I had always acknowledged my kinship with the Jews of Europe, but it was a watery-thin intellectual nod that I sent them.
I had lived in a world – social, political, sexual – where I supposed that others took my Jewishness for granted as I did and made no fuss about it. The crosses of the Klan had burned in the hills near the town I lived in as a child, but they had not referred to me. When we did not laugh at the Klan we hated it because it menaced other people. I loathed anti-Semitism in the same way because it was a scourge for other people though not for me.
Now that stupid little man had stripped the illusion from my war. It was not, then, a game which we played with death in the sky. It was not all gallantry and white contrails against the blue. It was not an aesthetic experience sanctified by an unchallengeable political cause. Hitler was not a dragon with shiny scales to be slain by a shinier knight. There were no dragons, but only savage men and women burning the flesh of other men and women. And I was a Jew with someone’s spittle on my face.
Elmer Bendiner’s The Fall of Fortresses is an unusual book: Though a semi-biographical memoir and “meditation” – as described in the book jacket – about America’s air war against Germany during 1943, it shares a quality typical of most works of fiction, found in genres such as adventure, noir, romance, science-fiction, fantasy, seafaring, and more. That is, rather than being an arid recounting of combat mission after combat mission (after yet another combat mission); personality after personality (after yet another personality), within its final chapter, the book brings the reader to an event which binds together the implications of the author’s experiences, observations, and impressions into what is – if not a literary climax in the classic sense – than at least a deep and powerful revelation about the author’s symbolic and real place in the war against the Third Reich, and even beyond.
This occurs in the context (or, should I say after the context?) of Bendiner’s final mission, quite unlike the author’s telling of his 1943 missions to the German cities of Kassel on July 30 and Stuttgart on September 6. Instead, through awriting style which smoothly melds together descriptions of events, personalities, and aerial surroundings into a vivid whole, he presents the memories (probably backed up by references to a dairy, correspondence, and archival reference(s?)) of his experiences during the 379th Bomb Group’s mission to Bremen on Monday, November 29, 1943.
While this mission held the same potential for danger, drama (and death) of mid-July and early-September, these dangers were in retrospect for his crew unremarkable. Obviously, Bendiner and his crew returned to England, his combat tour completed, the central question of his life no longer the “if” of survival but the certain “what” of the future.
On the evening of November 29, came a realization.
That night, emotionally drained, he entered the 379th’s Officers Club, trying to come to terms with the awareness that he would no longer have to live by day-by-day, his future unknown, facing each mission with the anticipation of the next mission:
“I drank a scotch and soda. I do not recall another time throughout the war that I drank alone. I usually drink to keep in step or to ease the flow of talk. That night of the alert I must have been groping for words to say to myself, desperate to find something to do while the others slept the uneasy sleep that waits for the glare of a flashlight, for the grumbling and the whining, and the start of a new mission in the deadly cold sky.
“Would I wake at that summons, turn over and go back to sleep? Would I haunt the mess and the flight line like a damned ghost? How stupid, how cruel to let me stay alive and safe among those who are still hostages to death. No surgeon would leave an amputated limb near the living patient. It should be taken away, put out of sight, allowed to regenerate a body as a worm does when it is severed.”
At the Officer’s Club, he has an encounter with a Public Relations officer. (379th Bomb Group or 527th Bomb Squadron? Bendiner doesn’t specify.) The two converse, “…until he said quite suddenly, “You made it all the way. Not many of your people stick it out.”
Thunderstruck and at a loss for words, Bendiner leaves the club. “I was caught completely off guard. I had just been tasting the joys of exclusivity at a bitter time. I had condescended to talk to this paddlefoot, this unprepossessing paper pusher. I had been in and up and he had been down and out. It had been so kind of me to talk to him. Then in the twinkling of an eye he had pulled me down and thrown me out. I walked the dark and rutted roads around Kimbolton, clutching my coat as if caught in a chill wind.” More follows.
This is the solitary passage in The Fall of Fortresses that pertains to the author being a Jew, and the fact that it effectively and almost concludes Bendiner’s memoir testifies to the conversation’s significance and impact. Suffice to say that the late-1943 event and its implications obviously remained an undercurrent in the author’s consciousness at least through the 1980 publication of The Fall of Fortresses, and, I would deign to suggest, beyond.
Of Bendiner’s personal beliefs concerning being a Jew – whether in terms of a transcendent sense of peoplehood, belief, and what is quaintly called “religion” – I know absolutely nothing, for this doesn’t seem to have been the subject of his postwar writing, except for the curious comment in his Contemporary Authors biography that his religion “defies categorization”. However, even if Bendiner’s conversation with the anonymous P.R. officer eventuated in no outwardly visible transformation, it brought him to a realization about both his identity, and, the very nature of the war in which he was participating.
Even if, like some American Jews of his generation, that nature only crystallized decades after the fact. And for other American Jews, never.
A central and continuing question, as relevant in 2024 as it was eighty-one years ago, and unquestionably and blatantly so since October 7, 2023 (22nd of Tishrei, 5784) – though it’s always been obvious, even in the “best” of times – is whether the conditions of Jewish acceptance, existence, and survival can ever be taken for granted.
A definitive answer to that question remains pending.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
An unrelated note…
The 8th Air Force’s mission to Bremen of November 29, 1943, is the subject of numerous posts about Major Milton Joel, commander of the 38th Fighter Squadron of the 55th Fighter Group, who along with four other 55th FG and one 20th Fighter Group Lightning pilots, was shot down during that mission. (The Major and his plane have never been found.) Bendiner’s comments about, “A frontal system, visible in a line of towering stratocumulus, lay between us and Bremen. We passed over the clouds and noted the edge of the front on the thermometer that tracked the outside temperature,” “a solid blanket of clouds beneath us,” and, “We bombed Bremen through the overcast and the flak,” amplify passages in 55th FG Mission Reports, Encounter Reports, and Missing Air Crew Reports about the pervasiveness of cloud cover over the continent that day. This figured into errors made by both USAAF and Luftwaffe fighter pilots about the location of fighter claims and losses on this mission.
Elmer Bendiner stands before the nose of Flying Fortress “Tondelayo” (B-17F 42-29896, squadron identification marking “FO * V“). Photo from Silvertail Books.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Here is Bendiner’s passage about the November 29th mission in its entirety:
My twenty-fifth came on November 29. It was our second visit to Bremen in three days. We climbed through soup and emerged into a blue sky lit by a sun that shed no warmth. The chill ate into my ribs and goaded my frostbitten toe to ache with the memory of its earlier insult. I scrunched my arms into my sides, barely lifting them to chip the frost from the window. There were about 150 planes in our parade; other formations were en route elsewhere to north Germany. (We looked brave out there, but with the Schweinfurt losses still in headlines our chiefs dared not send us beyond the reach of P-47s and the Mustangs which were appearing for the first time in our theater, though without wing tanks that would make the difference in later months.)
With our fighters fanning out around us and above us we looped far out over the North Sea before turning to make our run to the target. A frontal system, visible in a line of towering stratocumulus, lay between us and Bremen. We passed over the clouds and noted the edge of the front on the thermometer that tracked the outside temperature. It began to rise, though it was still no more than sixty below zero Fahrenheit.
As we turned toward the target the windows frosted into dazzling snowy pinpoints of light, blinding the view. In the nose Bob and I could barely see blue sky and distinguish the shapes of fighters. Ours or theirs? We could not tell. We tracked them with our guns but did not fire.
We could not know it at the time, but the cockpit was then in real trouble. The window defroster had failed in the stress of the frontal passage. The engines may hum, the props spin, all the intricate nerves of a plane may function superbly, but the failure of a simple defroster can prove fatal.
In that bitter cold of 25,000 feet in November over the North Sea, Bohn had to open his window and put his head out to see where he was going. In a hurricane of lacerating cold he had to keep from blinking so that his tears might not freeze his eyes shut.
We saw a German pop up through a solid blanket of clouds beneath us. It was an ME-109. Bohn saw him, too. We watched him far out, maneuvering for a head-on attack. He was coming in. Bohn called us on the intercom and his voice was strained. Bob turned to me his eyes blazing. He banged a fist on his gun. Was it jammed, or what? He pushed me aside to try my gun, though it could not be swiveled far enough to catch the oncoming fighter in its sight. There was no click, no chatter. The gun was dead. Bohn called again and again to fire. Our plane was silent. Our guns, in that brief passage from cold to warmer, moister air, had frozen.
I turned to look at the other planes of the formation. Not a tracer flew. The Messerschmitt came on. He was well within range now and we had not a gun to stop him. Could he then rake the formation, burn us to the ground, because the damned sky had made us impotent as hens mesmerized in the presence of a fox?
Then we noted that no lights were playing along his wings where we knew his guns should be firing. He came through the squadron up ahead and no planes fell. He passed us at our level, and Bohn, who had a better view than I had, says he waved. Bohn says he had a black mustache; he saw the enemy that clearly at the moment when a meteorological happenstance imposed a truce. An inversion – with cold air below the clouds and comparatively warm air above – had momentarily sealed his guns.
I do not recall the enemy’s mustache or his farewell wave, but I saw him turn and plunge downward into the gray rolling clouds.
Minutes later in stable air the guns thawed. We could again be as murderous in our defense as need be. We bombed Bremen through the overcast and the flak. On the way home German fighters came up in force. They and the flak knocked out of the sky thirteen of our planes carrying 130 men. I was not among that number, and it had been my twenty-fifth.
I smiled when I was congratulated. I got off a letter to Esther. That night and all the next day I felt curiously disembodied. I was there and not there. I walked the same roads I had always walked. I slept where I had always slept, but all was changed. I was not part of my crew. I watched them go about their work and their preparations in my absence. They would talk about getting together with me sometime if… We would see each other in London, New York, Minneapolis, Boston, if…
I no longer shared that highly charged existence in the shadow of the if. I would learn to live as I had once lived without that omnipresent, stimulating shadow. True, I had never forsaken my childish belief in invulnerability, but nevertheless the if had always been there, on the other side of my plane’s window, peeking from behind Esther’s picture, within the envelope of her letter. I became attached to it. I felt that somehow the conditional lent a distinction to life. One must indeed be hungry for distinctions to develop a fondness for that grinning, gap-toothed conjecture of death.
I confess, nevertheless, that I had grown accustomed to that presence as the eleventh member of the crew, and I would miss him along with the others. The feeling of impending separation grew keener on the evening of November 30. The field was alerted. My crew would fly and I would not. I had been offered a job at Wing Headquarters, helping to design missions for others. It would have meant a captaincy and a job in a world of pleasant mess halls, staff cars and jeeps, with just enough time in an airplane over Britain to collect my flying pay. I had turned it down for a chance to go home, see Esther, meet my daughter and, pending assignment to some other war, live the life of those who need no poppy in their buttonhole to assure survival.
I was sure that I wanted such a life as any sane man would. A part of me was sane and had sane desires. A better-organized army would have rushed me off the base within the very hour I had completed my twenty-fifth. I should have vanished as definitively as those who die or resign from combat. Perhaps my decision to forgo the promotion and opt for home had upset some part of the machinery. In any case I had been told that I was not to go home for a while at least. I would have to do a stint of teaching navigation to neophytes in Northern Ireland.
“Ireland?” echoed Joyce and her mother in a concerted wail of disbelief. I had gone to see them in the afternoon to say goodbye. To the Woffords of England, Ireland was the utmost edge of the world, a place of terrible exile. I scuttled their sympathy with laughter and rolled Joyce’s farewell kiss upon my tongue. Then I came home to the field, the alert and a sense of desolation.
I remember the bar in the officers’ club. The wood was blond and highly polished. It ran the entire length of a very long wall, or so it seems to me in recollection. A mirror was hung behind it on which was pasted a collection of decorous breasts, legs and toothy smiles. There was a crude cardboard facsimile of our emblem – crossed bombs and death’s head.
Blackout curtains covered the windows. No one sat at any of the tables near the stoves. The place was cold, as I remember, and empty. I do not think there was a soul there except myself. Someone must have been tending bar, but I do not recall a face or a name or a word that was exchanged. I think there was a yellow light over the bar, but most of the room was in semidarkness.
I stood with my foot on the rail. I drank a scotch and soda. I do not recall another time throughout the war that I drank alone. I usually drink to keep in step or to ease the flow of talk. That night of the alert I must have been groping for words to say to myself, desperate to find something to do while the others slept the uneasy sleep that waits for the glare of a flashlight, for the grumbling and the whining, and the start of a new mission in the deadly cold sky.
Would I wake at that summons, turn over and go back to sleep? Would I haunt the mess and the flight line like a damned ghost? How stupid, how cruel to let me stay alive and safe among those who are still hostages to death. No surgeon would leave an amputated limb near the living patient. It should be taken away, put out of sight, allowed to regenerate a body as a worm does when it is severed.
I do not remember a man coming into the bar, but there he was next to me. I have forgotten his name. He was a PR man – an information officer. I had known him slightly, and occasionally given him a bit of color to adorn a press release. He was a mild-mannered man, one of many I had known on the field as I knew the color of the bar or the turn of the road. Until that moment he had been part of the scenery but had not participated in my world. I flew and he walked. I was on familiar terms with death and he pecked items out on a typewriter as I do now. I was an arrogant snob. I was part of an elite. He was an outsider. Still, I was civil; I made talk.
I believe he bought me a drink, but I am not sure. He had done a squib on my completing my missions, he said, and I nodded appreciatively. His face was a pasty white, as I remember it, but I do not trust myself because I have carried his face so long in my mind that it is the worse for wear.
We were oppressively alone in that bar. The alcohol had diminished me to a point below anything I had known. My spirit had collapsed like a dishrag. Inside my throat I could feel tears drip as from an abscess. Yet we talked of God knows what. We talked until he said quite suddenly, “You made it all the way. Not many of your people stick it out.”
I hope to God I did not nod my head or let my hand shake. I know I could not speak. I think he knew I could not speak, and that staggers me with shame thirty-five years later. I put my drink down. That I do remember. I do not think I looked at him. I wish now that I had, that I had seen his face clearly. I cannot tell whether he smiled or smirked or gloated or peered dully at me through his glasses. I will never know. I took my trench coat from the hook on the wall. I recall that I did everything slowly. I put on my crushed airman’s hat and walked out.
That is what happened. A plethora of rationalizations followed at once and have continued for thirty-five years. The event came so suddenly upon me, so unexpectedly, that I could not think of any of the thousand witty, savage, blunt things to say or do that have leaped to mind ever since. I was caught completely off guard. I had just been tasting the joys of exclusivity at a bitter time. I had condescended to talk to this paddlefoot, this unprepossessing paper pusher. I had been in and up and he had been down and out. It had been so kind of me to talk to him. Then in the twinkling of an eye he had pulled me down and thrown me out. I walked the dark and rutted roads around Kimbolton, clutching my coat as if caught in a chill wind.
I had always acknowledged my kinship with the Jews of Europe, but it was a watery-thin intellectual nod that I sent them. I had lived in a world – social, political, sexual – where I supposed that others took my Jewish-ness for granted as I did and made no fuss about it. The crosses of the Klan had burned in the hills near the town I lived in as a child, but they had not referred to me. When we did not laugh at the Klan we hated it because it menaced other people. I loathed anti-Semitism in the same way because it was a scourge for other people though not for me.
Now that stupid little man had stripped the illusion from my war. It was not, then, a game which we played with death in the sky. It was not all gallantry and white contrails against the blue. It was not an aesthetic experience sanctified by an unchallengeable political cause. Hitler was not a dragon with shiny scales to be slain by a shinier knight. There were no dragons, but only savage men and women burning the flesh of other men and women. And I was a Jew with someone’s spittle on my face.
I do not pretend that I was a victim of a pogrom. I agree that, living in the same century as Auschwitz, I ought not to mention my little encounter. And it would have left no mark on me if I had not been rendered so vulnerable by a false sense of security derived from the battlefield where death creates the splendid illusion of brotherhood.
None of this was clear to me as I left the bar. It has taken me thirty-five years to begin to understand that nameless PR man. He probably shrugged when I walked out, confirmed in the view that Jews are hypersensitive and unpredictable and that they can’t tell a compliment from a kick in the ass.
I spent the night somehow between the officers’ club and my hut. I no longer remember whether I woke when my crew left. I must have said goodbye again though I had already said as much the night before. Still, to think that I had not would shame me more than my performance at the bar.
And thus ended Elmer Bendiner’s war That is, as shown in this series of posts, until 1980.
Here’s His Book
Bendiner, Elmer S., The Fall of Fortresses, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, N.Y., 1980
We would have to ditch, take our chances against riding down with the plane straight to the bottom of the Channel, and take our further chances on being picked up by friends, not foes, at sea. I argued for that proposal. Everyone knew it was a personal matter with me. I could see no other way to get home to my wife and shortly forthcoming child before the war’s end. I might grow old while my child grew up.
“Poor Benny – he’s got to see his kid.” Real sympathy poured over the intercom disguised as mock tears. Bohn supported me from the start. Mike and Duke pitched in, and the others followed cheerfully.
I accepted such sacrifices without a qualm. I was young then. Would I now try to persuade others to make so risky a choice on my account? Not likely.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
This “second” excerpt from Elmer Bendiner’s The Fall of Fortresses covers the ditching of Tondelayo in the English Channel while returning from the 379th Bomb Group mission to Stuttgart on September 6, 1943. Bendiner weaves together his correspondence to his wife, what seems to have been postwar correspondence or personal conversations with his pilot, Bohn Fawkes, perhaps historical records from the 527th Bomb Squadron, and certainly his own memories, into a fast-moving and crisply detailed historical tapestry that captures the mixture of fear, tension, humor, and matter-of-factness inherent to a situation and event where survival was problematic. And, if problematic for one, then ten times more problematic for the crew of a heavy bomber.
In this regard – and viewed from an even higher perspective, whether of time or (quite literally!) altitude – any perusal of official records or serious historical works pertaining to the WW II air war (let alone later conflicts), specifically in terms of the survival of aircrews lost at sea – whether through controlled ditching or mass bailout – will readily reveal how problematic was the survival of airmen during such events. The USAAF’s Missing Air Crew Reports and most any of R.W. Chorley’s series of books covering WW II Bomber Command Losses are replete with accounts of such events – some heart-rending; many sad beyond words and thought; many others inspiring; a tiny few perhaps humorous – that leave one wondering about the unpredictable intersection between training, skill, bravery, and fate. (Yet, in Judaism there is no such thing as “fate”. There I momentarily and theologically digress!) Still, whether you prefer “fate” or fate, all things held equal, repeated training, preparation, and familiarization with both an aircraft’s design, and personal survival gear, could certainly make a difference in the probability of an airman’s survival at sea, whether via bailout or ditching.
Specifically mentioned or alluded to in Bendiner’s story are (of course) pilot Bohn Fawkes, anonymous co-pilot “Chuck”, flight engineer Lawrence H. Reedman, and tail gunner Michael L. Arooth. Of these four men, let alone the entire crew, it seems that the only individuals hurt or injured were Bendiner (unspecified), “Chuck” (wounded in his leg by 20mm cannon fire) and Arooth (badly gashed his head during the ditching.).
The videos below elucidate aspects of survival at sea in terms of successfully ditching a B-17, and, the rate of aircrew survival during such events. Note that the final section of “B-17 Bomber Ditching Survival Rate? Not Good” is “Strong Seasonal dependency on Rescue Stats”. This seems to be borne out by the ditching of the Fawkes’ crew in mid-summer (everyone survived), versus the ditching of the Leonard Rifas crew in mid-winter of 1945 (no-one survived).
Here’s “Ditch at Sea and Live in a Boeing B-17 (1944-Restored)”, at ZenosWarbirds.
