyalty

In almost every city and large town in Russia delegations of Jews have called on the civil or ecclesiastical authorities and presented addresses confirming or repeating the assurances of loyalty given on their behalf by Deputy Friedman in the Duma.

“But,” it may be said, “it is easy enough to pray in the synagogues and makes professions of loyalty in patriotic addresses.  Have the Russian Jews done anything else?”

If the Russian newspapers are to be believed, they certainly have.  A recent number of the Petrograd Retch contained an article on this subject in which the writer said:

“This fact (that the Jews have actively participated in the war) does not admit of the slightest doubt.  Not only have they made enormous pecuniary contributions, but as soldiers they have shown miraculous courage on the field of battle, and many of them have received military decorations.  Such behavior on their part, however, is not to be regarded as especially meritorious.  It is only the performance of a sacred duty to their country, and Russian Jews could not act otherwise.”

The same paper publishes also an article commenting upon the fact that in the lists of killed and wounded telegraphed from the front there are Russian names, Polish names, Tartar names, and Armenian names, but not a single name that can be recognized as Jewish.  The paper explains, however, that the absence of Jewish names is due to racial discrimination.  “Only casualties to officers are reported by telegraph, and no Jew is permitted to become an officer.  If deaths and injuries of private soldiers were telegraphed, the lists would be thickly sprinkled with Jewish names.  The Jews share in the work of the nation on the battlefield as well as at home.  Wherever national help is needed there they participate with contributions and work.”

Valor in Battle

But even racial discrimination fails to exclude Jewish names wholly from the newspapers.  They may not become officers, but the Russian generals who command them insist that they shall have crosses of honor for gallantry in action, and then their names are telegraphed and published.  The highest military decoration that is given in Russia is the Cross of St. George, which corresponds with the Iron Cross of Germany and the Victoria Cross of Great Britain.  Every few weeks a common Jewish soldier distinguishes himself so greatly that he is awarded this coveted honor, and not long ago a Jew won two of these decorations in a single week.  The latest case that has come to my attention is that of Mendel Gluckman, who received the Cross of St. George about a month ago for a whole series of daring exploits under the walls of Przemysl.  (Petrograd Retch, November 22, 1914.)

Moscow and Petrograd newspapers publish many letters from Russian officers describing the bravery of Jewish soldiers in action.

In a letter Cornet Novikof, of a Hussar regiment, writes:

“Meyer Lowinski, born in the village of White Church, died a hero’s death on the 26th of August, near the forest of Laschchova.  Disregarding a heavy fire, he rode constantly in advance, reconnoitering coolly the enemy’s dispositions.  But a bullet hurled the gallant soul from his saddle, and he died heroically for his country, his Czar, and his people.  One the following day we recovered his body and turned it over to the Jews in Lashchova, who buried it with all honors in the Jewish graveyard.  May the kingdom of heaven receive my dear Lovinski – unforgettable comrade and fellow soldier!”

Gallantry of a Jew in Action

In this last letter two things are particularly noticeable: first, the tribute of a Russian to the coolness and gallantry of a Jew in action; and, second, the affection of a Russian for a Jew in an environment of danger and death.  Cornet Novikof seems wholly to forget that the dead man was an alien and unbeliever, and evidently hopes to meet his, “dear, unforgettable comrade and fellow soldier in the kingdom of heaven.”

But it is not only Russian lieutenants and cornets who speak well of the Jew.  The Russkyia Yedomosti, of Moscow, published recently a letter from the well-known philanthropist, N.A. Shakhof, pleading for justice to the Jew, and closing with the words: “One wants to believe that better days will come for Russia’s stepson, and that he will be in future not the stepson but the real son of the Fatherland for which he is shedding his blood.”  A Russian general at the front read these lines a week or two later, and was so moved by them that he wrote an open letter to Mr. Shakhof over the signature “A General in Active Service,” in which he said:

“It is impossible to read your admirable letter – and especially the part of it that refers to the Jews – without a feeling of approval and sympathy.  The great and warm heart of the Russian people, like gold in the furnace, is only now showing its worth.  Less and less frequently are heard expressions of intolerance and hatred, and more and more apparent becomes the virtues that lie in the depths of the Russian soul.  I profoundly believe that a multitude of our people, whose consciences and Christian feelings have not been smothered by hatred, and whose common sense has not been eclipsed by prejudice, will join heartily in your hope that the Jews may soon become the real son, and not the stepson of the Fatherland for which he is shedding his blood.”

If the Russian Jew is thus regarded by generals in active service, if archbishops declare that his “devotion to the country is beyond question,” if Russian commanders in the field of recommend him for the Cross of St. George, and if his Russian leaders in battle refer to him when he is dead as their “dear son and unforgettable comrade and fellow soldier,” and hope to meet him in the “kingdom of heaven,” who are his haters and persecutors?

Recognition Expected

When Germany declared war against Russia and the so-called “alien” nationalities of the Empire united with the “true Russians” in support of the Czar and his Government, it was confidently believed by everybody that the Jews in particular would receive some reward for their loyalty, or at least some recognition of their patriotic devotion to the State.  It did not seem reasonable to suppose that when they contributed liberally to war funds, volunteered for military service, prayed for the Czar in their synagogues, and fought for him in the field, that they would not be relieved from some of their disabilities, even if they were not granted all the rights of Russian citizenship.

This general belief that something would be done for the Jews was strengthened by the change in the Czar’s attitude toward the Poles.  They, too, had been persecuted and oppressed, but to them was given the promise of a brighter future.  To the Poles the Grand Duke Nicholas said:

“The hour has come for the realization of your fathers’ and your grandfathers’ dreams.  Russia meets you with an open heart and with the outstretched hand of a brother.  Under the sceptre of the Russian Czar, Poland, with freedom of religion, language, and local administration, shall be reborn.”

General Dumbadze, in whose province the Czar’s Crimean winter palace is situated, has always been a fanatical Jew hater, and had banished from the territory under his jurisdiction even the Jewish soldiers of a Russian regiment stationed there.  When, however, it seemed likely that the Czar would show the Jews favor, General Dumbadze immediately changed front, and not only attended services in the synagogue of Alshta, where he happened at the time to be, but assured the Jews that “he desired their happiness; that he hoped they would come to him with all their needs, and that he would try hard to meet them halfway.”