“Ditching in water was a fact of life for stricken aircraft in World War 2, from the frozen white tops of the North Sea to the shark infested waters of the South Pacific. “Lt. Reynolds.” played by veteran actorArthur Kennedy(Lawrence of Arabia), is copilot on a B-17 that ditches at sea. He survives by pure luck, but the rest of the crew is lost due to a lack of preparation. When he gets his own ship, Reynolds vows his crew is thoroughly trained in B-17 ditching. He gives them the straight dope, step by step.”
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
And, here’s “B-17 Bomber Ditching Survival Rate? Not Good”, at WWII US Bombers.
Topics of the video: Causes of Ditching Ditching Vs. Bailout Range of Bomber VHF communications Air Sea Steps for aircraft in Distress Crew Ditching positions Gibson Girl Usage Air Sea Rescue Stats for the B-17 and B-24 Bombers % of Rescues per month Strong Seasonal dependency on Rescue Stats
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Elmer Bendiner stands before the nose of Flying Fortress “Tondelayo” (B-17F 42-29896, squadron identification marking “FO * V“). Photo from Silvertail Books.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Tondelayo early in her short-lived combat career – during the summer of 1943 – as seen in Army Air Force photograph 60509AC / A45870.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Unfortunately, I’ve no idea of the specific (or approximate) location in the English Channel that marks the undersea resting place of Tondelayo. By definition there’s no Missing Air Crew Report for this incident, and the historical records of the 527th Bomb Squadron I believe only commence in October of 1943. C’est la vie.
And thus, Elmer Bendiner’s account of the mission:
Stuttgart lies some five hundred miles inside Germany. A heavily loaded B-17 flying at a moderate altitude – say, seventeen thousand feet – in formation, zigging and zagging in evasive action, might be expected to make the round trip but would land with fuel tanks perilously close to empty. There would scarcely be a gallon to spare for a foolish mistake or a bit of horseplay.
The mission was being led by Brigadier General Robert Travis. I had nothing against the General before Stuttgart because I knew very little about him except for his legendary talent at poker. After Stuttgart many of us had a great deal against him. He added to our anxieties – or at least to Bohn’s – from the very inception of the mission by announcing his intention of following a newfangled theory developed by someone at Bomber Command. A great deal of fuel was being wasted by climbing to altitude with full tanks, it was reasoned. Why not climb at a later point when the tanks would be lighter?
My second-lieutenant pilot could have told the General why not, but he wasn’t asked. To fly in the thin upper air a plane needs the added strength of its superchargers. If those superchargers are out of order it is best to realize that incapacity when you are over friendly territory and can drop down to a lower altitude and head for home. It is not wise to wait until one is at altitude over enemy territory to find that you cannot stay in formation.
Travis, untroubled by such technical considerations, led us across Europe at ten thousand feet until we were close to Tubingen, from which we would turn onto the target. Then he began to climb steeply and we followed him. Our superchargers worked. The record does not show whether others failed, because how can one distinguish in the fall of a Fortress the various ingredients of disaster – enemy flak or 20-mm. shells or rockets or simple mechanical failure?
We were flying low and on the outside of the formation. Travis and his lead group were in view ahead of us. As we rounded Tubingen I noted clouds moving across the Black Forest. Outside my starboard window the Neckar River was still plainly visible snaking its way to the target.
Stuttgart lay before us in checkered sun and shadow. It was close to noon. The flak came up, but not too heavy. Then as we neared the target white clouds capriciously intervened. Bob had no concerns; he would drop on the leader’s bombs. But those clouds must have disconcerted Travis’s bombardier, all set as he was to fix the primary target on the cross hairs of his bombsight. Could he switch at an instant from visual bombing to instruments?
We read the answer in the spectacle of our lead group passing over the target with bomb-bay doors wide open and no bombs falling amid the furious black flak.
Travis was going around for another try, and the formation would wheel behind him. All very well for Travis and the happy few at the hub of that wheel. They could describe a nice, tight circle. But to us on the outward rim it meant a fearsome strain to keep up with the formation, and a serious drain of gas. We had to fly perhaps an extra forty or fifty miles at full throttle, using gas at very nearly the rate required for a takeoff, just to keep our position in the formation.
We could have come in closer to the hub, shortening the radius of the swing and saving considerable fuel, but we dared not slip under the open bomb-bay doors of Travis and his group. His bomb bays, like ours, were loaded with incendiaries. (This too seems odd, for ball bearings and the machines that make them do not burn.) The incendiaries were ingeniously packaged in clusters with a timing device so set that, at a predetermined distance below the bomber that hatched them, the firebombs would spread out and cover a wider area.
No one could be sure just when those incendiaries would tumble out, their clusters flying apart. We swung out in a wide arc. Why the General did not close his bomb-bay doors is yet another unanswered question of the city.
On the second time around, the incendiaries fluttered down, and smoke billowed up in black clouds from the city.
As we turned away from the target the Luftwaffe made its belated but emphatic appearance. Fighters came at us head on and blazing. Bohn was one of those pilots who believed ardently in evasive action. (There are some contrary schools of thought, which declare that it is better to fly straight and level as if on parade, following the model of the Light Brigade.) As the German planes came at us from high out of the sun, Bohn pushed Tondelayo to climb and pitch. This seemed to throw the attackers off momentarily. But they – or others like them – came at us again, three or four abreast. Bohn recollects that he saw a puff of smoke from the engine of one of the German fighters and in response nosed Tondelayo into her dance. In retrospect he much regrets that he did not accurately interpret the puff as an indication that the German pilot had cut his throttle and was waiting for us to come down from our jump while he slowed his run at us. He caught us cold and raked Tondelayo from nose to tail.
When he left us one of our engines was on fire; our copilot of the day, Chuck, had had his leg torn by a 20-mm. shell; the oxygen lines in the rear of the ship had been cut, and the oil-pressure gauge was down to zero because our oil line had been severed.
Now, it is the oil pressure that enables the pilot to change the pitch of the propellers. And if the pitch cannot be changed the propeller stands like a rigid paddle in the teeth of hurricane winds. If it spins without lubrication the friction can build up enough heat to melt metal. Then the propeller blades might turn into a deadly missile and slash the frame that held us. Our own propellers were poised like axes against us.
It was clear that we could not stay in formation. To put out the fire in our engine we would have to work up an airspeed of at least 235 mph. We could have done so only in a dive. (We had been at that deadly extremity before.) In any case we would have to drop to lower altitudes with half our crew deprived of oxygen. (We had been there before as well.)
At the first lull in the fight we waved away our wing man and dived until the fire was out.
Now we can pick up the letter to my wife.
…We had to drop out of formation and fight our way across Europe by ourselves. As it developed, we didn’t so much fight our way out as sneak out, running for every cloud cover we could see. The spot decision right then was up to Fawkes. He could have asked for a course to Switzerland. The lovely snowy, blue-and-white peaks of the Alps were plainly visible, towering almost up to our altitude, although quite a way off….
I must interrupt again. Technically it was up to Bohn, but not actually as it turned out. Bohn was our commander – and a very good one, which is to say that he almost never gave an order. We talked this situation out, weighing the pros and cons as if we were civilians around a table. While we talked we flitted from cloud to cloud over Europe. I had given Bohn a heading, but he could scarcely keep to it while chasing clouds. I had to follow every twist and turn he made, altering our headings accordingly and still aiming for England by the shortest route.
It was plain from the most casual glance at our fuel level, at our ground speed, at our low altitude and at the distance we had to go that we could not make it back to Kimbolton. We had three choices to discuss. We could head for the Alps, where we would be interned for the duration. (General cheers over the intercom.) Choice number two: we could bail out over France. We all carried civilian passport pictures. (I liked mine because I had borrowed a very un-Army, tweedy jacket for the purpose.) We could hope to land amid the French Resistance and follow their lead to the Channel coast, where we might thumb a ride on a fishing boat. Our intelligence captain had described this alternative as an easy walk across occupied Europe for which we were well armed with a snapshot and a .45-caliber pistol. (Dead silence for that option.)
Last possibility: we could fly as far as our fuel would permit. I told everybody I was sure we could reach the Channel. We would have to ditch, take our chances against riding down with the plane straight to the bottom of the Channel, and take our further chances on being picked up by friends, not foes, at sea. I argued for that proposal. Everyone knew it was a personal matter with me. I could see no other way to get home to my wife and shortly forthcoming child before the war’s end. I might grow old while my child grew up.
“Poor Benny – he’s got to see his kid.” Real sympathy poured over the intercom disguised as mock tears. Bohn supported me from the start. Mike and Duke pitched in, and the others followed cheerfully.
I accepted such sacrifices without a qualm. I was young then. Would I now try to persuade others to make so risky a choice on my account? Not likely.
We knew then that our co-pilot’s wounds were superficial, but would not Switzerland have seemed the safest bet for him? We could have made a case for internment. Why didn’t we?
Back to the letter:
…Bohn asked for a heading home and I was glad of it even though with fighting and one thing and another I was a bit vague as to our precise position at the time. We dived down into the loveliest, heaviest cloud imaginable and stayed in it as long as possible, while I feverishly worked away to establish our position and improve on the course I had originally set. The cloud gave out, and for a time we sailed at low altitude over the grain fields, forests, towns and rivers of France. Some of these checkpoints seemed to bear out my theoretically estimated position and some of them contradicted it. It was beautiful country; it seemed to be of a different color from that of England or Holland or Belgium.
We were playing hide-and-seek in the clouds over France. And in the open spaces our gunners were anxiously watching for German fighters who were looking for us but who miraculously failed to see us before other clouds came up to hide us. However, ground radio was tracking us and we had to shift course to clear what I thought would be heavy flak areas. We could see flak on both sides of us, largely to signal fighters, we thought….
At this point I must refer to Bohn, who remembers clearly an incident which I recall only dimly. We had been flying through cloud for some time when he asked me where we were. He says that he could see no way in which I could be sure of anything. And he was right, of course. I had followed our zigs and zags as best I could, but how could I be certain in that fog to which we clung? Then I had my answer from the Germans. The gray-white nothingness was punctured by black flak explosions all around us. “Ah,” I said, “Rouen.” We both laughed.
…Just before we crossed the coast Fawkes called up and suggested that anyone who didn’t want to take his chance in the water could still jump. None of us did. I could see water ahead, but we ran up along the coast to avoid a large seaport and heavy coastal flak. Duke, our radioman, was sending out an SOS and asking radio stations to take a fix on us. They did and he reported it to me, but it seemed to me to be way off. And Duke asked for another, which was just as bad. I realized then that no one in England knew where we were. I gave Duke our estimated position, but he couldn’t get it through….
Actually the British shore stations were asking us to move some thirty miles north where they could get a proper fix on us. They did not know it, but they were asking men to fly without wings. When we crossed the coast we had only one engine working, and in a B-17 that is a few minutes away from none. I gathered a few of my belongings – a chart of the Channel coast, which I folded and slipped into the pocket of my coveralls, a pencil or two, my gloves (gauntlet types that were more elegant than warm) and Esther’s picture. Then I clambered out of the nose, up the hatch behind Bohn, and through the bomb bay to the radio room.
…We were over the sea now and our four engines ran out one after another. When I left the nose, two of them were already motionless—a most disconcerting thing to see in an airplane. Back in the radio room we all took our previously assigned positions, bracing ourselves for the shock. I crouched behind the radioman’s armor plating and talked to Mike, who was crouched next to me. Up to the last minute Mike retained his faith in Tondelayo and couldn’t believe we would really have to ditch. He asked me whether we were headed toward England. I said we were but I knew we couldn’t make it. We chatted like that, looking up through the open hatch to the great, gray, swirling clouds, wondering how near the water we were and when the shock would come….
As we dropped closer to the sea Bohn turned to our copilot and asked him whether he had ever landed a plane in water. Chuck shook his head. Would he like to? No. With the last bit of power in Tondelayo Bohn maneuvered to land along the crest of a wave. To hit a wave broadside is very like flying into a stone wall. We skimmed the crest, then sank into the trough of a mountainous wave. We sank, then rose, buoyed by empty gas tanks.
From the cockpit Chuck saw his fondly crushed pilot’s cap in the hatchway leading to the nose and seemed about to try to fish it out. Bohn recalled looking at him doubtfully as if to say, “You’re on your own.” No window in the cockpit of a B-17 is made to allow a grown man to wriggle out of it unless he is in the extremity of desperation. Both Bohn and Chuck made it to the wing.
Someone should have pulled a lever to release the dinghies from the fuselage. No one had. Bohn quickly scanned the directions on the metal plaque above the wing. He pulled the appropriate lever as per instructions, but nothing happened. He and Chuck pulled, twisted and clawed the dinghies out, then started the inflation, which should have been automatic. Could it have been ten seconds or thirty? None of us remembers how long it took to climb out.
…We lit lightly at first and only a bit of spray seemed to come in. Mike stood up, and we all yelled to him to get down. But it was too late. After skipping along the water the ship finally plunged, throwing Mike forward so that he gashed his forehead. Then the green-gray water rushed in. I felt nothing so much as surprise. In drills there had been nothing to suggest such a torrent of ocean running through our airship. I tried to stand, but the force of the water knocked me down, and when I did get up, some of the precious things I had gathered were floating.
Everyone was on his feet, everyone excited and clambering toward the hatch, everyone shouting that there was plenty of time and to keep calm. Mike stood next to me and I saw that his head was bleeding badly. A piece of floating B-17 had clipped me and scratched my forehead. For an awful moment I thought that Mike and I, who were wedged in a corner, would never get out. Mike finally managed it. By that time the water was up to my chest and rising rapidly. Our bombardier, Bob, was still in there. I hoisted myself up on one side while he made for the other. I remember that I failed to make it the first time and I could hear Mike hollering outside, “Where’s Benny?” Then I clambered out. The wings were already under water.
I clung to the fuselage for a second or so and watched Fawkes and the others, who had extracted one of the rubber dinghies and were maneuvering it away from the wings of the sinking plane. Then I plunged into the water. The dinghy was scarcely more than a stroke away from the ship. But I had overlooked one detail that might have proved disastrous. I had neglected to inflate my Mae West….
Actually the dinghy must have been farther off than a swimming stroke or it would have been sucked down by Tondelayo. Obviously a participant in an event is not the most reliable witness when it comes to precise measurements. On the other hand, the raft could not have been too far off, because I have never been a good swimmer and for that occasion I was wearing a full flying suit and boots; my pockets were stuffed with map and pencils, Esther’s picture and odd bits of paraphernalia I thought I might need.
…I clung to the raft while Larry, our engineer, kept shouting, “Hold on, Benny, hold on” – as if I thought of doing anything else or going anywhere else just then. When I turned around Tondelayo had vanished; our dinghy and the other one holding the rest of our crew were the only things left on an apparently limitless sea. After a bit of floundering about I managed to hoist myself into the tossing dinghy. All this took much less time to live through than it does to record.
The Channel was as rough that day as it ever gets, and the swell was dark, towering and fearful to look at. It was worse to feel. We became violently seasick. That is, all except Bob and one gunner, who increased our miseries by remaining obtrusively and volubly high-spirited. There is, however, a measure of providence in the seasickness that plagues the shipwrecked. First, it gives them something to do which relieves the monotony; second; it makes death almost welcome.
Before giving way to utterly abandoned retching and writhing we paddled with our hands toward the other dinghy so that we could lash the rafts together….
Dinghies are equipped with oars, but we could not find them. Eventually they turned up at the very bottom of a heap of tightly stowed, largely unworkable gadgetry.
…In between spasms, when I could lie with my head back and not feel too sick, I could watch the endless seascape and the barren sky. Bob was cranking our portable radio frantically but in vain, because we had lost the kite to raise our aerial; we knew then that we could send no signal at all.
From time to time Larry would bail out some of the water that swept over us in salty waves whenever we thought we might begin to dry out in the sun. Larry would bail a little, get sick, bail some more and get sick again. I tried to help, but as soon as I’d lift my head I’d vomit. I was no help at all. For five hours we tossed like that and in my lucid moments, I would speculate on the direction of our drift. It was impossible to tell with any certainty. I knew what winds had been prevailing all afternoon, but there was much I did not know. In one lucid moment I looked down at the few things I had brought with me. One of these was my Mercator’s Chart. Now, darling, there is nothing quite so useless on a broad ocean as a Mercator on a raft that one cannot steer. I finally threw it overboard.
Toward the end of the afternoon we were all resigning ourselves to spending a night on the water. I, at least, was convinced that no one in England had any idea of where we were. Earlier we had seen a flight of bombers, but they were very high and no one aboard could possibly have seen our signals. It was a little more than five hours after we ditched that we sighted a squadron of fighters. Larry had the flare pistol out and ready to shoot. Duke shouted that they might be Germans. Some of us told him to shoot and others yelled at him not to.
Here I must point out a rare phenomenon. Bohn said, “Fire.” When Larry hesitated Bohn said for the one and only time in my memory, “That’s an order.” Bohn told me later that he was positive they were Spits by the sound of them, which we had heard minutes before we saw them. Actually when we spotted them they were headed like a flight of arrows to England and no one in our position – climbing and sinking amid monstrous waves – could say whether their silhouettes were German or British. They were mere specks and shadows and I could see in them neither friend nor foe. Bohn’s ears for machinery were far subtler than mine. And I am grateful to them.
…Larry fired. The fighters were already past us, but one blessed pilot was looking back for an unknown but providential reason. We watched the fighters fly on and then noted that one peeled off, and the others followed.
They came in low over the water toward our flare – a magnificent affair of parachutes, red balls of fire and smoke like a Fourth of July celebration. Those Spitfires were the most meaningful, beautiful things I have ever seen. They swooped down and circled above us. Sick as we were, we stood up, waved and yelled at them, and came very near to upsetting the dinghies altogether. One of the Spits circled high above us to radio our position while the others continued to make passes over us by way of sustaining our morale. It was wonderful. We would cheer and laugh and get sick again, then laugh some more. I have never been so happy and so miserable at the same time.
After a while the Spits left us, but we felt certain that help would be on its way in no time at all. After a while another Spit did come out….
I am reminded by my pilot that it was not a Spit but a Mosquito.
We set off another display of fireworks and he too came over to circle above us. We were very glad to have him and we were sure that we were practically saved, but the sun set and the swell seemed to grow more ominous and still there was no rescue. We knew that our guardian plane would run out of gas soon. After a final pass he left us. The moon came up, big and yellow over the water. It was a lovely night, cold but full of stars – a few of which I fruitlessly recognized – but, lovely night or no, we continued to be sick. We strained our ears listening for motors. We saw lights where there were none. We told each other that we were sure to be rescued that night. But I think that each of us acknowledged to himself that it was unlikely.
We had been in the water about nine hours when Mike suddenly shouted that he saw a light. Fawkes saw it, too, when we rode the crest of a swell. We sent up another flare and then waited. Then we heard the dull throb of a motor, and a beam of light reached out near us but not quite on us. Dinghies are pitifully small things to spot on an ocean. We fired another flare, this time into the wind so that it fell back directly over our heads. The beam swung around and picked us up. Then while the light came nearer a terrible thought struck me and most of the others, I suppose: What if the vessel were an enemy ship? To have traveled all that distance across Europe alone, to have dived Tondelayo into the sea, to have spent nine agonizing hours on a raft, all to avoid capture and then to be picked up by the wrong ship – that would be too bad. We shouted and soon heard someone answering. “Ahoy,” said a voice behind the light. Apparently our collective Minnesota, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Texas and New York accents made themselves known, and the voice answered jubilantly, “OK, Yanks, we’re coming.”