A Change of Front

Advocate Shmakof, who was one of the most bitter and unrelenting prosecutors of the Jew Beilis in the Kieff “ritual murder” trial, soon followed General Dumbadze’s example, and declared that racial hatred and the persecution of aliens in Russia were “things of the past.”

General Rennenkampf, before he went to the front, attended services in a Jewish synagogue, and even such representatives of the “Black Hundreds” as Purishkevitch, Orlof and Markof deprecated the further continuance of racial discord, and declared that all parties and nationalities should “get together and shake hands.”

It soon became apparent, however, that these advocates of peace and goodwill had turned their coats too hastily.  Thinking that the Czar must necessarily show some favor to the nationality that had given him such rounds of loyalty and patriotism, they quickly adjusted themselves to the expected change in his Jewish policy.  When Jews began to come to him with symbols of goodwill and assurances of loyalty, as they did in Petrograd, Grodno, Lublin, and other Russian towns, he might very naturally have said to them:

“The storm of war is causing more suffering to you than to Russians generally because most of your people live near the German frontier.  Poland and the Western provinces of the Pale are now the scene of conflict, and tens of thousands of Jews are being driven, in desperate condition, from their homes.  In view of this fact and of the patriotic loyalty that you have shown, I shall devote particular attention to your needs, and shall change or modify as far as possible the laws and administrative regulations that bear most heavily upon your race.”

The significance of the coldness and reticence with which the Czar received the Jewish delegations was first noticed by such monarchical and nationalistic journals as the Russian Zemstchina.  Taking his attitude as a guide – or, as we should colloquially say, a “pointer”, these papers soon resumed the anti-Jewish agitation which they had temporarily suspended.  Then all the bureaucratic officials, from the Minister of Public Instruction and the provincial Governors to the chiefs of police and the censors, took their cue from the monarchical press and “the spheres,” and proceeded to enforce the laws relating to the Jews with even more than ante-bellum strictness and severity.  Take for example, the field of education.

Vacancies in the Universities

Inasmuch as many young Russian students volunteered for military service, leaving vacancies in the universities, it might reasonably be supposed that the government would allow these vacancies to be filled, at least in exceptional years, by Jewish applicants for admission, even though the Jewish quota (three per cent) might already be full.  The Minister of Public Instruction, however, would not listen to such a suggestion.  In the early part of October, 1914, the Governing Council of the Petrograd University asked the minister to sanction the admission to that institution of twenty-five young Jews, who had been graduated with gold medals from the gymnasia of Petrograd and Wilna, but who had failed to get into the University for the reason that they had not drawn lucky numbers in the admissions lottery.  The petition was not denied on the ground that the Czar, in 1908, ordered strict observance of the rules relating to the admission of Jews.  The Council then asked the Minister to sanction the admission of eighteen fully qualified Russian Jews who had been forced out of German and Austrian universities by the war.  This petition was also denied and for the same reason.

In November the City Council of Marianpol begged the Minister of Public Instruction to allow the children of Jewish soldiers who had gone to the war to enter the Marianpol public schools.  The petition was denied, as were many more from other Russian towns.

Back to the Pale!

In almost every other field of Russian social life the treatment of the Jews since the war began has been equally harsh, cruel and barbarous.  Late in November, 1914, the Minister of Justice, M. Shcheglovitch, refused to confirm the election of twenty-four Jewish lawyers as members of the Petrograd Bar Association.  They were duly qualified and the association wanted them; but the Minister vetoed their election on racial and religious grounds.

If Jews are worthy of acceptance as soldiers, their sisters would seem to be worthy of acceptance as hospital nurses; but Governors of provinces and officials of the Red Cross do not allow them to serve, even when they have been chosen by the Union of Russian Zemtsvos for its own war hospitals.  But admittance to some of these hospitals is denied even to wounded Jewish solders brought back from the front.  Drs. Kucherof and Pustnykof refused to take them into the hospital at Taganrog, and a protest against such actions was made to the Medical Society of the Don.

The regulations of the Government with regard to residence outside of the Pale of Settlement are enforced against the Jews now almost as strictly as they were a year ago.  From Petrograd, Kursk and many other Russian towns Jews are being expelled just as they were in 1913.  The civil authorities of late years have been giving to certain privileged Jews permits to reside anywhere in the Empire, but have not included in such permits personal descriptions of the bearers.  The lack of such descriptions – for which the authorities themselves are responsible – is now made the ground for sending such Jews back to the Pale of Settlement.  The fact that the Pale has been ravaged and desolated by war makes no difference.  If a Jew belongs in the Pale, to the Pale he must go, no matter whether he can live and support himself there or not.

“Is This Just?”

In July, 1914, a young Russian Jew was studying electrical engineering in Switzerland.  When the war broke out it was not easy for him to get back to Russia, so he went to Paris, enlisted in the French army, and was assigned to the electrical corps in the field.  A month or six weeks later, he was so severely wounded as to be incapacitated for further duty.  When he was discharged from the hospital the French authorities, in recognition of his meritorious service, gave him four hundred francs for his traveling expenses, and he returned by way of Sweden and Finland, to Russia.  As soon as he reached Petrograd he was ordered out of the city because, as a Jew, he had no right of residence there.  He showed his wounds, explained that he had been fighting with the French, and was finally allowed to remain two weeks.  At the end of that term he went to the authorities and asked for the traveling expense allowance which was made at that time to destitute Russian refugees driven out of Germany and Austria by the war.  The authorities informed him that his application was too late; it should have been made as soon as he arrived.  He had been living in Petrograd two weeks, and, as he had thus become a resident, he must get back to the Pale of Settlement, where he belonged, as best he could.  Whether he ever did get back or not I don’t know.  This is all of his story that was given in the Novoe Vremya.  Even that anti-Semitic journal was shocked by it, and published it under the headline “Is This Just?”

I have space only for one more illustration of the Czar’s attitude towards loyal Jews who have prayed for him, fought for him and died for him.