We clambered aboard the boat, fumbling awkwardly up the swaying rope ladder. There were a dozen happy angels dressed in blue RAF uniforms and turtleneck sweaters saying, “Bloody good show,” and cinematic things of that sort. They had hot soup and dry clothes ready for us. I couldn’t swallow the soup and, since I paused on deck for one last mighty heave of what was still in my innards, I came down too late for the clothes. But I stripped to the skin and they wrapped me in warm fleecy blankets….
While Bohn and I lingered on the deck we thought we saw a great hulk move out of the sea perilously close. Bohn tapped the shoe of the captain on the deck above us and gestured toward it. “We’ve copped it,” said the captain quietly, but he was wrong. The apparition was another British rescue launch, and together we headed home. The German shore batteries tossed a few shells in our direction, but they were not too serious about the effort.
…It was a long voyage home and we dodged minefields all the way. The skipper told us that we had drifted from our original position some twenty miles off the French coast to well within the patrol lanes of the Germans and in easy shelling distance of their coastal guns. By morning we would have been in enemy hands.
When we hit the coast town of Dover there was an ambulance waiting at the end of the stone walk. But Bendiner had no pants, nothing but a couple of blankets. I was panicky. I had read much about this town and it hurt my dignity to think that I would make my triumphal entry pantless. But I did. I clambered up the ancient stone steps of the wharf, clutching my blanket and looking like a refugee from a raid on a Turkish bath. It was very embarrassing. Those who were hurt were taken to a hospital. The rest of us – the cut on my forehead had thoroughly healed – went to the local officers’ barracks of the Royal Navy, where gold-braided commodores served us rum and scotch, hot soup and bully beef. They fussed about us and sought in a thousand ways to make us happy. But still I had no pants. At last some kind lieutenant dug up an outfit for me and I regained my dignity. As a matter of fact he provided civilian clothes for me – slacks and a sweater – so that for that night and the next day I felt like a civilian and looked like Don Budge….
***
Bohn, although a mere second lieutenant, was commander of the crew and therefore shared the quarters – and the razor – of the Admiral of the Port of Dover. He woke on the following morning to see the Admiral staring out to sea. That dignitary invited Bohn to join him for a morning dip in the Channel, then, hastily recollecting the circumstances, added, “I suppose not.” Bohn confessed during our day of rehashing the events to a slight twinge of embarrassment over the fact that he had not been the last to leave Tondelayo in keeping with his position. I told him of the commander of the Royal Indian Navy who testified at a board of inquiry, “I did not leave the ship. The ship left me.” That cheered Bohn.
On the following day, after we saw our co-pilot at the hospital and said a cheery farewell all around, our operations officer flew down to bring us back to Kimbolton. This time the groundlings had rolled our bedding and gathered our personal possessions into pathetically small packages suitably tagged. We unpacked and rejoined the living.
… I expect that shortly we will be shipped off to spend a quiet recuperative week at a seaside resort. Some of the boys who have been watching me furiously pounding away have become curious, and I have shown them most of this letter. They are now anxiously waiting for the last page to roll off the press so they can find out whether or not they were saved.
All my love, ELMER
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
This truly remarkable image, Army Air Force photograph 71149AC / A14028, shows Bohn Fawkes’ crew (with the exception of co-pilot “Chuck”, recovering in hospital) at Kimbolton on September 7, 1943, the day of their return to their base. As described in Bendiner’s account, all are wearing British clothing. At the center of the photo, focused – perhaps – on writing an account of their experience, is (probably) Lt. Fawkes. Fourth from right is Lt. Bendiner, while seated at far right with bandaged head is Sgt. Michael Arooth.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The “quiet, recuperative week” mentioned by my young self did not come at once. We were being handled according to the latest authoritative study by Eighth Air Force psychiatrists. A crew that had had a very rough mission a month or so earlier had been dispatched to a “flak house” for rest and rehabilitation. They came back rested but scarcely rehabilitated. They had used their week off to mull over their collective past and unpromising future. On their return they announced their unanimous decision to quit the war. They would not fly combat again together or singly. It was not mutiny, merely combat fatigue.
Colonel Mo was taking no chances with us. He and a few psychologists who had been studying combat crews to see what ordinary creatures would do under extraordinary stress decided on a policy well known to everyone who has tried to train young equestrians. If they are thrown, toss them into the saddle at once. If they have escaped a broken neck they must be encouraged to try again.
Unfortunately, Kimbolton was socked in for ten days after Stuttgart, and the dark memory of the ditching seeped into our bones while we trudged through the mud to the mess hall or down to the line to accept without joy Tondelayo’s replacement – a plane named Duffy’s Tavern.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Not every WW II Army Air Force aircraft was bedecked with elaborate nose art, some planes simply bearing a nickname and nothing more. Such is the case of B-17F 42-31040 DUFFY’S TAVERN (otherwise known by its squadron code FO * A), seen here at Kimbolton on November 11, 1943, in Army Air Force photo B-71044AC / A11536. The plane’s nickname was doubtless inspired by – going by Wikipedia-ology – the CBS and NBC radio program of that name, which was broadcast between 1941 and 1951.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The recollection of Tondelayo sinking through green depths to the bottom of the Channel worked upon us. We saw our flesh within her skeleton, bloated, rising and sagging with ghastly swells, skin shredding in the eternal wash. Images teased us like sea-green sirens stirring an invitation to madness amid the autumnal swish of the fields around Kimbolton.
We did not describe to each other the atrocious look of death we ten might have worn within the twisted wreckage where our names, lettered on the metal frame, would serve as tombstones and where the flying limbs, swelling breasts and much venerated crotch of Tondelayo would be raped by pulsing tides and left to lie derelict.
We did not speak of her or the sea or of ourselves. I waited for a cablegram from Esther that would make me a father and seduce me from such visions. No message came for me.
We did hear from the void, though. Bohn had a note from Johnny, courtesy of the Red Cross. It was written in a breezy, wish-you-were-here mood from a Stalag Luft. He had floated down to earth safely but landed among people who did not recognize the war as a game. Rendered mindless by the rain of bombs or perhaps by earlier horrors, they spoke of lynching the bomb crews who came to earth. Johnny was rescued by German airmen who, in 1943, saw him as a member of their fraternity. They understood the bombing and the killing of total strangers in ways that a civilian could never appreciate. They installed Johnny safely in a POW camp where the war was quite tolerable, it seemed. He was out of it at last.
I cannot now recall whether there were any who envied him.
We came to know Duffy s Tavern. It was no more than a soulless collection of B-17 parts. We inhabited it as if it were a furnished room. It was serviceable but no more. And this despite some energetic efforts to pretend that it had a spirit. Duffy himself, our flyer-turned-publican, broke a bottle over its wing and we drank to it in a mood of abstracted gaiety.
We ourselves had chilled the beer for that celebration by flying a case or two up to altitude – undoubtedly the most expensively cooled beer ever consumed. I watched myself celebrate. As I recall, we all seemed to have an air of odd detachment. We said and did familiar things, but I, at least, sat far back in my head, which had grown to the size of earth and heaven. I beheld myself with bemused interest while I waited word from Esther and my child.
On the sixteenth of September we piled into Duffy’s Tavern and headed for Nantes to take yet another whack at the impervious submarine pens. We made it back with only minor damage. I believe that our nerves then had been insulated by a sheath of ice so that they carried no messages of pain or fear. Perhaps we could have finished our missions or even done many more in that strange condition, operating by mechanical reflex, beyond or beneath sensation.
However, the day after we came back from Nantes we were shipped to Blackpool as if we were machine parts that had been chipped and needed to be overhauled. We did not work our passage across England but rode as so much functionless freight. I did not regard as a luxury the situation of a passenger on a free ride. I chafed at it.
When our plane rolled to a stop and the engines were cut we leaped out on the hardstand at Blackpool. The sky was cloudless, full of the possibilities of combat. I slung my musette bag over my shoulder and waited for the others. They emerged from the waist of the plane carrying something. They gathered in a circle around whatever it was. I elbowed into the group and saw at our feet our ball-turret gunner, Leary, the youngest of the crew. His hands clutched empty air. His eyes rolled back beneath his lids, exposing a fish-white vitreous. His shirt was pulled away from his trousers, and the belt pinched the skin of his belly purple. His neck and face were splotched.
“Keep him warm … give him air,” people shouted.
Bohn and Mike were kneeling at Leary’s side. Bohn was trying to take hold of Leary’s tongue to keep his airway open. Someone asked for a coat. I took mine off and handed it to Bohn, who covered Leary. Then some RAF groundlings tore up in an ambulance and loaded Leary aboard a stretcher. He too vanished as had our waist gunners on the Kassel raid, and as Johnny had earlier. Now Leary was asserting, with purple epileptic emphasis, that he would fly and fight no more. He was to go home, we learned later that day. And so he did and lived to become a cop in Philadelphia.
The rest of us, left to refresh ourselves amid the delights of Blackpool, felt our throats constrict with Leary’s. We commingled our fears in long unspoken dialogues, inarticulate as the plop and twang of the lobbing of our tennis balls on the clay courts.
My mind’s eye sees Blackpool as fully inhabited yet deserted like a beach resort out of season. The shops have merchandise in the window left over from a summer that has passed. Chill winds blow scraps of dead newspapers across the boardwalk. A soft malaise hangs in the air around the red-brown brick of the crenellated pseudo-Gothic castle that is the scene of our rest and recreation.
The pubs are warm and cozy, but the conversation is like the fluttering of the dead newspapers on the boardwalk. There are pretty girls in the pubs. I see them clearly, but I think I was restrained by thoughts of Esther’s labor and the impending arrival of my child. Who would screw in the presence of his baby?
Bohn had his own inhibitory mechanism, and so we talked with tennis balls, plunking the gut of a racket, plopping on the clay, until we had talked ourselves out.
When we mentioned the war we talked as civilians and strategists do, as if it were all a matter of grand movements by armies and navies, of encirclements and flanking maneuvers, of siege and statistics. The U.S. Army was battling its way inland from Salerno. Montgomery’s Eighth Army was inching up the Calabrian toe. Field Marshal Rommel was flooding northern Italy with German troops to replace the wavering Italians. We could not know that Rommel even then was conspiring with the Oberburgomeister of Stuttgart to overthrow Hitler, unlock the concentration camps, construct a liberal facade and lead the Western world against Russia. If we had known, would we have spared Stuttgart to save the promising Oberburgomeister? And would we in Blackpool, concerned with our own drowned Tondelayo and with our odds for survival – would we have discussed such fascinating matters with the animation we can so easily muster now after thirty-five years of civilian life? I doubt it, for war is not a matter of news bulletins. It is the image of oneself inside a plane at the bottom of the sea. It is the face of an epileptic seizure. It is that shameful zest that death gives to life. It is not, assuredly, grand strategy.
Our conversation was confined to tennis sounds and the swish of curling waves on a bleak strand. We rode in a horse-drawn buggy with girls whom we caressed abstractedly. Photographers sold us snapshots of ourselves, the whereabouts of which I do not know, but I fancy that they still blow endlessly across the boardwalks of Blackpool.
It was on the last day of our rest and rehabilitation that a cablegram arrived telling me that I had a daughter. The information came complete with the usual statistics such as weight, as if she were a prize fish. Whether it was an error of transmission or my addled brain, or my unfamiliarity with babies, I do not know, but I cabled back to ask whether “14 pounds 6 ounces was good weight for one so young.” We drank to her and to Esther. The crew – or what was left of it – felt, and still feel, a proprietary interest in that daughter because it was for her sake they had chosen to take their chances with the sea rather than fly to the safety of Switzerland.
I wrote my daughter a letter and another to my wife, wore fatherhood as a poppy in my buttonhole, and climbed aboard a plane sent down to fetch us home to Kimbolton.
Three days later we were over Emden, where a German battleship we had not expected to find in the harbor tossed up something like a rocket. We brought home Duffy’s Tavern with gaping holes in wing, nose and fuselage. It was my seventeenth completed mission. Counting all the false starts and aborts it was very likely my fiftieth venture into battle. Half the original crew were no longer with us – though Mike would soon return. Three quarters of the original squadron were missing or dead or had withdrawn from combat.
I had a third of the way still to go to the magic number of twenty-five. All the military portents spoke of a bloody autumn to come.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Presumably because he hailed from the Bronx, and, pre-war was employed as a reporter for the Brooklyn Eagle, a brief account of Elmer Bendiner’s experience in September of 1943 appeared in that newspaper, albeit over a year later: On December 6, 1944. Here’s the article as published in the Eagle, and, a full image of page 22, on which it appeared. As to why this news item appeared so long after the fact is a matter of conjecture.
The Eagle typically reserved its latter – or very last – page(s) for items covering news information about servicemen, or, casualty lists. This article was found via Tom Tryniski’s Fulton History website.
Old NewspapersOld Newspapers
Ex-Eagle Reporter Crashes in Channel To Escape Nazis
The Brooklyn Eagle
December 6, 1944
The Flying Fortress Tondelayo was in a jam. She had just raided Stuttgart from a British base and a combination of head winds and dirty weather generally had taxed her gasoline supply to the limit.
Navigator Lt. Elmer S. Bendiner, a former Brooklyn Eagle reporter, who lives at 2664 Grand Concourse, the Bronx, and Capt. John E. Fawkes of Minneapolis, the pilot, went into a huddle.
To bring her down in Switzerland meant internment for the duration. A landing in France, then in German hands, meant capture. There wasn’t enough gas to take her back to England. The only chance was a crash landing in the English Channel off the French coast.
The radio was out of commission and the copilot was wounded. Lieutenant Bendiner was hurt, too. But for six hours the gallant crew of the Tondelayo tossed on the angry Chanel, seasick and hoping against hope for rescue, while shore guns tried their best to sink the Fortress.
But the rescue party reached them after darkness and the entire crew was taken back to their base.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Next post, Elmer Bendiner’s final mission, and, his quiet revelation.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Here’s the Book
Bendiner, Elmer S., The Fall of Fortresses, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, N.Y., 1980
Here’s Another Book
Freeman, Roger A., The B-17 Flying Fortress Story: Design – Production – History, Arms & Armour Press, London, England, 1998
Guess what? – Another book!
Forman, Wallace R., B-17 Nose Art Name Directory, Phalanx Publishing Co., Ltd., North Branch, Mn., 1996
…there had been not just one shell but eleven of them in the gas tanks – eleven unexploded shells where only one would have sufficed to blast us out of the sky with no time for chutes. It was as if the sea had been parted for us. Even after thirty-five years so awesome an event leaves me shaken. But before Bohn finished the story there would be both more and less to wonder at. He spun it out.
Elmer Bendiner stands before the nose of Flying Fortress Tondelayo (B-17F 42-29896, squadron identification marking “FO * V“). Photo from Silvertail Books.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Elmer Bendiner’s writing of The Fall of Fortresses during the late 1970s doubtless presented him with a literary quandary: How should an author structure his book so that it presents a picture of aerial combat that’s historically accurate in its recounting of history, events, and personalities, and at the same time is intellectually and emotionally compelling. One way would be by recounting the events of each of his twenty-five missions, whether “routine” or singularly memorable, in chronological order, which could lend his book a rote, dry, repetitive air. Another way would be by focusing on those particular missions or events – few in number – which by their significance and unusual nature left indelible impressions upon the author. It’s by following the latter course that Bendiner created his memoir, and in this, three particular missions stand out: A mission to Kassel, Germany on July 30, 1943; a September 6, 1943 mission to Stuttgart, and on November 30, 1943, Bendiner’s final combat mission, to Bremen, Germany, on November 29, 1943.
It’s those three flights that – excerpted from his memoir – will be presented in this series of posts. First, though, it’s time to introduce Elmer Bendiner’s crew.
The Crew of Tondelayo
To begin, here are the very few photographs of Bendiner’s fellow crew members that I know of. The first two come from The Fall of Fortresses.
Here’s his pilot, 2 Lt. Bohn Edgar Fawkes, Jr.
And, his bombardier, 2 Lt. Robert Lawrence Hejny
From Ancestry.com, here’s the 1934 Austin (Texas) high school graduation portrait of “Larry”: T/Sgt. Lawrence Harris Reedman, the crew’s Flight Engineer
Having started with Fawkes and Hejny in Tondelayo’s “nose”, we’ll symbolically work our way back to Tondelayo’s “tail”: And so, fittingly, here are some pictures of tail gunner T/Sgt. Michael Louis Arooth.
This undated image of T/Sgt. Arooth is Army Air Force photograph 78761AC / A8882. The date of the photo is unknown, but given that he’s wearing the Air Medal, Distinguished Flying Cross, Distinguished Service Cross, and particularly the Purple Heart (he was wounded on July 30 and injured on September 6), the picture was presumably taken at or near the end of his combat tour.
This picture of T/Sgt. Arooth is from the WW II Uncovered Facebook Page (9/29/20) and shows the Sergeant making a radio broadcast, location unknown.
Unfortunately, I don’t have the source of this image, but I’m certain the picture also shows T/Sgt. Arooth. Given that Tondelayo is adorned with several swastikas denoting victory claims over German fighters (unlike in the picture with Elmer Bendiner, where it seems to bear none), the picture was obviously taken before the bomber’s loss on September 6, 1943, during the latter part of its service in the 527th Bomb Squadron.
At the U.S. Militaria Forum, here’s another picture of Sgt. Arooth, probably taken when he was training in the United States.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
If I have any criticism of The Fall of Fortresses, it’s this: Given that Bendiner’s personal records, diary, and letters, and doubtless photographs survived the war, it’s a pity that more of his personal photos weren’t included in the book. Other than the pictures of Fawkes, Hejny, and the author, the memoir is entirely absent of images of the author’s family, the rest of his crew, B-17s, or Kimbolton. It’s a pity. What was G.P. Putnam’s Sons thinking???
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
This photograph, Army Air Force picture C-71023AC / A11454 (it can be found at Fold3 and the American Air Museum in Britain, as UPL 41323), shows Tondelayo and (at least some of) Bendiner’s crew, at the 379th Bomb Group’s base in Kimbolton, England.
Fold3 contributor patootie63 has two entries at listing the names of the men in the photo.
One entry states: “Could be Carnal’ crew : Lt Walter Flower Carnal (pilot) was born on dec 1st, 1918 – passed away on july 28th, 2010 (POW on 14 oct 1943, flying aboard 42-3269 “Picadilly Willy”) Lt William S Davidson (copilot) POW Lt Morris Konier (navigator) POW 1 Lt Leslie M Gross (bombardier) KIA on oct 14th, 1943 T/Sgt Leonard Frederick Cruzan (radio) POW – was born on dec 16th, 1919 – passed away on june 30th, 2014 – Sgt Norbert Stephen Jost (engineer) was born on nov 19th, 1919 – passed away on july 8th, 2002 POW S/Sgt Donald S Sherman (ball turret gunner) was born on nov 29th, 1920 – passed away on june 1st, 1945 POW S/Sgt Nick G Rukavina (right waist gunner) KIA on oct 14th, 1943 S/Sgt Monico R Rodriquez (left waist gunner) POW S/Sgt Milton M Fisher (tail gunner) POW”
The above caption is hyperlinked to four men in the photo. In center rear is Bohn Fawkes, while in front row second from left is S/Sgt. Monico Rodriquez, fourth from left is S/Sgt. Donald Sherman, and fifth from left is Sgt. Arooth.
(The above entry also states that the photo was taken on July 12, 1943. Which makes sense, given that the bomber was lost in early September.)
And the other: “This is Fawkes’ crew : 2Lt Bohn E Fawkes Jr (pilot) 2 Lt Charles A Mauldin (co-pilot) born on sept 2nd, 1919 – passed away on feb 17th, 2007 2 Lt Elmer S Bendiner (navigator) 2 Lt Robert L Hejny (bombardier) born on jan 5th, 1920 – passed away on aug 5th, 1985 T/Sgt Frederick J Reinhard (radio operator) T/Sgt Lawrence H Reedman (engineer) T/Sgt Walter J Gray (ball turret gunner) S/Sgt Harry L Edwards (right waist gunner) S/Sgt John A Leary (left waist gunner) T/Sgt Michael Arooth (tail gunner)”
In Fold 3, the above caption is hyperlinked to three men in the photo. Second from rear is Elmer Bendiner, in center rear is Bohn Fawkes, and at far right front is (again) Sgt. Arooth. The above crew list also accompanies the photo as it appears at the American Air Museum in Britain.
So, in light of both of patootie63’s entries, we have identities in the crew photo for Elmer Bendiner, Bohn Fawkes, Michael Rodriquez, and Michael Arooth. However, based on the Fawkes’ crew list as presented in patootie63’s “second” entry (just above), which is repeated at the American Air Museum in England, and a reading of The Fall of Fortresses, the actual Fawkes’ crew – at least, those men with whom Bendiner flew his missions, and/or are mentioned or alluded to in his book – is listed below. The men’s names are accompanied by their ranks, serial numbers, names of next of kin, wartime residential addresses, date of birth, and (alas) inevitably – this being the year 2024 – date of death. This information is derived from a deep perusal of Ancestry.com, and, FindAGrave, the latter evident via the hyperlinks. In this manner, I was able to find definitive information about all but three men: Radio Operator Frederick Reinhard, Ball Turret Gunner Walter Gray, and replacement Waist Gunner Henry J. Edwards.
An observation: Remarkably, though two members of this crew (waist gunners Herring and Stockman) became POWs, and one man (Michael Arooth) was wounded and injured, every man listed below survived combat, and, survived the war. The last surviving crew member was Charles Augustus Mauldin, who died at the age of eighty-seven in 2009.
Their Names
Pilot: Fawkes, Bohn Edgar, Jr., 2 Lt., 0-410814 Mr. and Mrs. Bohn Edgar (6/12/92-2/8/46) and Inez E. (1893-1959) Fawkes (parents) 2426 Irving St., Minneapolis, Mn. Born Minneapolis, Mn. 9/2/19 – Died 2/17/07
Co-Pilot: Mauldin, Charles Augustus, 2 Lt., 0-794438 Mr. and Mrs. Charles “Charlie” (9/16/83-1/1/30) and Ethel Charity (Dutherage or Duthridge) (8/31/91-8/22/81) Mauldin (step-parents) 2310 6th Ave., Columbus, Ga. Born in Mississippi; 5/5/22 – Died 6/1/09
Navigator: Bendiner, Elmer Stanley, 2 Lt., 0-797240 Mr. and Mrs. William (Wilhelm) [7/31/25] and Lillian (Schwartz) Bendiner (parents) 2664 Grand Concourse, Bronx, N.Y. 187 North Ocean Ave., Freeport, N.Y. Bertram, Evelyn, Lawrence, Marvin and Milton Bendiner (brothers and sisters) Born Scottsdale, Pa.; 2/11/16 – Died 9/16/01 Brooklyn Eagle 12/6/44
Bombardier: Hejny, Robert Lawrence, 2 Lt., 0-734342 Mrs. Dorothy Mae Webster (wife); Married 1/26/44 – Divorced 9/3/81 Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Anton (3/19/87-1965) and Elizabeth M. (Spinler) (1901-1994) Hejny (parents); Barbara, Daniel, and Raymond (sister and brothers) 1808 East 7th St., St. Paul, Mn. Born Pine City, Mn.; 1/5/20 – Died 8/5/85
Flight Engineer: Reedman, Lawrence Harris, T/Sgt., 18089373 Mr. and Mrs. Samuel “Sam” (4/7/89-5/21/74) and Sarah D. (Rosenthroh) (9/15/91-6/27/75) Reedman (parents) Miss Lilian Charlotte Reedman (sister) (2/8/11-6/18/98) 2515 North Stanton St., El Paso, Tx. Born St. Louis, Mo.; 2/12/17 – Died 3/29/08
Radio Operator: Reinhard, Frederick W. “Duke“, T/Sgt., 32338340 (Is this him?) From New York, N.Y. Born 1916
Gunner (Ball Turret): Gray, Walter J., T/Sgt. (33301215?) (According to a memorial at Fold3, T/Sgt. Gray, was born in Pittsburgh, Pa., in 1920.)
Gunner (Waist): Herring, George Edwin, Jr., S/Sgt., 19002595, Gunner (Waist) POW – Stalag 9C (Baz Sulza) From California Born Oklahoma City, Ok., 12/9/19 – San Bernardino, Ca., 5/11/92
Gunner (Waist): Stockman, Herbert James, Jr., 16109833 POW – Stalag 17B (Gneixendorf) Mrs. Murial L. (Stoll) Stockman (wife), 1626 Evans, Detroit, Mi. – Divorced 7/9/46 Mr. and Mrs. James W. and Estella (Hopwood) Stockman (parents) Born New Castle, Pa.; 2/29/16 – Died 1/18/00
Gunner (Tail): Arooth, Michael Louis, T/Sgt., 31128966 Mr. and Mrs. Salem and Dora Mary Arooth (parents); George, Louis, Peter, and Ruth (brothers and sister) 26 Lorenzo St., Springfield, Ma. Born Springfield, Ma.; 7/31/19 – Died 2/15/90
Post 7/30/43, Herring and Stockman were presumably replaced by:
Edwards, Henry J., S/Sgt.
Leary, John Anthony, S/Sgt., 13028387 Mrs. George F. Lehman (aunt), 2111 66th Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. Born Philadelphia, Pa.; 2/3/23 – Died 9/16/99 Separated from active service Feb. 2, 1944, at Tilton Gen. Hosp., Fort Dix, N.J.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
So, we’ll start with the mission of July 30, 1943, which was triply and dramatically significant.
First, the B-17’s wings were struck by eleven 20mm cannon shells fired by attacking Me-109s or FW-190s, none of which, though effectively embedded in the plane’s fuel tanks, failed to explode. (Otherwise Bendiner probably would not have survived to write his memoir, I wouldn’t be bringing you this set of blog posts, and you wouldn’t necessarily be visiting this blog.) The very nature of the damage incurred bythe plane, and the actual reason that the several cannon shells failed to detonate, was only revealed to Bendiner during a get-together with Bohn Fawkes in Tarrytown, New York, probably (given the year The Fall of Fortresses was published) in the late 1970s.
(I once encountered a YouTube video about this incident, but the URL has since slipped through my pixels and spreadsheets.)
Second, the B-17’s oxygen system was damaged during the fighter attack, eventuating in the plane’s radio operator, ball turret gunner, and both waist gunners experiencing anoxia, with the waist gunners parachuting from the aircraft.
Third, tail gunner Michael Arooth was wounded and also anoxic, yet remained at his position and continued to defend the bomber. This is the incident for which he received the Distinguished Service Cross, as issued in European Theater of Operations U.S. Army General Orders No. 61 of September 10, 1943. Here the text of Arooth’s award citation, as found at Hall of Valor: The Military Medals Database:
The President of the United States of America, authorized by Act of Congress July 9, 1918, takes pleasure in presenting the Distinguished Service Cross to Staff Sergeant Michael Arooth (ASN: 31128966), United States Army Air Forces, for extraordinary heroism in connection with military operations against an armed enemy while serving as Tail Gunner in a B-17 Heavy Bomber of the 527th Bombardment Squadron, 379th Bombardment Group (H), EIGHTH Air Force, while participating in a bombing mission on 30 July 1943, against enemy ground targets in Germany. On that date, Sergeant Arooth’s B-17 was attacked by a large force of enemy fighters. During the course of these determined attacks, Sergeant Arooth destroyed three enemy airplanes and, while firing his guns, was wounded by an exploding cannon shell. His left gun was jammed by enemy fire, his oxygen supply line was broken, and the interphone system was inoperative. The pilot was forced to use violent evasive action, and several members of the crew, thinking the airplane was out of control, bailed out. When this occurred, Sergeant Arooth gave up his attempts to reach his emergency oxygen system, returned to his one remaining gun, and continued to fight off enemy attacks. Without oxygen, and with his leg shattered and bleeding, Sergeant Arooth, displaying extraordinary heroism and with complete disregard for his personal safety, remained at his post and defended his airplane and crew with his one good gun. When this gun jammed he skillfully repaired the malfunction, resumed firing, and destroyed his fourth airplane. The extraordinary heroism, coolness, and skill displayed by Sergeant Arooth on this occasion reflect high credit upon himself and the armed forces of the United States.
In the hands of a skilled writer, any of these events could serve as the basis for a chapter (or two), yet Bendiner seamlessly wove them together into a single story. Or, chapter, to be precise.
As for myself, my first encounter with this chapter of Bendiner’s book sparked an interest in obtaining the Missing Air Crew Report (MACR) covering the loss of the plane’s waist gunners, whose full names are not given in Bendiner’s text, with one name is misspelled. (“Herrin”, not the correct “Herring.) I was at first puzzled a few decades ago when an inquiry to NARA revealed that there was no MACR pertaining to this event. Only later did I learn that the time frame of the incident – the summer of 1943 – was coincident with the Army Air Force’s implementation of the use of these documents, this event bureaucratically “falling through the cracks”, as it were, accounting for the absence of a MACR. However, the American Air Museum in Britain revealed that the events in this story occurred aboard Mystic, officially known as B-17F 42-5820. As you can see from the crew list above, both Herring and Stockman survived as POWs. They were apparently replaced by S/Sgts. Henry J. Edwards and John Anthony Leary.
Mystic did not finish the war. The plane was lost during a mission to Gelsenkirchenon August 12, 1943, after having been transferred to the 526th Bomb Squadron as LF * C. It was piloted by 2 Lt. Kurt W. Freund, with seven of its ten crewmen surviving. Having crashed near Leinersdorf (11 km north of Ahrweiler) its loss is covered in MACRs 1359 and 2340, and, Luftgaukommando Report KU 21.
So, here’s Elmer Bendiner’s chronicle the events of eighty-one years ago:
“This is all we can do for you now.”
The following morning we were up again in the cold predawn to find ourselves a broken family. Tondelayo was being fitted with new props. The colonel had commandeered our gunners for his lead ship – a tribute, of course. Bohn was to replace Mike in the tail position, as was the custom when the colonel took over. And since Dutch, the group navigator, would be riding with the colonel, I was fobbed off on a squadron lead.
Johnny was assigned as co-pilot with still another crew. We had been operational for almost two months and we had lost seventy-five percent of our original crews. Replacements were arriving, but as Arnold reminded Eaker, we had to salvage what we could. To some Johnny must have looked salvageable.
We do not know precisely what went on inside the cockpit of Johnny’s plane on the mission that day. Some said they saw the plane slip back and drop below the formation with one engine smoking, then blazing. Four chutes opened, they say. I was not there, because the plane on which I rode that day developed one of those mechanical symptoms that used to afflict us in Johnny’s time. Again the cockpit asked me for a heading home, and after five hours we made it back to Kimbolton for coffee and the anxious tally of our wild geese. They came in across a sweep of sky still brilliant in the late afternoon.
I look over my time sheet that has been so scrupulously kept by some company clerk, and I am incredulous. One day follows another in the list of battles. There should have been time to savor and digest our fears. If on a Wednesday one watches other men die and sees one’s own death foreshadowed, it does not seem fitting to watch a similar deadly dance on Thursday and again on Friday and again on Saturday. Such a schedule can make the most awesome event a dull routine and turn battle into a business. If some morning at my present age I saw my friend and neighbor killed or if I felt the whoosh of a bullet pass my head I should want some time to think and then to scream before I faced a similar ordeal. But in those days we were too young to scream and thoughts were easily put off by the exhilaration of death’s presence. Now I can see that death is pallid and often ugly, but I confess it did not seem so then. And so we went up morning after morning in that gentle July, and on the thirtieth of that month we came to a strange milestone on the road to Schweinfurt.
It was a return visit to Kassel. We had been in action for four days running. At 0530 we were gathered in the briefing room, its bustle and its tensions as homey as a country kitchen, so quickly does the shocking become familiar. I do not remember fatigue. I had slept soundly and waked to the usual electric glare. I had bolted the usual eggs which seemed to coat one’s teeth and tongue with fine sandpaper. I had scalded my throat with coffee and smiled at myself picking a poppy. Between a yawn and a sneeze I read our fate in chalk on the battle lineup.
I do not mean to say it was a routine like a ride in the subway betwixt sleep and waking, staring at faces and behinds that are different and yet the same day after day. It would distort the reality and stretch words out of joint to pretend that it could have been so dull. In a subway the imminence of death is conjectural, problematic. In the briefing room it was certain, fierce, palpable and stimulating.
We ten in Tondelayo circled over Yorkshire, warming ourselves in the sun at eleven thousand feet, above a gray expanse of cloud. We crossed Felixstowe heading southeast at 0730, according to the map that has grown old with me for thirty-five years.
We climbed to our bombing altitude, 24,000 feet, over the North Sea and hit the Belgian coast close to the Dutch border. Out the port-side window I could see the Scheldt winding into Holland, and out the starboard window lay Bruges. It was then that our own P-47s and the RAF Bostons waggled their wings and went home. It was 0801, I noted in my log. A scribble nearby I take to mean that there were fighters. They had swarmed up from Woensdrecht Airdrome. Actually some B-26s had preceded us in the hope of drawing them off. I do not know whether those bright-yellow-nosed spitting wonders had risen to the bait of the B-26s and then gone down to gas up in time for us. Perhaps they had wisely sent up only a few to greet our decoys and held the rest in reserve for the main show.
In any case there they were, buzzing up at us from an airfield right on course. This was ideal for the Luftwaffe, because almost all of the fighters’ flying time could be spent in combat. In the previous April the Luftwaffe had fitted auxiliary fuel tanks to its fighters, which gave them perhaps two hours of high-speed, high-altitude flying time. On the day we went to Kassel the German dispatchers displayed their ingenuity by having their fighter squadrons hedge-hop from station to station along our presumed course.
Some came from Lille and arrived in time to give us trouble east of Brussels at 0817. Others came up from an airfield near Poix, too late to catch us on the way in but in plenty of time to ambush us on the way out. Some came from Brittany and Normandy and refueled at Lille.
At 0836 we were south of the Ruhr. We had weathered three heavy fighter attacks. Most of them came in from the rear of the formation, often four abreast. We in the nose felt their presence and heard the ping of shrapnel, but it was Mike who saw most of the action on the way in. Being a tail gunner is a lonely job. “It’s a good spot for praying,” Mike had said once. “You’re on your knees all the time.” The only spot that’s worse is the ball turret, where the gunner is wrapped around his gun like an anchovy or a fetus in a womb too small.
The tail usually saw more action than the belly. “The fuckin’ Germans must think all tail gunners are stupid,” Mike used to say. They came in again and again, firing, turning bottoms up and slipping away.
From Gladbeck and Cologne swarms of FWs and MEs shot up and barreled through our formation. Near Remagen I noted the fall of two enemy fighters. I fired at those arrows in the sky, but I knew that I was merely making noise to let them know we were alive on the port side. Bob’s gun kept up a ceaseless chatter and the top turret pounded like a jackhammer inside my head. Then quite suddenly the fighters vanished and left us to our bomb run and the accompanying flak. We came up on Kassel from the south. I peered over Bob’s shoulder and saw the city. We were rocked by flak. Still the motors ground on. There could be no evasive action. We would fly unswervingly through a sky of angry black shell bursts.
The bomb-bay doors of the plane ahead of us swung open. I watched the bombs tumble out helter-skelter at first, then straightening to a purposive plunge. When ours were gone, lost in the black smoke far below, Bob called out that the doors were closed and Bohn banked Tondelayo sharply to starboard. As we headed north and then west for home the flak slackened off and the fighters came back. They had been gathering all morning. It had been one hour and eleven minutes since we had entered Europe, and the Germans had had time to assemble a massive fleet of fighters, gassed up and ready.
It must have been somewhere near Recklinghausen that disaster struck. Mike called in to say he was hit in his right hand and left leg. Then followed a jumble of static and for a while we couldn’t raise him at all. Tondelayo was being knocked about the sky. Actually Bohn was climbing, diving and making corkscrew patterns in a crazy choreography designed to unsettle the fighters, who were pressing in from all sides. I kept my mind on the zigzag line we were taking across Europe. When I tried to stand, my feet slipped from under me. I clung to my desk and the gun, waiting for the attack to subside. When at last Mike came on again his words were jumbled and he sounded as if he were calling from a painfully long distance.
We drove across Germany trying to keep up with the formation, which had a ragged look, with gaping holes where planes had been. I had seen two of the group go down. The formation was turning more to the south in a beeline out of Germany, when we became aware of an alteration in the sound of flight. When Larry in the top turret eased up and when Bob’s guns stopped momentarily, Tondelayo seemed unnaturally quiet. The roar from the waist was missing. No one sang out to claim a kill or warn of fighters coming in. Bob and I looked at each other across the tops of our masks and he opened up his mike, ripping into my headset, “Bombardier to waist gunners, bombardier to waist gunners. Come in, come in.” Silence. Tondelayo climbed and plunged. “Stockman, Herrin, come in, Goddammit. Come in. Do you read me? Duke, come in. Bombardier to radio. Duke, come in.”
Tondelayd’s motors whined. Then came Mike’s voice, vague, blurred, with an odd calm: “They’re gone. Gone.”
We were 25,000 feet above Germany and they were gone. One imagines a switchboard operator saying, “Sorry, sir. They’re gone.” At the time the word itself with its nonsensical associations filled my head and left no room for irony. They had gone four miles down to the patchwork of farms I could barely see. Fighters were swarming about us, coming in at three, four, seven and eight o’clock where our guns were silent. Now and then we thought we heard a long burst from the tail, but that was all.
Bob disentangled his headset and oxygen hose. He lurched past me. His face was neither sad nor scared. I realized that he was in a rage. He went up the stepway to the cockpit. We were still in formation. I put down my pencil, unplugged my oxygen hose and my headset. I chucked my helmet aside and clambered after him. Behind the cockpit Bohn pointed to a green oxygen bottle, into which I plugged my hose like the antenna of an insect. We ducked under the turret, which was rattling in uninterrupted air-shattering streams of fire that had the sound of panic. We passed through the bomb bay along the narrow steel catwalk, past the racks that had held the bombs, and into the radio compartment. Duke was gone. We went into the waist, where blasts of cold air bit into my face. Herrin and Stockman were gone. Their masks, still attached to the oxygen outlet, flapped against the metal wall. The door had been jettisoned. Through it we stared at windy space. As Tondelayo banked and rolled I could see the distant, detached world below. Then I saw Duke. He was sitting on the floor, one leg dangling beyond the open hatch. Bob and I pulled him in across the floor past the waist ports, where the wind howled as in an arctic blizzard, where one could see the silvery wings of our enemies curvetting and spitting sparks.
The floor of the fuselage was torn in spots, the metal peeled back. Multicolored cables were in shreds. We sat Duke up in the radio room and looked to see whether he was bleeding. He was untouched, but his eyes were dreamy and he wore a smile of absurd serenity.
There was no oxygen in the rear of the plane. Mike had seen the waist gunners as they jumped, driven by lack of oxygen to illusions of impending disaster. Mike had watched their chutes open. One of them had barely cleared the horizontal stabilizer. Mike himself did not know whether the plane was actually going down. In any case there was nothing he could do about it. His arm and leg were torn and, though he was not in pain, he was groggy. He must have felt the cold, because the wires that hooked his electric suit had been cut. With his good arm he had changed the belt of ammo in his gun and eased his nerves by firing. He recalls seeing a Messerschmitt. He waited until it was two hundred yards from us, just the point, he thought, where the German would open up and blast us out of the sky. Mike let go a stream of fire that caught the fighter. It turned yellow and red, nosed upward, then spun in.