On the 19th of last October, the Petrograd Retch published the following obituary notice showing censor’s excisions:

“News has reached Petrograd that the young (censor’s excision) Eugene R. Shpitzberg has perished in the field of military operations.  The deceased was twenty-four years of age.  He was born in one of the towns of the Baltic provinces, and after his graduation from one of the privileged schools in Petrograd he went to France.”

(Censor’s excision.)

“Toward the end of April, this year, E.R. Shpitzberg returned to Petrograd.”

(Censor’s excision.)

“Afterwards the deceased visited Riga and other towns in the Baltic provinces.”

(Censor’s excision.)

“About the middle of July, E.R. Shpitzberg made preparations to go to the United States of America.”

(Censor’s excision.)

“Perished in the Field of Operations”

I regret my inability to fill all of the blanks in this extraordinary obituary notice; but I can partly fill some of them.  Eugene Shpitzberg, as his name shows, was a Jew.  Finding it impossible to get higher education at home, on account of the university regulations and Mr. Kasso’s lottery admission device, he went to Paris.  There he became interested in aviation and learned to fly.  In April last he returned to Russia, and visited his birthplace, in one of the Baltic provinces.  His conduct in Petrograd and at home was evidently regarded with disapproval by the censor, but why I do not know.  Perhaps he saved somebody’s life in the Baltic provinces, and was given a reception by the Petrograd Aviation Society.  Such incidents would be creditable to a Jew, and of course the censor would cut them out.  In July he decided to go to the United States of America – for the reason, perhaps, that we have no Czar here to regulate Jews.  Before he could carry this intention into effect, however, the war broke out and he volunteered for military service.  The censor would not allow the Retch to explain just how he “perished in the field of military operations”, but I happen to know, from another source, that he was killed in an aeroplane while making a military reconnaissance near Sandomir, on the frontier of Austria (“Annals of the War” Petrograd, No. 10, November 7, 1914).  The censor of the Retch would not permit this fact to be stated.

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Pilot Evgeniy Rostislavovich Shpitsberg (Летчик Евгений Ростиславович Шпицберг) (image from RU.Wikipedia)

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What kind of a heart can it be that excludes wounded Jewish soldiers from hospitals; rejects the services of Jewish nurses and sister of mercy; drives into the Pale disabled Jews who have been fighting for Russia in France; excludes from the public schools the children of army surgeons who wear two crosses of honor for gallantry on the field of battle; and finally denies to a dead Jewish aviator even the poor boon of a friendly death notice in the newspaper of the country for which he has given his life?

The oligarchy that governs Russia would like to have the world believe that the ill treatment of the Jews in that country is due to invincible popular prejudice and hatred.  But it is not the people who are to blame.

So far as the Czar is concerned, he has received from the Russian Jews, since the war began, as loyal and faithful service as any ruler could desire.

References and Suggested Readings

Hofmeister, Alexis, “A war of letters – What do we read in soldiers’ Letters of Russian Jews from the Great War?” (“Une guerre de lettres. Que disent les lettres de soldats juifs de Russie écrites pendant la Grande Guerre?”), Revue des études slaves, LXXXVII-2, 2016

George Kennan, biography at Wikipedia

Evgeniy Rostislavovich Shpitsberg, biography at Ru.Wikipedia

*Cornet: A Rank in cavalry equal to that of a Second Lieutenant. 

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Poland: “The Tragedy of Israel in Poland” – The New York Sun, February 14, 1915

While the prior post – about the war’s effects on Jewish civilians in Eastern during the first year of the Great War – is comprised of three relatively brief news items, the article forming this post, “The Tragedy of Israel in Poland,” published during the same time period and covering the same topic, is quite different.

Penned by journalist, writer, and diplomat Herman Bernstein (who served as United States’ Ambassador to Albania, and founded the Yiddish daily Der Tog (“The Day”), the article covers and illustrates the experiences of Polish Jewry early in the war in depth and detail, through writing compelled by a deep sense of moral urgency.  First published in The New York Sun, it was reprinted four days later (on February 19, 1915) in The Jewish Exponent of Philadelphia.

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Herman Bernstein in 1918 (photo from his biographical profile at Wikipedia)

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The article, as it appeared in the Exponent, is illustrated below. 

A verbatim transcript follows.

With its opening paragraphs providing a general overview of Jewish life in pre-war Poland, the article briefly touches upon Jewish military service in the Russian Army, and then focuses on the social and political impact upon Polish Jewry of the manifesto of Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich (commander in chief of Russian Army units on the main war front until August 21, 1915, at which time Czar Nicholas II took command of Russian military forces).  The Grand Duke’s manifesto offered political autonomy to Poland under the condition of that country’s loyalty to Russia, and, “respect[ing] the right of those nationalities with which history has bound you.” 

As recounted by Bernstein through the lengthy remainder of his article, the implications and ultimate effects of this latter passage upon Polish Jewry – after an initial burst of optimism and gratitude – were tragic. 

By way of illustration, he presents accounts of the experiences of Polish Jews from the towns of Tarnobrzeg (in southeastern Poland) and Skierniewice (“Skiernievice”; in central Poland, midway between Lodz and Warsaw).  Given the power and detail of Bernstein’s prose, there is no need to recapitulate this part of his essay, suffice to note the use of the word “Beiilis” – an allusion to Menahem Mendel Beilis – as a term of contempt hurled by Russian soldiers at Jewish civilians exiled from Skierniewice.  

Anyway…  This post refers to military service of Jewish soldiers only tangentially, at best.  However, in the context of history (and not solely the history of the First World War), if Bernstein’s article is an ironic counterpart to that topic, it is also a necessary one.

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The worst part of our experience was, however, that all along the way we were continually joined by ever new hosts of Jews who were even more desperate than we.  The livelong day we dragged ourselves along the hard, rutty roads.  Beside us moved long lines of Russian soldiers.  They were coming to “redeem” the land from the hands of the enemy and it was these redeemers who inflicted upon us the most excruciating woes.  Wherever the Russian troops went they were accompanied by a crowd of Poles, men and women and children, who would point at us and shout:

“There they go, the Beilises!  There go the traitors!”

“Beilises!” the incited Russian soldiers would cry as we passed before them.  Those of us who happened to come near enough even felt their blows.  Perhaps the Russians were not to blame.  They believed what the Poles told them.

“To Sakhalien!  To Sakhalien!  Go to Palestine, you accursed Jews!” the Poles and the soldiers would taunt us.  What could we answer?

Often we noticed among the soldiers familiar faces.  There were Jewish soldiers from Poland and Russia.  We would stretch out our hands to them and cry:

“See, brethren, what the Russians are doing to us!  You are on your way to defend the fatherland and here they are torturing us!  Save us!”

The Jewish soldiers would bow their heads.  Many an eye would fill with tears.

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The Tragedy of Israel in Poland
By Herman Bernstein
The Jewish Exponent

February 19, 1915
[Reprinted From The New York Sun of February 14, 1915]

Picture the sorrow, the martyrdom and the sufferings of the Russian Jew in the Pale of Jewish Settlement, with pogroms, with expulsions, with poverty – his ambition throttled, his craving for education stifled, his opportunities for work and trade blocked.  Then picture the sorrows of the Belgian, attacked, ruined, homeless, starving, with widows and orphans on all sides.  Take away from the Belgian his fatherland, his hope for regeneration and for justice, the sympathy of the world, and the relief sent by generous humanity – and you will have a faint idea of the sorrow and sufferings of the Polish Jew today.

Upward of three million of Polish Jews are staving, homeless, driven from place to place by the armies that are fighting Russia and by armies that are fighting for Russia; boycotted, humiliated, slandered by the Poles, accused of the vilest crimes, of disloyalty, of espionage and treachery – all for the purpose of discrediting them so as to rob them even of the hope of freedom and justice in the future.

For several years before the outbreak of the European war, the Jews of Poland suffered as no oppressed people have ever suffered anywhere else on the face of the earth.  In addition to the general disabilities and the restrictive laws which placed them beyond the pale of human rights, they were mercilessly hounded and tortured by the Poles.  The Polish people, who were themselves struggling for liberty, ever hopeful to re-establish Poland as a nation, reorganized, rejuvenated and regenerated, conducted a cunningly devised and cruelly executed campaign of economic boycott against the Jews within the Polish provinces.

The anti-Jewish boycott in its acute form grew out of political disappointment, and the vengeance the Poles wreaked upon the Jews was diabolical.  The liberal Polish leaders of yesterday became the most rabid, heartless Jew baiters.  Orders were issued through the press to boycott the Jews throughout Poland.  Poles were warned against buying anything from Jews.  Polish physicians refused to render medical aid to Jews.  Polish druggists refused to sell medicine to the Jewish sick.  Polish hospitals refused to admit Jewish patients, however critical their condition, and there are records of Jewish families slain, burned to death, as in the time of the Inquisition; of Jewish homes destroyed, of Jewish shops plundered.

The pogrom policy, abandoned by the Russian government, was taken up in another form by the Poles.  Through various machinations and provocations they tortured the Jewish people within their provinces, ruined them, often putting them to death upon one pretext or another.

When the war broke out the Jews of Russia were carried away by a passionate loyalty to Russia that, to the outsider, seemed more than strange.  They enlisted as volunteers in large numbers, they established hospitals, they gave large sums of money for the wounded soldiers, they fought and died for Russia, where it had been so hard for them to live.

Among the first heroes of the Russian troops the Jews furnished a conspicuously large number.  The Jewish heroes distinguished themselves buy their courage and devotion, and even the eyes of the Russian reactionaries seemed to have been opened.  The Jew baiters suddenly realized their blundering narrowness and sickly prejudice.

Those who but a short time before had sought to brand the Jews as ritual murderers suddenly repented.  Purishkevitch, the Black Hundred leader in the Duma, kissed the scroll of the Torah, and Shmakoff, another anti-Semite, embraced and kissed Jews in public to demonstrate that there were no longer any differences among the nationalities constituting the population of the Russian empire.

For a time it seemed as though the Polish Jewish animosities would also be swept aside by the awful catastrophe that had suddenly turned almost all of Europe into a madhouse.  Then came the famous manifesto, issued by the Grand Duke Nicholas Nicolayevitch, in command of the Russian armies, promising autonomy to Poland on condition that the people would be loyal to Russia in the war.  The Jews, who had been tyrannized, humiliated and almost crushed through the Polish boycott, nevertheless hailed Poland’s freedom in a spirit of genuine joy.  The Jews, who, have always loved liberty, know how to prize liberty, and they rejoiced even when their oppressors were promised liberty.  They hoped that this promise to the Poles, the approaching realization of their dreams of a reunited Poland, would soften the hearts of the Poles and end their militant and tyrannical policy of Jew hatred.

The Jewish press in the Polish provinces welcomed the Polish manifesto with almost hysterical enthusiasm.  One of the most widely circulated Jewish dailies in Warsaw aid editorially:

“The Jewish population of Poland welcomes the manifesto with no less enthusiasm than the Poles themselves.  During the past centuries the fate of the Jews has been bound up with the fate of the Poles.  The Jews have participated in the sorrows as well as the joys of the Polish people.  In the great moments of Polish history the Polish leaders did not forget the devotion of the Jewish people to Poland.  We believe that when the sun of freedom will rise in the sky of Poland all misunderstandings and differences will be forgotten forever.”

Another Jewish daily declared:

“The joy of the Polish people is great.  We Jews are rejoicing in their joy and we are also deeply grateful to the Russian commander in chief because in his manifesto to the Poles he did not forget to mention the other nationalities whose fate is bound up with that of the Poles.”

Still another Jewish daily said:

“The news about the regeneration of the Polish people calls out a feeling of real gratification knowing the Jews, who themselves realize all the tragedy of being scattered among the nations.  It is, of course, to be expected that, in accordance with the manifesto, the Poles will respect the rights of the other nationalities within their provinces.”

The Polish press, however, overlooked the following passage contained in the manifesto issued by the Russian commander in chief:

“There is but one thing that Russia expects of you – that you respect the right of those nationalities with which history has bound you.”

Russia struck the keynote of unity in this manifesto, but the Poles, instead of abandoning their anti-Jewish campaign, intensified their cunningly devised plots against the Jewish people within their provinces.