Bob hooked Duke to an oxygen bottle and stayed to take care of Mike as best he could. I hurried down to the nose, told Bohn the situation and began to work out a heading home. We had to drop to an inhabitable altitude regardless of the dangers of straggling in enemy skies. I remember looking at my watch, the minute and second hands whirling as unconcernedly as if I were on a street corner waiting for Esther. I looked out the window and, without seeming to grasp the significance of the phenomenon, noted that the propeller on engine Number Four was rigidly stationary. It had been feathered, disconnected to keep it from tearing the engine out of the wing. Black smoke streamed behind it. I drew a course that would take us across Holland dodging the flak zones listed in my flight plans. I hoped the information was reliable. I did not know. I only pretended to know. The plane dropped closer to the land. When I identified the Willems Canal in Holland, I called the cockpit to correct our heading. Our formation was above and ahead. We were alone. Mike’s gun rattled, but I did not know whether he was firing at something or to keep himself awake. The top turret answered with a roar. But then came the blessed moment when I could tear off my tin hat and my mask and breathe real air. The plexiglass of the nose had several gaping holes. We had one man wounded. We were missing two others. But we were going home. We were going to drink something hot. We were going to sleep in a bed.
The ball-turret gunner, undoubtedly anoxic as were the others in the rear of the plane, could not easily raise his turret to extricate himself without hydraulic pressure, and that had been lost when the lines were severed. Curled up in Tondelayo’s steel ball, impotent, Leary had survived because he could not follow the waist gunners out of the plane. He was barely nineteen years old, the youngest in the crew. I do not know how he withstood that torture wrapped within himself, powerless amid bullets and explosions, oppressed by the realization that at any instant he might be spattered to a mass of ugly tissue, like a cat run over on the highway. That might happen to any man in the crew, but the rest of us had the illusion of motion, of elbow room to give us security. There was nothing that Leary could do about his fate. He was as powerless as a rivet in his ball turret. He had been reduced to a neuter.
We could have brought up the ball turret by hand and released him, but we needed his gun as we needed Mike’s. When we reached the North Sea and saw the gliding shapes of friendly P-47s we brought him up. I calculated an ETA and gave it to Bohn. His voice was as even as if we were sitting on our bunks. “Roger. Thank you, Benny.”
With flares rising like Roman candles we came to Kimbolton. We bumped to a halt on the grass where we had come before when our brakes were undependable. We were late, but we were home. Mike was not badly hurt, according to our cheerful obstetrician.
“Our waist gunners are gone,” we told the debriefing officer.
“Are what?”
“Are gone.”
“What?”
“Gone.”
This battle is distinguished by a postscript which was appended some thirty-five years after the event. Bohn and I were sitting on a porch in Tarrytown, New York, on a summer evening. We were rehashing the war as ex-warriors have done since civilization invented wars. We were not seeking to dress our memories in cinematic glories or dissolve them in an alcoholic haze as veterans do. We were seeking rather to collapse the wind out of nostalgia, to see the war plain. We were trying to mount our recollections on pins so that we could study them in various lights from various angles. We were seeking to approximate an objective account of what we had seen and done.
We were reconciling scrawls from our respective logs. For example, after a raid on Münster Bohn had written: “This will make a lot of Dutch Nazis.” He no longer remembered what that meant. And I had scribbled on that day the one word “Eindhoven.” I had forgotten why. We looked at a map and saw that Eindhoven was a Dutch town not far from the German border. At the ground speed of those antique planes we flew it would have been perhaps ten minutes from Münster.
Our memories fed each other. As we talked, the scrawls unlocked cobwebbed files in our minds until at last the two comments made sense. Münster had been cloud-covered, and our formation had turned away from the target. The bomb-bay doors of our group leader were open. So were ours. Suddenly the undercast rolled away, revealing a flat green and tawny countryside. I recognized the pattern of rivers and canals. When I saw the formation prepare to bomb I yelled into the intercom that we were over Holland. As I yelled the bombs fell, and I noted that we had hit Eindhoven. It was then that Bohn had summed up in his log the political consequences. (Incidentally, I have subsequently talked with several Dutchmen who graciously forgave us, but then, none of them was under our bombs at Eindhoven.)
In any case it was in this search of the past that we came to the Kassel raid and the disappearance of our waist gunners. Over Bohn’s face came a characteristically odd, slightly mischievous grin. “You remember,” said he, “that we were hit by twenty-millimeter shells.”
That was not a singular experience for us, I pointed out. But these had hit our gas tanks, he recalled. That did indeed stir something in the archives of my brain. Somewhere I had even made a note of shell holes in gas tanks. I reflected on the miracle of a 20-mm. shell piercing the fuel tank without touching off an explosion.
Now Bohn licked his chops so that I could see that a revelation was on the verge. It was not the case of an unexploded shell in a gas tank, he said. It was not so simple a miracle. At the time Bohn too had thought it was no more than that. On the morning following Kassel, while I slept late and missed my breakfast, Bohn had gone down to ask our crew chief for that shell, as a souvenir of unbelievable luck. Marsden told Bohn that there had been not just one shell but eleven of them in the gas tanks – eleven unexploded shells where only one would have sufficed to blast us out of the sky with no time for chutes. It was as if the sea had been parted for us. Even after thirty-five years so awesome an event leaves me shaken. But before Bohn finished the story there would be both more and less to wonder at. He spun it out.
Bohn was told that the shells had been sent to the armorers to be defused. The armorers told him that Intelligence had picked them up. They could not say why.
The professorial captain of intelligence confirmed the story. Eleven shells were in fact found in Tondelayo’s tanks. No, he could not give one to Bohn. Sorry, he could not say why.
Eventually the captain broke down. Perhaps it was difficult to refuse a man like Bohn the evidence of a highly personal miracle. Perhaps it was because this captain of intelligence had briefed so many who had not come back that he treasured the one before him as a fragile relic. Or perhaps he told Bohn the truth because it was too delicious to keep to himself. He swore Bohn to secrecy.
The armorers who opened each of those shells had found no explosive charge. They were as clean as a whistle and as harmless. Empty? Not quite, said the captain, tantalizing Bohn as Bohn tantalized me.
One was not empty. It contained a carefully rolled piece of paper. On it was a scrawl in Czech. The intelligence captain had scoured Kimbolton for a man who could read Czech. The captain dropped his voice to a whisper before he repeated the message. Bohn imitated that whisper, and it set us to marveling as if the revelation were fresh and potent, not thirty-five years old and on its way to being a legend. Translated, the note read: “This is all we can do for you now.”
Here’s the Book
Bendiner, Elmer S., The Fall of Fortresses, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, N.Y., 1980
Here’s Another Book
Freeman, Roger A., The B-17 Flying Fortress Story: Design – Production – History, Arms & Armour Press, London, England, 1998
“…the anonymity of war is as terrible and profound as that of chessmen tumbled into a box when the game is over.”
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Time moves forward, inexorably. With it, the memory of the past flows along paths that sometimes meet, sometimes diverge. On one – the course typical of men and nations – lies forgetfulness. On the other, the memory of historical events may continue, but will be softened, if not altered, if not irrevocably distorted, by the shifting winds of politics, ideology, and sometimes the exuberant tides of irrationality that unexpectedly break upon – and even emerge from within – all civilizations. And thus, whether by one man or many, the centrality, impact, and memory of historical events having the greatest and most transformative impact for any given generation, will not be so (can memory ever be so?) for later generations. Regardless of an event’s magnitude, intensity, impact, or power.
But, regardless of the fallibility of human memory and entirely independent of man himself, facts remain, irremovably cemented into the fabric of time.
Certainly and obviously central to the twentieth century, and having indirect influence upon the events of this 21st century, have been the “Great War” and the Second World War, which some historians have considered to be the opening and closing phases of a single, much larger historical interval. Inevitably, both of these awful conflicts have given rise to an incalculably vast body of literature, both fiction and non-fiction. Naturally, many of these works were produced by veterans of these conflicts, either in the years immediately following their military service, or, several decades later, when they were better able to reflect upon the past as they entered retirement, by which time they’d gained perspective on their experiences, the memories of which were no longer as jagged or emotionally impactful as in their youth.
I’ve read many books of this nature, as I’m sure you have also.
They vary in quality as much as all men vary: in perceptiveness, literary skill, recollection of facts, sentimentality, honesty, candor, and tact. In that regard, below, quite randomly listed, are the titles of books penned by (and in a few cases about) Jewish aviators who served in the Allied air forces in the Second World War, some of whom I’ve mentioned or alluded to in prior posts. I take for granted that an equal and perhaps greater number of titles covering the experiences of Jewish servicemen in the ground and naval forces could be found (I know of a few), but that’s beyond the scope of this post.
In terms of this list of titles, immediately apparent is the fact that some were privately published, some released by vanity presses, and others by mainstream, well-established publishers. (Notably, in light of the enormous technological and logistical changes in the nature of book publishing over the past few decades, the less-than-stellar reputation once accorded to vanity presses I think is truly no longer (un)merited.)
Prisoners of War…
…In Europe
A Measure of Life, privately published, 2002 By Herman Lewis Cranman, (Herschel Eliezer Kranman), 1 Lt., 0-692478, Bombardier/Navigator, 34 missions 512th Bomb Squadron, 376th Bomb Group, 15th Air Force Shot down July 14, 1944 in B-24H 41-28920, piloted by 1 Lt. James H. White, 11 crew members … 10 survivors Plane-in-Squadron identification 33 / D // Nickname “Big Marge” Missing Air Crew Report # 6958, Luftgaukommando Report ME 1791 POW at Stalag Luft 3 (Sagan) and Stalag 7A (Moosburg) Born Savannah, Georgia, March 14, 1924 – Died April 2, 2017 Mr. and Mrs. Philip (7/20/03-1/23/95) and Jeanne (Litman) (3/7/04-9/13/78) Cranman (parents) 406 East 50th St., Savannah, Ga. Name not listed in American Jews in World War II
Goldfish – Silver Boot – The Story of a World War II Prisoner of War, Fortis Publishers, 2010 By Harvey Stanley Horn, F/O, T-131675, Navigator, 5 missions 772nd Bomb Squadron, 463rd Bomb Group, 15th Air Force POW 3/20/34, Stalag 13D (Nuremberg) Born Brooklyn, N.Y., 12/15/13 Mr. and Mrs. Louis and Esther Horn (parents), 1218 41st St., Brooklyn, N.Y. Also 82-15 Britton Ave., Elmhurst, N.Y. Casualty List 4/26/45 Aircraft B-17G 44-6377, piloted by 1 Lt. John H., Lincoln, 10 crew members – all survived Aircraft nickname “Pretty Baby’s Boys” Missing Air Crew Report 13050 Name not listed in American Jews in World War II
The Eleventh Passenger, Vantage Press, 1996 By Joseph Millman, Sgt., 32222070, Ball Turret Gunner, Purple Heart, 2 missions 747th Bomb Squadron, 456th Bomb Group, 15th Air Force Shot down February 17, 1944 Severely wounded; repatriated on SS Gripsholm in February, of 1945 POW at Stalag 9C (Bad Sulza) Born in Poland, January 12, 1920 Mr. and Mrs. Jacob and Rose “Reizel” Millman (parents), 1164 47th St., Brooklyn, N.Y. Rhea, Reva, and Libby (sisters) Name appeared in Casualty Lists on 4/22/44, 6/8/44, and 2/16/45; also in P.M. Daily 2/16/45 Aircraft: B-24H 42-52286, nickname “The Little Joker” Piloted by 2 Lt. Harry W. Bessler; ten crew members – four survivors Loss covered in Missing Air Crew Reports 3078 and 6330 … and Luftgaukommando Report ME 878 Name does not appear in American Jews in World War II (Like for so many other men…)
Joe Millman and his wife Bella, during the reunion of the 456th Bomb Group in June of 1996. (My photo.)
Joe’s dog tag, in Luftgaukommando Report ME 878, via NARA.com
Herb P. Flyboy – The Journey from World War II Pilot to German POW, privately published, 2005 By Herbert Irwin Pearlman, 1 Lt., 0-824859, Bomber Pilot, Air Medal, three Oak Leaf Cluster, 26 missions 526th Bomb Squadron, 379th Bomb Group, 8th Air Force Prisoner of War February 9, 1945 Born Bronx, N.Y., February 22, 1922 Mr. Albert N. Pearlman (father), 3236 Tibbett Ave., New York, N.Y. Casualty List (Liberated POWs) June 13, 1945 Pilot of B-17G 44-6119, “LF * A”, “White Lightning” Aircraft loss covered in MACR 12337 and Luftgaukommando Report KU 3677 Name found on page 403 of American Jews in World War II Maxwell Field Class 44-C; assigned to 526th Bomb Squadron 10/28/44
His Silver Wings – I Came of Age during World War II, June R. Ehrlich, Vantage Press, 1993 (Paul Ehrlich) Paul was the pilot of B-24J 42-50675 “X7 * F” / “Bold Venture III“, of the 788th Bomb Squadron, 466th Bomb Group, which crash-landed (itself) in England on December 25, 1944. The entire crew survived, the incident being covered in MACR 11256. This incident is the subject of the following video…
My Private War – Liberated Body, Captive Mind: A World War II POW’s Journey, Norman Bussel, Pegasus Books, 2008
Sitting It Out : a World War II POW Memoir, David K. Westheimer, Rice University Press, 1992
Fighter Pilot – Aleutians to Normandy to Stalag Luft I, Mozart Kaufman, M & A Kaufman Publishers, 1993
Where There’s A Will, There’s A Way (…And Where There’s A Way, There’s a Wayburne!), Ellis Wayburne (mentioned here), privately printed in October, 1995
Story of Jerome Jacobs – 364th Fighter Squadron Pilot, at ToFlyandFight.com
From Records Group 242 in the National Archives, here’s a (actually, the) only record … other than Missing Air Crew Report 8797; there’s no Luftgaukommando Report covering the loss of Pappy’s Answer, his P-51B … attesting to Lt. Jacobs’ being a POW: It nominally documents his captivity in Oflag 64 in Altenburg, and Stalag 9A in Spangenberg. As he related to me in an interview back in the 1990s, as a result of the chaos attendant to his capture during the Battle of Arnhem, and, his rapid transport from a front-line German hospital to various POW camps, he was never, actually, interrogated.
…In Japan
They Can’t Take That Away From Me, Ralph M. Rentz, with Peter Hrisko, Michigan State University Press, 2003
Against The Wind, Cyril Rofe, Hodder & Stoughton, 1956
The Dark Side of the Sky – The Story of a Jewish Airman in Nazi Germany, Leo Cooper, 1998 (Harry Levy)
And Otherwise…
Terror in the Starboard Seat – 41 Trips Aboard a Mosquito – A True Story of 418 Squadron, Dave McIntosh, Stoddan, 1980 (Sid Seid)
The Invisible Battlefield?, Horace S. Turrell (at one time available on the ‘net but-alas-not-any-more), 1996
Combat Bombardier, Leonard Herman and Rob Morris, Xlibris, 2007
The Cold Blue Sky, Jack Novey, Howell Press, 1997
Navigating the Course – A Man’s Place in His Time, David Fanshel, Valley Meadow Press, 2010
Navigating the Course – All to the Good, David Fanshel, Valley Meadow Press, 2013
Jewboy vs The Luftwaffe, Philip M. Goldstein, privately published (Blurb), 2015
Of War and Weddings, Jerry Yellin, Sunstar Publishing Ltd., 1995
IMSHI – A Fighter Pilot’s Letters to His Mother, Messrs. W.H. Allen & Co. Ltd., April, 1943 (Captain Ernest Mitchelson Mason)
Heroes are Fools – Diary of a World War II Airman, Murray M. Crawcour, Gefen, 1989
In the Lion’s Mouth – Diary of a World War II Flyer, Robert N. Adlen, Emis Publishing Company, 1985 (Captain David Gandin)
Hiroshima & Nagasaki Revisited, Jacob Beser, Global Press, 1988
Fiction
The Prisoners of Combine D, Len Giovannitti Von Ryan’s Express, David K. Westheimer Song of the Young Sentry, David K. Westheimer Face of a Hero, Louis Falstein (start here…)
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Within this genre, one of the best such works I’ve read, published some now forty-four years ago, is Elmer S. Bendiner’s The Fall of Fortresses, which was released by G.P. Putnam’s Sons in mid-1980. (And now readily available on EBay, ABE Books, etc., and maybe even your local library!)
A B-17 Flying Fortress navigator in the 8th Air Force, Bendiner’s combat tour occurred during 1943, and ended with the completion of his (and most of his crew’s) 25th and last sortie during the 8th’s mission to Bremen, Germany, on November 29 1943. As such, his experiences as a combat aviator in the USAAF paralleled the time period during which the 8th Air Force was, in terms of attrition and losses on a proportional basis, engaged in its most intense struggle against the Luftwaffe.
Though divided into chapters (15 of them), the fifteen have no headings or titles, and likewise aren’t subdivided into larger sections. Essentially, the book is a continuously flowing block of text, only nominally broken by chapter numbers.
But, on a more subtle level, as you read Bendiner’s book it soon becomes apparent that there actually is a structure to the text. First and sensibly, it’s chronologically arranged. Second and in a very (very) general sense, the chapters alternate in emphasis, one chapter pertaining to the experiences and interactions of Bendiner and his crew during different missions or situations (sometimes on a very personal level), followed by a chapter covering theoretical and doctrinal aspects of strategic bombing in the USAAF and RAF, or to a lesser extent, military strategy and geopolitics. The book really shines in a purely literary sense in Bendiner’s appropriate and measured use of metaphor and similie, “like” (!) in the quote that opens this blog post (!) which is reflective of his pre- and post-war background as an editor and news reporter, and, postwar authorship of three prior non-fiction books in the field of history.
A member of the 527th Bomb Squadron of the 379th Bomb Group and assigned to the crew of 2 Lt. Bohn E. Fawkes, Jr., Elmer Stanley Bendiner (ASN 0-797240) was born in Scottsdale, Pa., on February 11, 1916, and thus was in his late 20s during his combat tour. He was born to Wilhelm “William” and Lillian (Schwartz) Bendiner, his parents eventually moving from Pennsylvania to 2664 Grand Concourse, which is located in the New York borough known as the Bronx. (You’ve heard of the Bronx?!) His brothers and sister were Bertram, Evelyn, Lawrence, Marvin and Milton. Thus far, oddly, I’ve only found one reference to him in a wartime newspaper: In the Brooklyn Eagle, on December 6, 1944, over a year after he completed his combat tour. (This article will be presented in a future post.) I attribute this to Bendiner having worked at the Eagle from 1939 to 1940.
Mr. Bendiner passed away on September 16, 2001. I do not know his place of burial.
Like innumerable other American Jews who served in the United States’ armed forces in the Second World War – who were military casualties, and (or) decorated for military service – Elmer Bendiner’s name is quite absent from the 1947 Dial Press two-book publication American Jews in World War Two, perhaps reflective – in his case – of the fact that the National Jewish Welfare Board, in its quest to compile biographical information about Jews in the military, never contacted his family to begin with. (Likewise, flight engineer Sgt. Lawrence Harris Reedman’s name is also absent from this compilation.) This is indirectly reflected in The Fall of Fortresses, by the complete absence of such questions as the implications of being a Jewish POW in German captivity, or, how being a Jew affected (or truly did not at all affect) a servicemen’s relationships with his comrades. From reading the lines, and more importantly reading “between the lines”, there was a genuine sense of solidarity among and between Tondelayo’s crew members, with the author maintaining friendships with at least some of these men – particularly pilot Bohn Fawkes – into the 1980s.