It seemed as though the manifesto which stipulated that the Poles respect the other nationalities in Poland added oil to the flames of hatred.  They who had systematically hounded the Jews during the past few years tried to justify their anti-Semitic activities on the eve of their own liberation.

One of the leading Polish newspapers commenced the new campaign by publishing an article declaring that the Poles could not be expected to respect the rights of the Jews because in all Russian official documents the Jews are spoken of as “aliens” and not as a nationality.

When the Germans invaded a portion of Russian Poland a new plot was formed against the Jews by the Poles.  The leaders sent out word throughout the Polish provinces to lay the blame upon the Jews for anything that might compromise the Poles in the eyes of the Russians or the Germans.

“Blame the Jew.”  This order, spread by the Polish leaders, was intended to serve two purposes.  The Jews were to be compromised and discredited so that the Poles would not have to respect their rights when Poland became autonomous.  In the second place their own disloyalty would be rendered less conspicuous.

The Poles circulated rumors throughout the Polish provinces that the Jews were spies, that the Jews were poisoning the wells to kill the Russian troops, were giving signals to the German troops, were throwing bombs from German Zeppelins and other equally absurd stories.  The Polish newspapers helped to circulate these legends among the Polish peasantry.  These rumors also reached the Russian army and spread like wildfire to Russian towns and villages.

The Polish newspapers published, and foreign papers reproduced a story to the effect that Polish Jews had carted to the Germans a million and a half rubles in gold in a coffin, and however ridiculous the story may sound, the people believed it and the Poles intensified their attacks upon the Jews.  Naturally all this had its effect upon the Russian army and was the cause of numerous catastrophes, of numerous pogroms.  Hundreds of Jews were hanged on account of such false accusations.  The ground was prepared, the Poles knew how to reach the authorities with their accusations, and the word of one informer was sufficient for the officials to hang a Jew. 

Many circumstances helped the Poles in their campaign against the Jews.  The similarity between the Yiddish and the German languages, the peculiar clothes worn by the Polish Jews, their isolation in ghettos, their unfamiliarity with the Russian language, which made it impossible for them to defend themselves by clearing up many misunderstandings; the fact that they were not permitted to serve on any committees that represented the local population to the authorities – all these created an unfavorable state of affairs for the Jews at the time of the German invasion of Russian Poland.

As soon as the Germans entered a Russian town the Poles changed their tactics.  Having previously barred the Jews from various committees, they now urged them to form such committees in order to place responsibility upon the Jews.  Thus the Jews were expected to secure provisions and supplies for the invading troops.  The Jews were compelled to do this, and when the Russian troops returned they made charges against the Jews to the Russian officials.

The returning Russian troops were usually met by the Polish rabble, who related to them all kinds of stories about Jewish espionage and treachery.  Very often the soldiers and Cossacks started at once for the Jewish quarter and broke into Jewish houses, looking for Germans supposed to have hidden there.  Since their search proved unsuccessful the infuriated Russian soldiers robbed Jewish homes and shops at the instigation of the Poles.  The Poles spurred on the hungry Russian soldiers by telling them that while the Jews gladly gave bread to the German troops, they refused to help the Russians.

Upon just such information given to the Russian troops by Polish informers the sons-in-law of the well known rabbi of Radom were hanged.  A large number of Jews were hanged because they had been accused by the Poles of having refused to exchange money for Russian soldiers.

When the Russian troops entered the city of Warsaw and the population came out to welcome them and give them bread and tea, the Poles shouted to the soldiers not to accept anything from the Jews.

“Beware!” they cried.  “They want to poison you.  Their bread and tea are poisoned.”

It was a critical moment and it looked as though a terrible pogrom would break out.  Fortunately a tragedy was averted on that occasion.

In Grayevo, the Poles led the German troops to the Jewish quarter and pointed out to them the houses to be robbed, and later they told the Russians that the Jews were on most friendly terms with the German troops, assisting them in every way possible.

Among the accounts of the tragedies enacted in the Polish provinces and of the sorrows of the Jewish people there, I have received numerous documents in the form of letters from eye witnesses of the pogroms and expulsions, also descriptions by writers who have visited the scenes of a tragedy even more painful that the tragedy of Belgium.  The following extracts from a letter received recently in New York from Austrian Poland contains the simple, heartrending account of the horrors of a massacre near Tarnobrzeg:

“And now, my dear son, I will tell you what happened to your father and your mother.  On Thursday about one hundred Jews, women and children among them, were placed on the sidewalk.  The Russian soldiers aimed their guns at us.  Our cries went up to Heaven.  We were saying our last prayers.  Then God had pity on us, and only Isaac Treger’s son, the youngest, was shot.

“After that the soldiers picked out six young men, stripped them and flogged them mercilessly until blood commenced to gush from their bodies.  Then they took the ten oldest men of our town and imprisoned them in a cellar in Vimishlin, where they were kept for forty-eight hours.

“You may bless the Lord for having permitted me to survive.  I am glad that my life was spared because I was enabled to bury the dead in accordance with the Jewish law.  If I were not here, your grandfather, Hershel, and the others from Mokshoiv would have remained in Byela Gura in the woods.  They were hanged there and they remained hanging in the woods for four days.  Then they were all buried in one grave, one on top of the other.  I learned of this a day after the hanging.

“Yochevedel returned.  She had hidden herself somewhere.  I went to the Count and begged him to allow me to bury the dead in the Jewish cemetery.  But the Russians would not allow me to do that.  Three weeks later our troops returned to this town.  I went to the authorities and begged them to permit me to bury the dead.  I was fortunate enough to have gone there in time, otherwise they would have remained in the woods forever.

“I had asked grandfather to come along with us, but he said it was a pity to leave our house upon which we had worked so hard.  When we heard the sound of cannonading we ran to Maidan. ***

“In Maidan we waited for father, but he did not come.  We could not get anything to eat there, for all the people of Maidan had already fled.

“We got some bread from the soldiers.  On the third day we ran into Kolbushov.  On the way we met Moses Bartsen and his family.  When we reached Kolbushov on the following day we did not find any one there.  Most of the Jews had all run away on Friday.  I did not know what to do.  Mother was unable to go any further.  So we remained in Kolbushov for ten days.  The Russians arrived there on Saturday at three o’clock.

“On Sunday night, that was the Jewish New Year, they slaughtered three Jews – father and son and the son’s father-in-law.  You can imagine our feelings.  What could we do?  We were not permitted to leave town.  We hid the girls under the beds, and every ten minutes another Cossack would come into the house demanding food, money and our watches.  But we had nothing to eat ourselves.  Yet they did not believe that we were telling them the truth.  Thank God that we were left among the living.”

Among the letters I have received from responsible and reliable people who have visited the scenes of the Jewish Belgium, Poland, the following vivid description of the Jewish exile from Skiernievice stands out prominently. 

“I met one of the Jewish militiamen from ill fated Skiernievice at one of the many Warsaw shelters for homeless Jews, a pale, worn young man, half laborer and half “intellectual”.  His terrible experiences had left an indelible impression upon him.  He seemed to have lost all sense of fear, so anxious was he to rush into the street and proclaim to every passerby the tragedy he had just witnessed.

“The shelter was overflowing with human beings; women, children and the aged and feeble.  The grown men were scouring the city all day to secure some means to rebuild their shattered homes.  The air was so close one could scarcely breathe.  But who in this vale of Jewish tears thought of such needs as fresh air?

“So the Jewish militiaman and I found a seat on a hard, black bench near the window.  He began to tell me the story of the exile of the Jews from Skiernievice, and as I listened I recalled the horrible tales of Chmeinitzky’s hordes, tales which had hitherto sounded incredible.

“He spoke in a low tone that betrayed his suppressed excitement.

“ ‘We organized a volunteer militia,” he told me.  “When the Russian troops and officials abandoned Skiernievice, we felt that we were left among savage beasts who might crush us at any moment in a pogrom.  We went to the Citizens’ Committee, which was made up exclusively of Poles, and petitioned that the Jews be allowed to enter the militia, but the Poles refused to let us join them.  We therefore organized a militia of our own, which aside from its other duties had to protect the Jews from the Polish militia.

“ ‘Meanwhile the Germans entered the town.  We had heard plenty of stories of the Poles carrying false accusations to the Russian officials against the Jews, so we were afraid to go out to meet the Germans.  The Poles went alone and told the Germans that we, the Jews, were the only friends of the Russia in the village.  Yet the Germans did not molest us.  They paid for everything they took either in cash or orders.

“ ‘A member of the German landstrum gathered a crowd and said: “We are waging war only against the Russian soldiers and not against the peaceful inhabitants.  We shall not trouble you if you do not interfere with us.  On the contrary we bring you liberty.

“ ‘When we asked him to explain the conduct of the Germans at Kaliscz he replied that the Germans must have been given some provocation.  But at that moment we were not interested so much in gaining liberty as in keeping body and soul together.

“ ‘One day the Germans were looking for a stable for their horses.  Our Polish friends pointed out the Jewish synagogue as suitable for the purpose.  Without further search the Germans installed their horses in the sanctuary.

“ ‘The Jews were shocked, for up to that time the Germans had behaved creditably.  The rabbi and a few Jewish laymen sought the German commander and begged him to spare the synagogue.  He received them cordially but rebuked them for not being as friendly as the Poles.  When they asked him to have the horses removed from the synagogue he showed considerable surprise.  He had not known that the building was a synagogue.  He gave the order at once to his soldiers.  They removed the horses, and furthermore, scoured the place so thoroughly, that they left it cleaner that it had ever been before.  You know the condition of our synagogues in the small towns?’

“ ‘And how did it all end?  I interrupted at this point.

“ ‘We paid dearly,” resumed the militiaman, ‘for this German good-will.  A few days before the Hebrew New Year the Russians compelled the Germans to evacuate.  We awaited with dread the return of the Russian troops, for we had heard too often of the bitter experiences of the Jews in other towns under such circumstances.  The Poles threatened to wreak vengeance upon us when the Russians would arrive.

“ ‘And so they did.  The reality was even worse than our greatest fears.

“ ‘On the eve of New Year the Russians returned.  The Poles met them far out on the road and maliciously accused the Jews of having aided the Germans.  As a result, the Russians entered the town hostile towards us.

“ ‘The Russian commander had a talk with several prominent Poles and immediately decided to Punish the Jews severely.  At noon an officer with a huge drum appeared in the market place and proclaimed that the Jews must prepare to leave the town the next morning at 11 o’clock.

“ ‘We were thunderstruck.  Where could we go?  What could we do?

“ ‘The Russian officer added that no Jew could remain in Skiernievice because we were all under suspicion, and that any Jew who lingered would be shot as a spy.

“ ‘We hastened to the Russian commander and begged him to spare us.  We produced evidence showing that we had been libeled.  But in vain.  He persisted that he could not investigate our claims because the commander of the Russian army in that vicinity, General Sheideman, had given him his orders.

“ ‘It was rumored about town that when General Sheideman had been in Skiernievice some time before he called the representatives of the citizens’ committee and demanded of them a guarantee that the inhabitants would be loyal to the Russians.  As the representatives were all Poles, they gave the general a list of persons under suspicion, which included all the Jews in the village.

“ ‘When we saw that our efforts were useless we decided to leave our possessions and merely try to save our lives.  The incidents of that night beggar description.  We were not even permitted to leave behind us the sick and the women in childbirth.  Only the Jewish bakers, blacksmiths and a few contractors were allowed to remain.  But they did not care to stay and prepared to leave with the rest of us.

“ ‘The order of the commander stated that the Jews must depart along the right bank of the Vistula.

“ ‘At 11 o’clock on New Year’s Day, some 7,000 Jews gathered in the market place, carrying their children and the sick.  In half an hour our number was increased by another thousand Jews who had been driven from the neighboring villages.

“ ‘The Poles did not even wait for the Jews to leave town before they started plundering our homes and shops.  They met with no resistance.  We, the Jewish militiamen, surrounded our community in order to defend our lives and the honor of our women.  I cannot describe our feelings.  We were so enraged that if we had had access to bombs then, we would have annihilated ourselves and all Skiernievice.