However, Bendiner’s quietude about being a Jew through most of the book powerfully belies the deep significance of his identity and heritage, which though subdued is not absent. Near the book’s end he adeptly and skillfully weaves this into a disillusioning and deflating realization – concerning (well, at least in late 1943; I don’t know about later) – the tenuousness of his assumption about being perceived and accepted as an American aviator (let alone an American, per se?) who has endured much and survived all, versus simply being seen as a Jew. And with this, tangentially, the true nature of the German enemy he has been fighting comes into focus. The literary effect is not maintained for long, but the effect is extremely powerful. Interestingly, none of the book’s reviewers, regardless of their true and fulsome praise and admiration of The Fall of Fortresses, seemed to have picked up on this.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Here’s the 8th Air Force uniform (shoulder) insignia (from my collection)
“This” post presents the full text of four book reviews of The Fall of Fortresses which appeared coincident with the book’s 1980 publication. Two are from The New York Times (when it was still an actual newspaper; it’s not been a newspaper for some years), one from The Washington Post (before it became the Bezos Daily Bugle), one from Time magazine (before it vanished into deserved irrelevancy), and, one from the Yonkers New York Herald Statesman. These are preceded by Mr. Bendiner’s biography, as published in Contemporary Authors in 1980.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The next two posts will present excerpts from The Fall of Fortresses pertaining to two remarkable experiences of Elmer Bendiner and his crew. These will focus on events recounted in the book: 1) The inadvertent bail-out of two gunners during a combat mission on July 30, 1943 (both survived as POWs), when their aircraft was struck by several 20mm cannon shells fired from attacking Me-109 and FW-190s, which miraculously failed to explode … thus, Tondelayo and her crew survived, and 2), The ditching in the English Channel of Tondelayo on September 6, 1943, from which, through a combination of superb piloting skill and extraordinary luck, the entire crew survived. This will be followed by another post, relating to Bendiner’s account of his dramatic but anti-climactic final mission of November 29, 1943, and – upon the realization that his combat tour was over – the impact and implications of a conversation which ensued with the 527th’s Public Relations officer.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Lt. Elmer Bendiner stands before the nose of his crew’s Flying Fortress Tondelayo (B-17F 42-29896, squadron identification marking “FO * V“), with nose art painted by Cpl. J.D. Hicks. The nose art and nickname were inspired by the femme fatale played by Hedy Lamarr in Richard Thorpe’s 1942 film White Cargo. (Photo from Silvertail Books.)
Elmer Bendiner in 1980 in a photo by Paul Viani, from the book jacket. (My own worn-out copy, but hey, it gives you an idea!)
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
And herewith, a biography, and five book reviews…
Elmer Bendiner’s biography, from the 1980 edition of Contemporary Authors. He was 64 years old at the time.
PERSONAL: Born February 11, 1916, in Pittsburgh, Pa.; son of William (a businessman) and Lillian (Schwartz) Bendiner; married Esther Shapiro (an editorial assistant), October 4, 1941; children: Winnie (Mr. Paul G. Viani), Jessica. Education: Attended City College (now City College of the City University of New York), 1932-35. Politics: “Defies neat categorizing.” Religion: “Defies neat categorizing.” Home: 11 Park Ave., Tarrytown, N.Y. 10591. Agent: Theron Raines, 475 Fifth Ave., New York, N.Y. 10016.
CAREER: Newark Ledger, Newark, N.J., reporter, 1938-39; Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, N.Y., reporter, 1939-40; Flying Age, New York City, managing editor, 1945-46; Esquire, New York City, non-fiction editor, 1946-48; National Guardian, New York City, associate editor, 1948-58; Science and Medicine Publishing Co., New York City, editor, 1958-68; World Wide Medical News Service, New York City, editor, 1969-72; Hospital Practice, New York City, contributing editor, 1972 – Military service: U.S. Army Air Forces, navigator on B-17 bomber, 1941-45; served in Europe; became first lieutenant; received Distinguished Flying Cross, Air Medal with three oak leaf clusters, and Purple Heart Medal. Member: Authors Guild, Authors League of America.
WRITINGS: The Bowery Man, Nelson, 1962; A Time for Angels: The Tragicomic History of the League of Nations, Knopf, 1975; The Virgin Diplomats, Knopf, 1976; The Fall of Fortresses, Putnam, 1980.
Work anthologized in Man Alone, edited by Eric Josephson and Mary Josephson, Dell, 1962. Also author of documentary film script, “Uptown.” Contributor to Esquire, New York Times Magazine, Nation, and Strand. Editor of Log of Navigation, 1944-45.
WORK IN PROGRESS: A history of Spain in the tenth century, “when Arabs and Jews collaborated in a cultural adventure that prefigured the Renaissance.”
SIDELIGHTS: In a New York Times review of The Fall of Fortresses, Elmer Bendiner’s history of American air battles during World War II, Christopher Lehmann-Haupt writes: “It is remarkable how [Bendiner] manages to combine in a single, nearly poetic, tone of voice, a view that combines the big picture with the personal one – how his narrative seamlessly encompasses the anecdotal and the historical, the strategic and the tactical, the thrill and the horror.” Lehmann-Haupt concludes that The Fall of Fortresses is a “shining accomplishment.”
Bendiner told CA: “I look upon my work as journalism, uninhibited by an exclusive preoccupation with the contemporary. If a story provides a clue to the grandeur and/or absurdity of our lives it seems newsworthy to me even though it occurred a thousand years ago. Hence, I see a certain consistency in exploring the lives of homeless men on the Bowery, the performance of diplomats between the world wars, the efforts of 18th century Americans to seduce the rulers of Europe, the strange splendors of Spain a thousand years ago, or the work of doctors and nurses in the Arctic, in India, Japan, or Tanzania.”
Bendiner’s work has taken him to Europe, Central and South America, East Africa, Bangladesh, Thailand, New Guinea, the Philippines, Israel, Japan, and Canada.
BIOGRAPHICAL/CRITICAL SOURCES: New York Times, May 9, 1980.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From The New York Times Book Review, May 25, 1980…
The War In the Air
THE FALL OF FORTRESSES
A Personal Account of the Most Daring – and Deadly – American Air Battles of World War II.
By Elmer Bendiner.
Illustrated. 258pp. New York:
G.P. Putnam’s Sons. $11.95.
BOMBER!
Famous Bomber Missions of World War II.
By Robert Jackson.
157pp. New York: St. Martin’s Press. $8.95.
By DREW MIDDLETON
EVEN after 35 years, World War II occupies such a prominent place in the American historic and literary imagination that we can be assured of a steady flow of new books about it. Indeed, so much has been written – good, bad and indifferent – that the reader approaches the latest books with a certain apprehension, since many of them, certainly much of the fiction, tend to be overwritten. But these two works of nonfiction, “The Fall of Fortresses” and “Bomber!” – which are complete and short – may start a fashion for briefer, sharper pictures of the war.
“The Fall of Fortresses,” in fact, is the best personal narrative by an airman that I have read since Richard Hillary’s “The Last Enemy.” Mr. Bendiner writes with clarity, compassion and a marvelous eye for the comic that so often lies just beneath the surface of war.
The Fortresses in his book are the B-17’s, the backbone of the United States Eighth Air Force in Britain. Mr. Bendiner was a navigator in a B-17, a position that enabled him to observe the rest of the crew, to watch the battle develop as the Forts pushed their way through the flak and the fighters into Germany and to reflect on the meaning, if there was any, of it all.
The centerpiece of “The Fall of Fortresses” is an account of the attack on Aug. 17, 1943, on the ball bearing works at Schweinfurt in the heart of Germany by 230 Forts of the First Bomb Wing. The German fighters and the American bombers fought one of the bloodiest air battles in history. The American losses incurred there and in an attack on the same day on Regensburg were 60 bombers, 600 men.
Yet the sight of the mass of bombers taking off roused Mr. Bendiner, who confesses nonetheless that his exultation was an “act of treason against the intellect, because I have seen dead men washed out of their turrets with a hose.”
But, he adds, if you desire an intellectual view of war, you must ask someone who has not seen it. Brilliant is the only adjective that fits his personal story of the raid, and to that story he adds the details about the battle that he has accumulated over the years. So we see not only the Forts pounding on toward the target, but the German fighter squadrons from all over western Europe assembled for the kill after the bombers turn westward to England and safety.
Mr. Bendiner survived the first Schweinfurt raid and returned on the second raid in October. Once again he provides a skillfully drawn, understated picture of the battle and the dreadful return trip lit by ‘the yellow flicker of burning B-17s.
Mr. Bendiner has also pondered the military reasons behind these and other raids, successful and unsuccessful. He tells how the American air generals won their battle for daylight bombing against the opposition of some of their own “ground generals” and the Royal Air Force. His description of what the air command did – and why – after attaining virtual Independence in combat winds through the book, giving it a substance that a narrative focused only on the fighting could not provide.
***
Heavy losses were not confined to the Americans. R.A.F. Bomber Command lost 95 bombers and 665 men over Nuremberg on the night of March 30-31, 1944. In “Bomber!” Robert Jackson describes this as the night fighters’ triumph, and so it was. “Bomber!” which deals with famous bombing missions of World War II, might have been just another rehash of familiar material. But with precise, controlled writing, Mr. Jackson has made a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the air war. Although he views the air war from a broader perspective than Mr. Bendiner, Mr. Jackson’s selection of missions – German, French, American and British – is so astute that the book never falters.
Mr. Jackson writes, for example, that the impact of the German bombing of Rotterdam in May 1940 was significant. The Luftwaffe had decided to delay or call off the attack, but the call back orders arrived too late, and the raid, Mr. Jackson says, “turned out to be a tragic blunder.” But, he continues, “this does not alter the fact that the Germans had conceived and executed it as a deliberate terror attack against a civilian target,” and it convinced the British that the time had come to launch their bombers, then pitifully few, against German industrial targets in the Ruhr.
“Bomber!” also tells of some unusual aircraft and airmen. One was the Jules Verne, a long-range bomber operated by the French Navy, which on the night of June 7, 1940, was the first Allied bomber to bomb Berlin! The Forts and the Lancasters came later, but at that date, with the French Army torn apart by the Germans, one lone aircraft carried on the fight and salvaged some honor for France.
Mr. Jackson is very good not only on the battles but on the innovations that gradually refined bombing techniques. Of course, as Elmer Bendiner reminds us, we, the Americans, were never as accurate as we believed, but accuracy did improve. The first steps toward improvement, however, were taken by the Luftwaffe, and Mr. Jackson gives a detailed account of Kampfgruppe 100, which was the first pathfinder force, and its effect on what Churchill called “the wizards’ war’’ waged by British and German science.
Mr. Jackson also clears away some legends that have grown around bombing missions. The raid by American B-25s on Tokyo, for example, led by then Lieut. Col. Jimmy Doolittle, was one of the most daring exploits of the war. At one time, however, it was fashionable to dismiss the attack as a gimmick inspired by the Roosevelt Administration to divert attention from the melancholy defeats in the Pacific.
“Bomber!” takes a different view. The bomb load was light and little material damage was done, but the raid profoundly affected the course of the Pacific war. The effect on the morale of the Japanese, who had been “flushed and made cocksure by their recent victories, was incalculable,” and shortly after the raid, Admiral Yamamotn, commander of the Combined Fleet, launched his ambitious plan to take Midway and bring the Americans to battle. He brought them to battle, all right, and the Japanese were decisively defeated. Jimmy Doolittle and his men left their mark on the war.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From Time magazine, May 12, 1980…
After the Bombs
The Fall of Fortresses. By Elmer Bendiner. 258 pages. Putnam. $11.95.
The final oddity of World War II is that its survivors are still writing their memoirs. Why should some have waited so long? Perhaps the unique quality of that war was that its participants absorbed their experience like so many time-delayed capsules: some to be released while the war was in progress; others, only now, 35 years after the event. Elmer Bendiner, who flew as a navigator on the Flying Fortresses of the Eighth Air Force, offers no explanation for his delay. If he is obliged to confess to blanks in his memory, he makes use of logs, records and previous histories to tell us what it was like to take part in the two great raids against the ball-bearing factories at Schweinfurt. “If one wants an intellectual view of war one must ask someone who has not seen it,” he writes. He means, in his elegant book, to see the war plain, without heroics; his level, quiet tone of voice has an appropriately elegiac quality.
In 1943, when young Bendiner guided his B-17 to England, the Americans had yet to demonstrate that their plan for daylight precision bombing of German military and industrial targets would prove effective. He and his fellow airmen had no idea that their commanders had decided to accept a loss of 30 of every 100 airplanes flown in such missions. The truth was brought home early enough: within the first two months of operations, Bendiner’s group had lost three-quarters of its original crews. From the perspective of late middle age, Bendiner thinks less well of death than he did then. At the time, aerial combat was for him “a frenzy in which I heaved and sweated but could not stop because, shamefully, my guts loved what my head hated.” For precisely this reason, we send the young to war. “A hard day’s work,” Bendiner writes, “exploding something into nothing… Our superiors were pleased with us because we had dropped 422 tons of bombs and, according to the reconnaissance photos, only 333.4 tons had been wasted on homes, streets, public parks, zoos, department stores and air-raid shelters. This passed for precision.”
Empty Shells: By Aug. 17, the day of the first Schweinfurt raid, Bendiner well understood what air warfare entailed. His pilot, having aborted three missions due to “faults” in the engines, had been replaced. On a raid over Kassel, his crew had lost both waist gunners: their oxygen cut off, they had succumbed to illusions of disaster and jumped from the plane. On this same excursion, eleven explosive shells pierced the fuel tank of Bendiner’s Fortress. Only decades later did he discover why his plane was not instantly destroyed: ten of the shells had been empty and the eleventh contained a paper on which was written, in Czech: “This is all we can do for you now.” The assault on Schweinfurt, however, promised to be more than routine. The crews were assured that this “first fully strategic air mission of the war” would bring about Hitler’s collapse. To distract the Luftwaffe from the 230 Fortresses moving toward Schweinfurt, a diversionary force would be sent first against Regensburg. Of course, nothing worked as planned. The great raid, which cost the Americans 60 bombers and 600 men, failed to eliminate Germany’s capacity to produce ball bearings.
“And did we win or lose?” Bendiner asks. The occasion provided no immediate answer. Nor was one forthcoming two months later when, after losing his plane in the English Channel, Bendiner returned with another armada to do the same thing again with identical results: another 60 combers, another 600 men lost. The Schweinfurt raids did not shorten the war oy a day. They did, however, provoke from Bendiner one of the war’s most haunting images: that of a homeward route marked by a “trail of torches” – the only sign of animation on a darkened Continent was the yellow flicker of burning B-17s.
In time, Bendiner concluded that his commanders knew very well the raids could not end the war; their purpose was, at whatever cost in lives and airplanes, to prove forever the efficacy of air power. If that is so, Bendiner writes, “then Schweinfurt’s ghosts must ride with those of the Light Brigade at Balaklava – brave soldiery forever charging to their deaths in. gallant absurdity.”
PETER S. PRESCOTT
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From The New York Times, May 9, 1980…
Book Reviews
By Christopher Lehmann-Haupt
THE FALL OF FORTRESSES: A Personal Account of the Most Daring – and Deadly – American Air Battles of World War II. By Elmer Bendiner. 258 pages. Illustrated. Putnam. $11.95.
ELMER BENDINER’S “The Fall of Fortresses” – a memoir of navigating B-17 Flying Fortresses over Germany during World War II – could well have been as bitter and blackly humorous as Joseph Heller’s “Catch-22.” After all, the centerpieces of the book are two 1943 bombing raids on the ball-bearing factories of Schweinfurt, which can arguably be characterized as disastrous for the American Eighth Air Force. Owing to a combination of factors – among them, weather, an insufficient number of bombers, the lack of auxiliary gas tanks, and the failure of America intelligence and the success of its German counterpart – the two raids cost approximately 130 planes out of the 520 that set out on them and 1,150 of 5,300 crewmen, or a total loss of more than 20 percent.
Yet the two raids failed to cripple Germany’s ball-bearing production, and there remains to this day some question whether bearings are even a critical industrial item in the first place. So, as Mr. Bendiner concludes, “Schweinfurt’s ghosts” may be riding “with those of the Light Brigade at Balaklava – brave soldiers forever charging to their deaths in gallant absurdity.”
But Mr. Bendiner’s mood in “The Fall of Fortresses” does not match Yossarian’s in “Catch-22.” For one thing, he believes that on balance the air war was worth its sacrifices of human life. If the Allied bombing failed to “castrate” “the German machine,” and if it failed to vindicate the heirs of Billy Mitchell in their advocacy of strategic bombing, it did serve, in the words of Albert Speer, to open “a second front before the invasion of Europe” – that is, “the skies over Germany” – which in turn both relieved the pressure on Soviet military forces and helped the eventual land invasion by the Allies to succeed.
‘Our Cause Was Just’’
As for the moral dimension of the bombing offensive, which “some commentators,” as Mr. Bendiner puts it, now speak of “as a ‘children’s crusade,’ “ Mr. Bendiner insists, “We were not children fired with a vision – our own or that of others.” Instead, “We were merely young men accepting our times.” And, “Hitler was real and his victory had to be prevented.’’
“And if after the killing,” he writes, “discerning critics point out that the strategists were not pure in heart or particularly wise, and that therefore some of our victims died needlessly, where can we find absolution? Only in this: that our cause was just. This sets us apart from our enemies.’’
Finally, Mr. Bendiner did not altogether detest the experience of flying his 25 missions as a navigator of B-17s. Indeed, there were elements he rather enjoyed. Sure, he knew full well that Death himself was the 11th member of the crews he flew with. He had seen the scarlet streak along the fuselage of a neighboring plane that was the telltale sign that a gun-turret had been blown away and the gunner decapitated. He had seen dead men washed out of their turrets with a hose. And yet there was an exhilaration to being up there in the blue, isolated from the alarums of battle in the paradoxical silence of the droning engines. “I exulted in that parade” of Flying Fortresses. “I confess this is an act of treason against the intellect.” He sums it up, “But if one wants an intellectual view of war one must ask someone who has not seen it.”
Big and Small Picture
And yet he has also given us that intellectual view of war. In fact, it is remarkable how he manages to combine in a single, nearly poetic, tone of voice, a view that combines the big picture with the personal one – how his narrative seamlessly encompasses the anecdotal and the historical, the strategic and the tactical, the thrill and the horror. It is especially remarkable to someone like me, who came of conscious age against the background of World War II and who therefore believed so absolutely in the Allied cause that there was no room at all for questions of moral conduct. The only facet of the imagination that the war appealed to was the romantic one, and for me, playing my war games, as for Mr. Bendiner at his entrance into the Air Force, “blood and death were leitmotifs in a very classy production number.” It came as a shock to be told that there were finer moral issues raised by the war than the ones of defeat and victory, and that the Allies had violated them at Dresden and Hamburg (not to speak of Hiroshima and Nagasaki).
The beauty of “The Fall of Fortresses,” then, is that without ever stinting the moral and strategic questions that came after, it confirms the romantic dimension of the war – even so far as assuring us that not only in our fantasies, but also in reality, was there a thrill to riding up there in the wild blue yonder alone and seemingly impervious to death. It makes us feel that thrill. It also makes us feel “the anonymity of war,” “as terrible and profound as that of chessmen tumbled into a box when the game is over.” And finally, the horror. “The Fall of Fortresses” is a shining accomplishment.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From The Washington Post, June 29, 1980…
Fall of the ‘Flying Coffin’ The Brief Campaign of The Bomber Tondelayo
THE FALL OF FORTRESSES.