“ ‘It was the Sabbath, but the rabbi declared it was lawful to let the children, the feeble old men and the women in childbirth on wagons, which we hired at unheard of prices.

“ ‘We took the scrolls of the law in our hands and, amid the savage cries of the Poles and the soldiers, we left the town in silence and despair.  Our hearts were heavy.  Even the children cried with us.

“ ‘Just then a fine looking Jew with gray hair and a jet black beard, took a seat on our bench.  My companion hesitated.

“ ‘Does he embarrass you?’ I asked the militiaman.  ‘If so we might move to another corner.’

“ ‘No,’ the young man answered sadly.  ‘He cannot disturb us.’

“ ‘I gazed intently at the newcomer and I shuddered.  He was looking straight into our eyes, but I felt his glance pass through me to some invisible goal.

“ ‘He is out of his senses,’ the militiaman explained to me in a low voice.

“The gray headed Jew began to rock himself back and forth, repeating in a low murmer:

“ ‘Beilis!  Beilis!’

“ ‘He is one of the victims, the militiaman said sadly.  ‘That’s the way he’s been acting since we arrived here.  He ought to be put in an institution, but where can we find such a place now?  So he is here with us, with the sane.  He does not trouble any one.  He is very quiet.

“The militiaman continued his story.

“ ‘We directed our steps toward Warsaw, some eighty versts distant.  We had to carry the invalids and the children during the entire journey.  But we had become hardened to suffering of late and night have borne all with a certain amount of resignation.

“ ‘The worst part of our experience was, however, that all along the way we were continually joined by ever new hosts of Jews who were even more desperate than we.  The livelong day we dragged ourselves along the hard, rutty roads.  Beside us moved long lines of Russian soldiers.  They were coming to “redeem” the land from the hands of the enemy and it was these redeemers who inflicted upon us the most excruciating woes.  Wherever the Russian troops went they were accompanied by a crowd of Poles, men and women and children, who would point at us and shout:

“There they go, the Beilises!  There go the traitors!”

“ ‘ “Beilises!” the incited Russian soldiers would cry as we passed before them.  Those of us who happened to come near enough even felt their blows.  Perhaps the Russians were not to blame.  They believed what the Poles told them.

“ ‘ “To Sakhalien!  To Sakhalien!  Go to Palestine, you accursed Jews!” the Poles and the soldiers would taunt us.  What could we answer?

Often we noticed among the soldiers familiar faces.  There were Jewish soldiers from Poland and Russia.  We would stretch out our hands to them and cry:

“ ‘ “See, brethren, what the Russians are doing to us!  You are on your way to defend the fatherland and here they are torturing us!  Save us!”

“ ‘The Jewish soldiers would bow their heads.  Many an eye would fill with tears.

“ ‘We expected to be banished to Siberia or to Sakhalien, so we trudged along to Warsaw without a spark of hope in our hearts.  Toward evening we reached a small Jewish town.  The local Jews had heard of our misfortune and they came out to meet us.  But before long an official mandate arrived ordering that we should not be allowed to spend the night in the town or even to pass through the streets.  The Russians began at once to drive out those of us who had set foot in the town.  Behind us the others were pressing forward, not knowing what had happened at the van.  Sobs and moans filled the air.  Men and women grew hysterical.  In the tumult a child was choked to death.  We were herded together like a flock of sheep and forced to spend the night in the open fields.

“ ‘We begged piteously that a few of us should be allowed to enter the town and buy bread and wood, but our prayers were vain.  The officers threatened to shoot any Jews who would enter the town.  Some of us drew near to talk with the local Jews, only to be driven back with brutal blows.

“ ‘In the morning we set out again on our way.  We did not try to halt at the towns we passed.  Such an attempt would have been useless and would only have embarrassed the Jews who lived there and whose own position was none too secure.

“ ‘We trudged on, hungry and exhausted.  Ever and anon the Poles would come out from the neighboring villages and heap insults upon us.  The Poles beat those of us who straggled behind from weakness.  So did the soldiers.

“ ‘I cannot find words to describe the journey.  At was a journey of shame and misery.  A few women in childbirth died on the way with their babies.  We carried the corpses along on the wagons together with the living invalids and children.  We could not bury the dead, since we were not allowed to stop anywhere.

“ ‘In this plight we reached Warsaw.  Here too the report of our misfortune had preceded us and we were met with bread, clothes and wagons.  Representatives of the Jewish community petitioned the authorities to allow us to enter the city.

“ ‘Here in Warsaw no one could understand the reason for our expulsion and every one was afraid to do anything for us.  The civil authorities could not disregard the command of the military officials that we be banished to the right side of the Vistula, the Prague side.  That locality is known as a den of thugs and the Jews of Warsaw were afraid that we would be attacked and murdered.  After urgent petition to the civil authorities, the Governor of Warsaw at last consented to overlook our entrance into the city.  We therefore remained in Warsaw where charitable Jews had established shelters for the homeless.  The rest of the story is known to you.’

“This is the tale of the ruin of Skiernievice as told by the young Jewish militiaman.  He did not tell me all and much of his story I have omitted here.  There is a great deal which it is not yet possible to describe frankly.

“The Jewish community of Warsaw helped the unfortunate exiles as far as human power could aid them.  A few weeks later when they were settled in shelters, the Government was prevailed upon to permit a Jewish deputation to visit Skiernievice and see how things were there.  A good many Jews of the village had meanwhile obtained permission to return to their pillaged homes.  They went back with the deputation.

“What they found at Skiernievice struck them with consternation.  The Poles had taken possession of the Jewish houses and did not allow their Jewish owners to enter.  They were doing business in the Jewish shops and acted as if they were the proprietors.  They scouted the idea of leaving.

“The Poles translated into reality the plan which the well known Jew baiting Polish newspaper Dwa Groshi outlined at the outbreak of the war.  This newspaper wrote: ‘Now is the time for the Poles to take control of the Polish trade and crowd out the Jews.’  So they crowded out the Jews with a vengeance.

“The Jewish representatives repeatedly appealed to the civil and military authorities against the outrage, but their efforts were in vain.

“ ‘You are right,’ the authorities would reply, ‘but why make so much noise about it?  Obtain redress by the process of law.  Bring suit in court and produce witnesses to prove that the houses and stores belong to you.’

“This reply was merely an inhuman jest at the expense of the Jews.  Where could they obtain redress?  How could they produce witnesses, since the Jews had been driven out and the Polish witnesses were themselves the robbers!

“The Jewish deputation and the Jewish natives of Skiernievice who had returned exerted every effort, but realizing that they could accomplish nothing left the ruined Jewish quarter with tears in their eyes and brought the sad news to Warsaw.

“The Jews of Skiernievice will remain homeless for a long, long time.  The wealthiest men are now compelled to be for bread.  They could save nothing of their possessions in the short twenty-four hours which were granted them to prepare to leave their native town.”

This is but a scene of the tragedy of Israel in Poland.

References

Grand Duke Nicolas Nikolaevich of Russia (1856-1929) – Biographical Profile at Wikipedia

Herman Bernstein – Biographical Profile at Wikipedia

Menahem Mendel Beilis – Biographical Profile at Wikipedia

Skiernievice – Description at Wikipedia

Tarnobrzeg – Description at Wikipedia

 

Chronicles From World War One: Jewish Civilians in Eastern Europe

Here are three articles from The Jewish Chronicle of early 1915 covering the treatment of Jewish civilians in Poland, by troops of German and Austria, and, Russia. 

Particularly notable is the aforementioned coverage of the expulsion of residents in Grodziak (part of Prussia commencing in 1793, and known as Grätz between 1887 and 1918), which is located in Western Poland.   

In time, and as a policy of the Russian Army, events of this nature would be repeated and vastly exceeded in scope and scale – in effect and intent, as mass deportations – as war progressed through 1915 and 1916, with dire impact upon the Jews of Eastern Europe.  

The relative brevity of these three articles (presumably there are others that I missed in my survey of the Chronicle, such as that of December of 1914 reporting upon the exile of families from Grodziak) would be in marked contrast to far (far) lengthier reportage that would appear in the Chronicle, Jewish Exponent, and other publications, as the war progressed.        

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THE ATROCITIES IN POLAND
[FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT]
PETROGRAD

January 1, 1915

At Mishinetz (Lomza), the German invaders sacked all Jewish shops, and forced our coreligionists to destroy the Russian trenches.  On the return of the Russians the Poles denounced the Jews, all of whom, numbering 300 families, were exiled in the course of a few hours to Lomza and Ostrolenka.  Carrying Scrolls of the Law, they marched out and spent the night in the rain chanting Psalms.  The Governor, having been convinced of the innocence of the Jews, subsequently obtained a permit from the Military Commander authorising their return, but in the meantime the townlet was burnt.  Similarly owing to the Polish denunciations, the Jewish communities of Skernewitz, Kozennitzi, Novoalexandria, Iren, Mstchlov, Khortzeli, and Gniashov, were also expelled.  The number of exiles at Skernewitz alone amounted to 6,000.  The Polish mob looted the Jewish houses there despite the appeals of the Priests.  The marches of the exiled Jews were not free from molestation.  In many localities they were attacked and beaten.  Perhaps the most tragic case is the fact that the 1,500 families exiled from Grodziak (as I reported last week) included 300, whose heads were all at the Front fighting for their country.  “Go to Palestine, you Beilis,” was the cry of the Poles to the Jews.

At Raigorod, the Russians ordered the Jews to proclaim a “Cherem” against anyone who attempted to cut the telegraph.  The Germans then invaded the town and pillaged all Jewish shops.  During a subsequent battle, the synagogue and many houses were burnt, and the community had to escape to Bielostok.

The Polish Jewish townlet Politchno was burnt by the Germans.  The Austrians in their retreat also burnt the Jewish townlets Viskoa and Turobin (in Galicia).

At Lutomirsk, a bomb exploded during the battle, and destroyed a Jewish house, killing three Jews and wounding thirteen.

Owing to the battle at Lodz and the wholesale slaughter of many citizens by bullets, 10,000 people, including all the heads of the Jewish community, marched to Warsaw.  The mob again attempted to pillage Jewish houses during the bombardment, but the riot was suppressed.  During the fighting the Jews shared all their food with the Russian soldiers.

At Kalish, the Germans shot a Jewish baker and his three sons for failing to show lights in his windows.

At Izbitz (Lublib), Austrian soldiers killed a Jewish family named Ziberman (consisting of five persons), because it would not allow them to dishonor one of the daughters.

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RUSSIAN TROOPS TAKE JEWISH PRISONERS

March 12, 1915

The Commander of the fortress of Novogeorgievsk has issued a secret order to the troops to take Jewish hostages on all placed occupied by them in view of the statements in the German Press, describing the Jewish attitude towards the invaders as friendly on account of the Russian oppression.  At the same time the troops were ordered to notify the Jewish population that any discovery of assistance given by it to the Germans would result in the execution of the hostages.

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RUSSIAN ACCUSATIONS AGAINST THE JEWS
ALLEGED SPIES

[FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT]
PETROGRAD

April 16, 1915

The military organ, the Russky Invalide, has printed a grave charge against the Jews.  The paper stated that before the war, the German Government intentionally impoverished the Jews of Posen and East Prussia, and subsequently subsidised them to settle in large numbers in Russian Poland in order to act as spies.  The paper charged the Jews with treachery and expressed the opinion that after the war among the military reforms will figure the necessity of clearing the hostile elements from the frontier.  Other anti-Semitic organs, including the Novoye Vremya, have naturally seized the opportunity of reproducing the charges and commenting upon them.

The Poles have charged the Jews of Seini (Suwalk) with obtaining the first information of the arrival of the Germans and with buying the property stolen by the invaders from the citizens.  In reality, the local synagogue was seized by the Germans and converted into a hospital, many Jews of military age there transported to Prussia, and much of the property of our brethren was confiscated.  The Jewish townlets, Grozda, Busk and Stabin, were partially destroyed during the invasion.

The tendency to see in every Jew a spy has led to the detention in a Polish townlet of Jews reciting their prayers.  The soldiers thought that they were communicating with the enemy through a wireless telephone.  The General in command, however, ordered their release.

Reference

Grodzisk Wielkopolski (Grätz), at Wikipedia