By Elmer Bendiner.
(Putnam. 298 pp. $11.95)
By Stephen I. Petranek
Somewhere on the bottom of the English Channel, “wreathed in weeds,” the corroded, silted-in hulk of 34,000 pounds of a B-17F bomber named Tondelayo remains, a sepulcher vibrating and pulsing in the memory of the only navigator she ever knew, “Benny,” the last to leave her before she slipped beneath an angry sea on a September afternoon in 1943. JijL .
To Elmer Bendiner, tagged Benny by the crew, Tondelayo seems a not-yet-finally buried reminder of his own anger about having endured, perhaps needlessly, some of the most horrifying aerial battles of World War II, battles which the author, more than three decades later, found it necessary to reassess, question and in some ways condemn as misguided at best. There is also the guilt and wonder of having enjoyed death as an 11th crew member on his missions, the shame of knowing that bombs were acidentally dropped on allies and children and the never erasable memories of bodies and planes suddenly ripped to fragments.
Although Tondelayo did not survive the mandatory 25 missions required of her crew members before they could retire from combat, she did rather well for a sitting duck, seemingly parked in the skies over Europe at a modest 150 mph as Messerschmitts and Focke-Wulf-190s flying 400 mph spit 20 mm explosive shells through her skin time after time, mission after mission. Tondelayo finally fell prey not only to German fire but to the myth, not tested before World War II, that hundreds of strategic bombers flying in close disciplined formation were not only Flying Fortresses themselves, but a collective fortress capable of their own defense without constant fighter support,
Bendiner joined a mixed bag of nine other crew members in the belly of a bomber the Germans had called, in a slightly earlier version, a “flying coffin,” a bucket of rivets that even skilled Royal Air Force pilots had nicknamed a “flying target.”
But like other warriors at other times, this sensitive, charming, caring, even humble man named Bendiner got high on the close proximity of death in the flying coffin. “With death visible and audible, creating a taste in my mouth and a flatus in my belly, I was undeniably alive in battle… This was not the war of boredom and vermin we had read about in the tales of our fathers’ agony. This was a frenzy in which I heaved and sweated but could not stop because, shamefully, my guts loved what my head hated… I exulted in that parade of Fortresses forming for battle. I confess this as an act of treason against the intellect, because I have seen dead men washed out of their turrets with a hose. But if one wants an intellectual view of war one must ask someone who has not seen it.”
To some extent Bendiner would insist that survival in a bomber with an accepted casualty rate of 30 percent on some missions was luck. But except for Tondelayo’s first pilot, who, until he was removed from his position, tended to panic in bad circumstances, the crew seemed to be a balanced blend of the guts, outward casualness and determination necessary to survive.
Bendiner does not remember every crew member of Tondelayo, although the detail of his recollections of what mattered and his research into American and German records of his missions was as thorough as conceivably necessary. There was a bombardier who had washed out of pilot school and whose response to war was often repressed rage; a radio operator with “style” who was “the soul of urbanity”; a quietly expert copilot whose closeness to the Fortress was almost symbiotic, and a “street-wise Ulysses” tail-gunner.
There was, too, the luck that Bendiner thanked heaven for: 11 explosive 20 mm shells that didn’t explode were dug out of Tondelayo’s wing gas tank by intelligence experts who found inside one shell a note, written in Czech, that translated as, “This is all we can do for you now.”
There was also the luck of being in the right place at the right time. It was all too frequent that the plane next to Tondelayo was dismembered, sent spinning in wildly gyrating pieces to the earth, her last moments dutifully recorded in Bendiner’s log. “In the morning I had been over Germany watching Tondelayo’s sister plane through my port window. Along the fuselage to the tail ran a scarlet streak. It had taken me a moment to understand that there was no top turret and that the fuselage was painted with the blood of a gunner who manned it before it was blown away.”
The touchstone of the account of Tondelayo and her navigator is the two massive daylight assaults of Flying Fortresses launched on Schweinfurt, Germany, in August and October of 1943, assaults which war planners and politically motivated generals, concerned about demands that all bombers be sent against the Japanese, had determined would neatly end the war within a year by wiping out the Reich’s major ball-bearing plants. Without ball bearings, they too simply determined, German props could not spin and tank treads roll. Bendiner indicates, based on military reports, that the idea may first have been suggested by the Swedish minister’s son-in-law at a Washington cocktail party on Dec. 20, 1942. Albert Speer, interestingly enough, said years later that the damage the Reich suffered at Schweinfurt was in part offset by ball bearings produced in Sweden.
Either assault might have seriously undermined the German effort, had they been followed up within weeks by other bombing raids. But the horrifying losses of the American forces in the raids so devastated the fleet that follow-ups were impossible. At one point Bendiner notes that he never returned from any mission without at least, at the very least, some flak holes in the aircraft. He unintentionally seems to suggest that navigators might have been superfluous on the flights home from the targets. Returning bombers could simply follow the fires of shot-down fortresses: “All across Germany, Holland and Belgium the terrible landscape of burning planes unrolled beneath us. It seemed that we were littering Europe with our dead…”
In the first raid the losses were: “60 aircraft, 552 men missing, 21 brought back wounded, 8 brought back dead, 17 returned planes inoperable, many others heavily damaged.”
In the second assault on Schweinfurt in October, only three or four of the 18 planes in Bendiner’s bomber group returned to base the night of the raid. “Of 291 crews that crossed the Channel, 29 were lost before they reached the target, another 31 fell on the way home – 60 in all, 600 men missing out of a force of less than 3,000.”
The people who were running this European precision-bombing show were in many cases disciples of the court-martialed martyr Billy Mitchell who had insisted that such strategic, rather than troop-support, bombing would decide wars in the future. Bendiner tries desperately to find credence for strategic bombing, such as the Schweinfurt raids, and notes in a strange rationale that the missions, even if not directly successful as bombing raids, tied up so many Germans they created a second front – in the air – which kept the Germans from overrunning the Russians. But he is a lot less than certain:
“We were sent on a hazardous mission to destroy in a single day an objective that was Vulnerable only to repeated assaults for which we had not the strength. Those objectives could not wait for the arrival of more bombers, of the promised Mustangs, of belly tanks [which would have allowed fighters to escort bombers into Germany itself, because we had to dramatize the importance of air power in the European Theater for the benefit of the public and the Navy.
“If that is a fair reading of our commander’s thought processes, then Schweinfurt’s ghosts must ride with those of the Light Brigade at Balaklava – brave soldiers forever charging to their deaths in gallant absurdity.”
The reviewer is deputy editor of The Washington Post Magazine.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Fromthe Yonkers New York Herald-Statesman, October 26, 1980…
Book reflects war memories
By PHYLLIS RIFFEL
Total strangers have called long distance to talk with author Elmer Bendiner of Tarrytown about his memoir of World War II. And it’s not because they also flew on the Flying Fortresses of the Eighth Air Force – some are infantrymen, others have never been in the service and some were born after the war.
“I guess it’s gone home to a lot of people,” said the 64-year-old former navigator. “War is a powerful seducer.” He contends that everyone fights his own war, in his own way, but there is a common denominator in the devasting experience of any war. “The book stirs up a lot of memories.”
“The Fall of Fortresses,” published by Putnam in May, is a personal recollection of the events leading up to two raids on ball-bearing factories in Scbweinfurt, Germany, in 1943. Some 130 airplanes of the 520 that were sent on the fateful missions were lost and 1,150 of the 5,300 crewmen killed in the attempt to demonstrate the validity of daylight precision bombing as a means of bringing the war to a quick end.
Bendiner has blended bis own feelings about the war – then and now – with the actual details of the two raids on Schweinfurt and others of the 25 missions he flew in a vivid first-person account. He talks of how he came to be a navigator, his interaction with members of the crew, his impressions of wartime England, in a manner that makes the reader feel as though the action in the 258-page book took place only yesterday.
A natural question is why did he wait 35 years to write this sensitive, thoughtful chronicle of a young man thrust into war? And wasn’t it-difficult to recall all the factors and emotions that marked his life in those days, even for one with a skilled memory?
After Bendiner completed his missions – for which he received the Purple Heart, the Distinguished Flying Cross and the Air Medal with three oak-leaf clusters – the native of Pennsylvania was assigned to be a navigation instructor in Ireland. He had a leave in the United States before his next assignment.
It was on the long sea voyage home to see his wife, Esther, and his new-born first child, that Bendiner wrote a novel based on his experiences. “‘I was never satisfied with it,” he said, and the manuscript was put on the shelf.’’ He kept his navigator’s log, which contained many personal asides as well as the official records of action and flight on ‘Tondelayo,” the B-17 he flew over Germany in.
Together with the expressive letters he wrote to his wife during that era, which she retained, these documents formed the nucleus of material for the book.
The catalyst lor writing the volume actually was an idea for another book which be proposed to an agent. “I wanted to write an historical book about the year 1800 – it’s a fascinating year in American history,” he said. The contact liked the idea but asked Bendiner If he could come up with something a little closer to modem tinges. He said, “I knew then that at last I was going to do this,” (the “Fail of Fortresses”).
It took a couple of years to put everything down on paper as Bendiner, a free-lance writer for the last 10 years worked on the memoir in conjunction with other projects. He visited with bis co-pilot four or five times and rehashed past events, and Interviewed retired Gen Mo Preston, commanding officer of his squadron, to check out bis impressions of what transpired at the base at Kimbolton, England. Preston was a colonel in 1943 and Bendiner knew him by rank alone, and the CO only knew biro by his number back then.
Candid about the thrill inherent in warfare and the anonymity of battle, in his book Bendiner ponders the motivation of the military commanders in World War II and the loss of life – both military and civilian – in the struggle for victory.
In the 1970s Bendiner was based in Switzerland to establish and edit an international news service for a string of medical newspapers. While living abroad for four years, he also wrote a history of the League of Nations, titled “A Time for Angels.” He and his wife traveled from Africa to the Arctic and from Bangladesh to Budapest with numerous stops between. When in Germany, he acknowledges he had an “uncomfortable feeling when I would see Germans my age. I wondered what they were doing during the war”
Chosen as a Book-of-the-Month alternate, by two aviation book clubs and being published in England shortly, the “The Fall of Fortresses” Is not just an exercise in which one man puts together bis thoughts on the ramifications of war on bis own life. Rather it describes an era in history in broad terms meshed with personal reflections.
Upon their return to the United States, the Bendiners settled in Woodstock, N.Y., where he wrote a book on the diplomacy of the American Revolution – “The Virgin Diplomats” – prior to his current book. The couple moved to Tarrytown three years ago and find it convenient to New York City and enjoy the historical nature of the area.
A slight, wiry man with piercing blue eyes, Bendiner said he is writing a story of how Arabs and Jews together enlightened the otherwise sombre middle ages from their comer in Spain and Portugal.” In his study, which has a sweeping view of the Palisades, he also continues work on the biographical history of medicine. Mrs. Bendiner works with her husband in the typing and editing chores.
Raised in a small Appalachian town in a family whose members either had an ambition to write or assumed that they probably would in any case,” Bendiner describes his achievements in college as mediocre. He left in his senior year to work as a reporter on newspapers, in and around New York, until 1940 when he was employed by an agency seeking to rescue Jewish refugees from Germany. In 1941, shortly after his marriage, Pearl Harbor was attacked and he enlisted, confident that he would be drafted in due time anyway.
In the period since his days In the Air Force, Bendiner has been a magazine managing editor, a political writer for the National Guardian, and a book reviewer and author. It is fortunate for the reading public that his account of air battles in World War II managed to surface in the midst of all his other endeavors.
PHYLLIS RIFFEL is Lifestyles Editor of The Daily News, Tarrytown.
Oh, yes… References, references, references!
Here’s the Book
Bendiner, Elmer S., The Fall of Fortresses, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, N.Y., 1980
Here’s another book!
Contemporary Authors, Volumes 89-92, Gales Research Company, Detroit, Mi., 1980
And otherwise?
Gabrielle Bendiner-Viani (daughter of photographer Paul Viani), at…
Here are a three aphorisms for our age, and all ages:
You may not be interested in folly, but folly may be interested in you. You may not be interested in mendacity, but mendacity may be interested in you. You may not be interested in duplicity, but duplicity may be interested in you.
These thoughts came to mind upon my rediscovery of the 2003 free verse poem “The Worst Thing”, by author Eric L. Rozenman, in light of opinion prevailing among the interchangeable bien-pensant of the “West” – the overlapping elites in the spheres of academia, diplomacy, foreign policy, the “news media”, and “popular” culture – concerning Israel and the Jewish people, subsequent to the events of October 7, 2023.
Mr. Rozenman’s verse appeared in the February/March 2003 issue of Midstream, having originally been published in a Yiddish translation by Herman Taube in the 2000 issue of Der Onheib, and is as pertinent now as when first penned twenty-four years ago.
Here it is, for your consideration.
THE WORST THING ERIC L. ROZENMAN
War is not the worst thing. War is every horror — Mind-numbing desolation. Mangled limbs, burning flesh. And a million blasted dreams.
But war is not the worst thing.
The worst thing is When they come in jack boots and steel helmets. With bayonets and barbed wire. To enslave you … When they come in kaffiyehs, carrying Kalashnikovs and axes To cleanse the earth of such as you And your children … When they come with banners flying. With terror and tanks, Even wearing diplomats’ pinstripes And clerical robes
The words of self-justification, Of racial purity or sacred righteousness And legal moral historical Hypocrisies authorizing them to murder you And smash your children’s heads against the wall…
But because you convinced yourself that war is the worst thing You won’t be able to fight back. That will be the worst thing.
“Great fatherland, I intended to die and rest for you!” But a whirlwind stirred the dead; they stood at the table one after the other, captains and medical officers first and lieutenants and doctors, sergeants and watch-masters, non-commissioned officers, privates, common soldiers. And the scribe put a dry quill in each hand; it flowed like a scratched finger; each one wrote his Hebrew name in small red letters that shone like square seals.
✡ ✡
But a bright cross shone over the forehead of some who were baptized; the writer asked everyone: Jew? And he nodded, he said, “You know”; he said, “Mosaic denomination”; “Israelite” he said, “German of Jewish faith” – “Jew, yes” some said and stretched, and the crosses faded from everyone.
✡ ✡
“Oh Akiba,” I cried, “when will the Messiah come?” His gaze examined my soul. “At the gates of Rome a hunchbacked beggar, the Messiah, sits and waits,” said he; it frightens me like a threat. “What is he waiting for, Master?” I cried out in fear. “For you” said the old man and turned. And I awoke to a sudden, glaring, heart-breaking shock.
✡ ✡ ✡
The lives of men, as much as peoples and nations, are affected by the winds of history in different ways. Some men, entirely unaffected by the even most threatening physical and spiritual challenges, “after the fact” remain much the same as before. Other men, to a greater or lesser degree, may “pause” for a time … weeks, months, years … and eventually, though the trajectory of their lives may be temporarily altered, return to the path previously charted for them by decision and happenstance. Other men are different. An event that for most may have been seen as trivial, or at worst an unintended and soon forgotten diversion, may be perceived in the fullness of its meaning, message, and implications, and symbolically become part of one’s identity, outlook upon life, and vision of the future.
Such seems to have been true of the German writer Arnold Zweig as a soldier in the Deutsches Heer – the Imperial German Army – in the First World War, the course of whose life was strongly influenced by the German Army’s Judenzählung – Census of the Jews – of late 1916.
There are many, many sources of information about the Judenzählung, encompassing books and academic papers, focusing on the event in terms of the specific history of Jews in the German military, to the larger scope of German Jewish history, and in an even wider perspective (like that of David Vital), the post-Emancipation history of European Jews as a whole. However, for the sake of brevity, I’ll simply quote the Wikipedia entry for the the Judenzählung. (Yeah, I know it’s Wikipedia, but the information is definitely useful, while the 12 references and 8 extra readings do provide paths for further understanding of the event.)
So…
[The] Judenzählung … was a measure instituted by the German Oberste Heeresleitung (OHL) in October 1916, during the upheaval of World War I. Designed to confirm accusations of the lack of patriotism among German Jews, the census disproved the charges, but its results were not made public. However, its figures were published in an antisemitic brochure. Jewish authorities, who themselves had compiled statistics that considerably exceeded the figures in the brochure, were denied access to government archives, and informed by the Republican Minister of Defense that the brochure’s contents were correct. In the atmosphere of growing antisemitism, many German Jews saw “the Great War” as an opportunity to prove their commitment to the German homeland.
Background
The census was seen as a way to prove that Jews were betraying the Fatherland by shirking military service. According to Amos Elon, “In October 1916, when almost three thousand Jews had already died on the battlefield and more than seven thousand had been decorated, War Minister Wild von Hohenborn saw fit to sanction the growing prejudices. He ordered a “Jew census” in the army to determine the actual number of Jews on the front lines as opposed to those serving in the rear. Ignoring protests in the Reichstag and the press, he proceeded with his head count. The results were not made public, ostensibly to “spare Jewish feelings.” The truth was that the census disproved the accusations: 80 percent served on the front lines.”
Results and Reactions
The results of the census were never officially released by the army and any records of the census were most likely lost when the German military archives were destroyed during the allied bombing campaigns of Berlin and Potsdam. The episode marked a shocking moment for the Jewish community, which had passionately backed the War effort and displayed great patriotism; many Jews saw it as an opportunity to prove their commitment to the German homeland.
…
That their fellow countrymen could turn on them was a source of major dismay for most German Jews, and the moment marked a point of rapid decline in what some historians (Fritz Stern) called “Jewish-German symbiosis.”
Question: From a historical perspective, was the so-called “German-Jewish symbiosis” real or an illusion?
Answer: People talk today about a Jewish-German symbiosis that existed before Hitler. There was a love affair between Jews and Germans, but it was one-sided: Jews loved Germany and Germans; Germans didn’t love Jews, even if they didn’t hate them. One-sided love affairs usually don’t work very well. In this case, the so-called symbiosis between Jews and Germans is a postfactum invention. It never existed. Jews participated in German life, in German cultural life, but to say that they were accepted, even if the product they produced was accepted…. They were not accepted, even if they converted.”)
You can read much more about the above topic in Alexander Gelley’s essay “On the “Myth of the German-Jewish Dialogue”: Scholem and Benjamin”, particularly noting his reference to Gershon Scholem’s essay, “Against the Myth of the German-Jewish Dialogue,” from On Jews and Judaism in Crisis.
Back to the Judenzählung… Reproduced as the Appendix (pp. 167-168) of Werner Angress’ 1978 Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook article “‘Judenzählung’ of 1916 Genesis – Consequences – Significance”, here’s an image of the questionnaire used for the survey: ‘Nachweisung uber noch nicht zur Einstellung gelangte, auf Reklamation zuriickgestellte und als kr.u. [kriegsuntauglich] befundene Juden’. [‘Proof of items that have not yet been discontinued, are deferred following a complaint and are considered Jews found [unfit for war]’. The document is from the Bundesarchiv Koblenz, Reichskanzlei, Film 2197, No. 161 (Sections A and B); and ibid., No. 161 a (Section C).
✡ ✡
Angress discusses the origin, implications, and impact of the Judenzählung are discussed in great detail, concluding that the contemporary and retrospective significance of the Judenzählung – was it portentous or not? – must understood in the context and contingencies of history:
“We may ask, in conclusion, whether the Judenzdhlung was a watershed, a milestone on the road to Auschwitz as has been occasionally maintained. For those who reject the inevitability of human events – and most historians do – the answer must be in the negative. Antisemitism had been a part of the German scene before the First World War and remained a potent force during the brief life of the Weimar Republic, though here, too, its intensity fluctuated. Granted that during the First World War antisemitism had gained new strength, and that the War Ministry’s Erlass [order] of 11th October 1916 was a direct outgrowth of this trend. But taken by itself, the Judenzdhlung — a tactless blunder committed by a handful of high-ranking and most probably antisemitic army officers – was a symptom, a warning sign that antisemitism in Germany was alive and well, especially in times of stress and national reverses. More than this it did not signify. If the course of German history during the post-war period had taken a different direction from that which it ultimately did take – and this possibility existed at least until 30th January 1933, if not beyond that date – the Judenzdhlung would have remained a mere episode, a humiliation like others before, remembered with distaste, but ultimately shrugged off as just another manifestation of Risches [modernism; radicalism] on the part of Wilhelminian Germany’s military elite.”
Though a subject of straightforward academic interest several decades later (but no longer in the early 21st Century, it seems!) the Judenzählung most definitely impacted German Jewish soldiers on an individual level. Though I don’t know if – and I doubt that – any large-scale research as ever been done into any still-extant letters and diaries of German Jewish veterans of the Great War pertaining to their reactions to the census, the event did have an impact – an extremely significant, life changing impact – upon a writer whose future oeuvre focused upon themes of the First World War, the European Jewish experience in the early twentieth century, and to a lesser extent (*ugh*) socialism (oh well, two out o’ three ain’t bad!): Arnold Zweig.
As variously recounted by Noah William Eisenberg, Martin Grabolle, and Bernd-Rüdiger Hüppauf, Zweig, then a private in the German Army, a, “loyal Vaterlandsverteidiger (defender of the Fatherland),” so patriotic as to have been married in uniform in 1916, was very deeply affected by the implications of the Judenzählung. As he described in a letter of February 15, 1917 to Martin Buber written from the Maas Front (quoted by Martin Grabolle), “Judenzählung war eine Reflexbewegung unerhörter Trauer über Deutschlands Schande und unsere Qual; kein Essay sondern ein Bild… Wenn es keinen Antisemitismus im Heere gabe: die unerträgliche „Dienstpflicht“ wäre fast leicht. Aber: verächtlichen und elenden Kreaturen untergeben zu sein! Ich bezeichne mich vor mir selbst als Zivilgefangen und staatenlosen Ausländer.“ [“’The Census of the Jews’ was a reflex movement of unheard-of grief over Germany’s shame and our torment; not an essay but a picture… If there were no anti-Semitism in the army: the unbearable “duty” would be almost easy. But: to be subordinate to contemptible and miserable creatures! I refer to myself a civil prisoner and a stateless alien.”]
The then twenty-nine year old private’s response was to pen an extraordinarily vivid short fictional piece that was macabre, haunting, grotesque, and yet (with intended irony?) – by the tale’s end – deeply inspirational, entitled “Judenzählung vor Verdun” [The Jewish Census at Verdun].
Inwardly, Zweig was transformed by the census. According to Martin Grabollle, “Where not too long ago Zweig had celebrated the new-found unity of the German people, he now felt himself to be a foreigner without a state (“staatenlose[r] Ausländer). All that remained two years after his embrace of Germany at war was a feeling of “unerhörte Trauer über Deutschlands Schande und unsere Qual” (“enormous grief for Germany’s disgrace and our [the Jews’] pain”).”
Outwardly, Zweig was also transformed. Quoting Eisenberg, “…in June, 1917, he was transferred to the Eastern region of Ober-Ost (in Lithuanian Kovno) to serve in the special wartime press division. There, as he traveled to the various shtetls in Lithuania, Zweig witnessed for the first time the problems that the Eastern Jews faced during the war – animosity and ill-treatment from both sides of the battle – and, more importantly, the unique community they maintained in the face of such contradictions.” One result of his spiritual and intellectual metamorphosis appeared six years later, in the volume Das ostjüdische Antlitz [The Eastern Jewish Face], produced in collaboration with artist Hermann Struck.
The first commentary about the Judenzählung (that I know of!) was a leading page editorial by “M.M.” in the October 27, 1916 issue of Judische Rundschau. M.M. correctly surmises that, “The tendency of those who introduced the resolution is clear. An anti-Semitic suspicion should be given special weight by a parliamentary resolution.” The author then discusses the influence on the position of Jewish citizens in the Allied countries resulting from the Allies’ alliance with Imperial Russia, but notes that such a factor was irrelevant in Germany, since anti-Jewish feeling in that country was in some ways already parallel to – but obviously independent of – Russian influence. The editorial explains that even as early as 1916, despite the valor, sacrifice, and patriotism of German Jewish soldiers, there was, and would be, no commensurate “improvement in the political position of German Jews after the war”. He then correctly explains that antisemitism is entirely unrelated to the actions and beliefs of Jews, instead being primarily “rooted in the consciousness of the surrounding people”. M.M. concludes with the imperative of collectively establishing Jewish life on a common territory, albeit naively concluding (the naivete can be forgiven given the what we know in 2023, let alone what was known in 1948, let alone the 1930s) that a Jewish nation-state would actually reduce antisemitism.
Here’s an English-language translation of “M.M.’s” editorial about the Judenzählung, from the October 27, 1916, issue of Judische Rundschau, via Goethe University.
The Jewish Census [Alternatively, “Count of the Jews”]
On October 19, 1916, the Budget Commission of the German Reichstag resolved to compile statistics on the denomination of the people employed in the wartime societies. The decision is justified by the fact that the survey is intended to refute “a widespread opinion” that there were a particularly large number of “Jewish slackers” in the war societies. The Reichstag plenum has not yet approved the implementation of the resolution, but the symptomatic fact is sufficient that the representatives of all factions belonging to the commission, with the exception of the Liberals and Social Democrats, i.e. also the National Liberals and clericals, voted in favor of the resolution. The tendency of those who introduced the resolution is clear. An anti-Semitic suspicion should be given special weight by a parliamentary resolution. The result of the inquiry will not be according to the applicants’ secret wishes. Because even if, which is by no means certain, a larger number of Jews were to be employed in the German wartime societies, that would still not be proof of “Jewish shirking”. The proportion of Jews in German economic life is proportionately greater than that of the rest of the population, and it has rightly been pointed out that the number of indispensable Jews in other occupations closed to Jews is all the smaller.
There has been much talk lately of the pernicious influence which the alliance of the western powers with Russia had on the position of the Jews of those countries. Conservative and clerical German newspapers also stated that the French and British governments gave in to pressure from St. Petersburg and gave the anti-Semites of both countries a freer hand, not without condemning references to the bad effects of the Russian reaction. The anti-Semites of Germany do not seem to have needed this Russian pressure in order to shame the German Jews by a measure that would do even Russian Jew-baiting credit. The statistics passed by the budget commission of the German Reichstag are in line with some Russian army orders, about which the entire German press, including the conservative and clerical ones, broke the baton. About the Russian secret order that the Russian soldiers should observe the attitude of their Jewish comrades-in-arms very closely and provide information about it for statistical purposes, there was only one voice in the German press of indignation. As much as German Jews should consider it beneath their table dignity to justify themselves against the anti-Semitic insinuation that there is a specifically “Jewish shirking,” they have a duty to protest against this “census.” It is a monstrous violation of the honor and civil equality of German Jewry.
The decision of the German Reich Budget Committee has another meaning. It confirms the fear that German anti-Semitism did not decrease during the war and that hopes for an improvement in the political position of German Jews after the war are premature. Since the outbreak of the war, certain Jewish circles in Germany had been full of high hopes for the post-war period, reveling in envisioning the brilliant civic position which the Jews would enjoy after the war in recognition of their patriotic and military prowess, and could not do enough in apologetic references to the patriotic attitude of German Jewry. They will have to see that anti-Semitism is not, as they think, a reaction to “bad Jewish habits” but a power deeply rooted in the consciousness of the surrounding people, which is even sometimes – and not only in Russia – used to distract attention the masses of burning but uncomfortable domestic issues. This deep-rooted anti-Semitic mood is neither erased by apologies and references to merits, nor even diminished by the striving for conformity. There is only one way to effectively combat hatred of Jews. It is the way of redeeming the Jews from their isolation by concentrating on a common territory. And even if this goal can only be reached through the work of generations, striving for it improves our situation among the peoples. Objectively, in that the virtues of pride and self-dignity, developed through the uncompromising emphasis on Jewish characteristics, wrested more respect for the Jews from the surrounding peoples than the unstable method of assimilation, subjectively, insofar as the defense against anti-Semitism, albeit with all the honorable means of the carried out with passion and acumen, will only make up a modest part of our Jewish life. Only when the work for the restoration of the Jewish people in our own land has become our main Jewish focus will we be able to fight anti-Semitism effectively and at the same time reduce it to the natural degree that its importance in Jewish life is: an annoying defense against intolerance and slander coming from the outside. – M.M.
✡ ✡
Here’s the editorial, in the original German…
Judenzählung
Die Budget-Kommission des Deutschen Reichstags hat am 19. Oktober 1916 den Beschluss gefasst, eine Statistik über die Konfession der in den Kriegsgesellschaften beschäftigten Personen vorzunehmen. Der Beschluss wird damit begründet, dass durch die Erhebung “eine weit im Volke verbreitete Meinung” widerlegt werden soll, wonach in den Kreigsgesellschaften besonders viel “jüdische Drückeberger“ sässen. Noch hat das Reichstagsplenum die Durchführung des Beschlusses nicht genehmigt, aber es genügt die symptomatische Tatsache, dass die Vertreter aller Fraktionen, die der Kommission angehören, mit Ausnahme der Freisinnigen und Sozialdemokraten, also auch die Nationalliberalen und Klerikalen, für die Resolution stimmten. Die Tendenz derer, die den Beschluss einbrachten, liegt klar zutage. Einer antisemitischen Verdächtigung soll durch Parlamentsbeschluss besonders Gewicht gegeben werden. Das Ergebnis der Enquete wird nicht nach den geheimen Wünschen der Antragsteller ausfallen. Denn wenn auch, was durchaus nicht feststeht, in den deutschen Kriegsgesellschaften eine grössere Anzahl Juden angestellt sein sollte, so wäre das noch kein Beweis für die “jüdische Drückebergerei”. Der Anteil der Juden am deutschen Wirtschaftsleben ist verhältnismässig grösser als der der übrigen Bevölkerung und mit Recht hat man darauf hingewiesen, dass die Zahl der jüdischen Unabkömmlichen in anderen, Juden verschlossenen Berufszweigen um so geringer ist.
Man hat in letzter Zeit viel von dem schädlichen Einfluss gesprochen, den das Bündnis der Westmächte mit Russland auf die Lage der Juden dieser Länder hatte. Die französische und englische Regierung hat, so konstatierten auch konservative und klerikale deutsche Blätter nicht ohne verurteilenden Hinweis auf die schlimmen Wirkungen der russischen Reaktion, dem Drucke Petersburgs nachgegeben und den Antisemiten beider Länder freiere Hand gegeben. Dieses russischen Druckes scheinen die Antisemiten Deutschlands nicht bedurft zu haben, um die deutschen Juden durch eine Massnahme an den Schandpfahl zu stellen, die selbst russischen Judenhetzern alle Ehre machen würde. Die von der Budget-Kommission des deutschen Reichstags beschlossene Statistik steht mit manchen russischen Ameebefehlen in einer Reihe, über die die gesamte deutsche Presse auch die konservative und klerikale, seinerzeit den Stab brach. Ueber den russischen Geheimbefehl, die russischen Soldaten sollten die Haltung ihrer jüdischen Mitkämpfer genauestens beobachten und darüber zu statistischen Zwecken Auskunft geben, herrschte im deutschen Blätterwald nur eine Stimme der Entrüstung. So sehr es die deutschen Juden unter ihrer tische Wurde halten sollten, sich gegen die antisemitische Insinuation, es gäbe eine spezifisch “jüdische Drückebergerei,” zu rechtfertigen, so sehr haben sir die Pflicht, gegen diese “Zählung” zu protestieren. Sie ist eine ungeheuerliche Verletzung der Ehre und der bürgerlichen Gleichstellung des deutschen Judentums.
Der Beschluss des deutschen Reichshaushaltausschusses hat noch eine andere Bedeutung. Er bestätigt die Befürchtung, dass der deutsche Antisemitismus während des Krieges nicht abgenommen habe und dass die Hoffnungen auf eine Besserung der politischen Stellung der deutschen Juden nach dem Kriege verfrüht seien. Gewisse jüdische Kreise Deutschlands waren seit Ausbruch des Krieges voll hochgespannter Hoffnungen für die Zeit nach dem Weltkrieg, schwelgten im Ausmalen der glänzenden staatsbürgerlichen Stellung, deren sich die Juden in Anerkennung ihrer patriotischen und militärischen Bewährung nach dem Kriege zu erfreuen haben werden, und konnten sich nicht genug tun in apologetischen Hinweisen auf die vaterländische Haltung des deutschen Judentums. Sie werden einsehen müssen, dass der Antisemitismus nicht, wie sie meinen, eine Reaktion auf “schlechte jüdische Gewohnheiten” ist, sondern eine im Bewusstsein des umgebenden Volkes tiefwurzelnde Macht, deren man sich sogar manchmal – und nicht bloss in Russland – zur Ablenkung des Interesses der Massen von brennenden, aber unbequemen innerpolitischen Fragen bedient. Diese tiefwurzelnde antisemitische Grundstimmung wird weder durch Apologie und Hinweis auf Verdienste aus der Welt geschafft, noch durch das Streben nach Anpassung auch nur vermindert. Es gibt nur einen Weg zur wirksamen Bekämpfung des Judenhasses. Es ist der Weg der Erlösung der Juden aus ihrer Vereinzelung durch Konzentrierung auf einem gemeinsamen Territorium. Und wenn dieses Ziel auch erst durch die Arbeit von Generationen erreich bar sein wird: schon das Streben nach ihm bessert unsere Lage unter den Völkern. Objektiv, indem die durch die kompromisslose Betonung der jüdischen Eigenart entwickelten Tugenden des Stolzes und der Selbstwürde den umgebenden Völkern mehr Achtung gegen den Juden abringen als die haltlose Anpassungs-methode, subjektiv, insofern die Abwehr gegen die Judenfeindschaft, wenn auch mit allen ehrenhaften Mitteln der Leidenschaft und des Scharfsinns durchgeführt, nur noch einen bescheidenen Teil unseres jüdischen Lebensinhaltes ausmachen wird. Erst wenn die Arbeit für die Wiederherstellung des jüdischen Volkes im eigenen Lande zu unserem jüdischen Hauptinhalt geworden ist, werden wir den Antisemitismus wirksam bekämpfen und seine Bekämpfung zugleich auf das natürliche Mass zurückführen können, das seiner Bedeutung für das jüdische Leben zukommt: einer lästigen Abwehr gegen Intoleranz und Verleumdung, die von aussen kommt. – M.M.
…and, as it actually appeared in the newspaper…
…where it can be found on the newspaper’s front page, comprising two columns.
✡ ✡ ✡
The first appearance of “Judenzählung vor Verdun” was in the February, 1917 (Volume 13, Issue 1) issue of Die Siegfried Jacobsohn’s Die Schaubühne (The Theater). Here (…drum roll!!…) is an English-language translation of the tale.
The Jewish Census at Verdun
At midnight a soft hand touched me: “Get up”. I stepped in front of the door of the silent bunkhouse and saw: “Azrael, cherub who commands the dead, fell from the night sky – vengeful anger – blew the shofar and cried: “To the count, you dead Jews in the German army!”
Before long the field swarmed with silent figures up to the rolling hills, behind which the Fortress of Verdun roared, fanned anew, and their little bastards roared loudly; flames erupted terribly, twitching and shattering the wailing night on the gun’s horizon. The wind flew from Orion, which hung feebly over the heights in dim veils. Murmurs trembled over the area; a gloomy glow surrounded thousands. A table stood, a large book open, and a clerk in uniform sat behind it, pointy-nosed with yellow hair. He called:
“Line up according to rank! The roll of names of the people is to be recognized!” Then a gentle voice said: “Oh, why don’t you let us sleep, since we were already lying in the restful arms of the earth!” And the writer: “Statistics ask how many of you Jews pressed themselves to their graves from the distant war.” Groans rose from the ground, as if the earth was wailing, and the voice cried out painfully:
“Great fatherland, I intended to die and rest for you!” But a whirlwind stirred the dead; they stood at the table one after the other, captains and medical officers first and lieutenants and doctors, sergeants and watch-masters, non-commissioned officers, privates, common soldiers. And the scribe put a dry quill in each hand; it flowed like a scratched finger; each one wrote his Hebrew name in small red letters that shone like square seals. There the corpses stood patiently and waited, and whoever wrote silently placed on the table the badges he wore and stood back, as one in the crowd. There lay the thick epaulettes of the medical officers and the silver ones of the officers, sword knots like silver eggs, the braids of the non-commissioned officers, the small batons of the Rod of Asclepius, the big buttons of privates; the Iron Crosses of the First Class and like many of the Second Class, other crosses and medals, black and white ribbons in all sorts of colors. But the heap swelled on the table.
The quiet men approached, wrote and became a crowd. The outline of the old body surrounded it like a light aura, phosphorescent like rotten wood; but the darker core was given by the body which was laid in the grave in due time. The bellies were eaten away by typhus and hollowed out by dysentery. Their heads showed holes from bullets, half of their skulls had been carried off by grenades, arms were missing, broken legs and ribs protruded from tattered uniforms; they were bandaged, clothed in rags, without boots; dead eyes looked gloomy, white light fell from lowered foreheads, the dead were silent in shame and mourning. Youngsters stood next to boys and young men next to mature ones. And they stated how old they were and where they were born: everywhere in Germany, and what their professions were: teachers and lawyers, rabbis and doctors, travelers, many students of all faculties, pupils, painters, young poets, merchants, craftsmen and merchants in turn and merchants again and again. And where fallen; where did they lie in the grave? Near Lille, they said, and Pozieres, all along the Somme, Thiaumont it was called and Azannes, Fleury and Vaux, Champagne, Argonne, Vosges, all of Flanders (they lay in the damp ground the longest); Bzuraklangs, East Prussia, the Carpathians, the Slota Lipa (which was called Sanward), Kovno and Dunaburg, Volhynian swamp, Hungarian forest, Serbian mountain, Galician valley: and Azrael, the angel, nodded at everyone, he had sown them like seeds, thrown far away here; there. Everything was written down in the book, the pen moved, small red letters appeared on the pale sheet. But a bright cross shone over the forehead of some who were baptized; the writer asked everyone: Jew? And he nodded, he said, “You know”; he said, “Mosaic denomination”; “Israelite” he said, “German of Jewish faith” – “Jew, yes” some said and stretched, and the crosses faded from everyone. And as the freshest stood at the table, almost still bleeding, blown from Romania, the Dobruja, the Somme…
The moon lost its shine, the wind blew more violently into the darkness, Azrael raised his hand, the field lay empty, overgrown with scattered light. Night fell, all black, blazing at the edge of the forge of Verdun roaring behind the heights.
But the dead Jews could no longer stand at the bottom of their graves. They sank; slowly and soullessly the bodies slid deeper down, deeper down. A river, black and soundless, flowed in the veins of the earth, taking it up and rolling it eastward; each one became a round cylinder, shrunk, became as big as a brick and very soft. And it threw them out in the early morning, flowing under palm trees into the light of a jubilant sun that rose from the sea. But a tall man with a broad black beard, a reproachful look and a workman’s apron, the trowel lying to his right and his naked sword to his left, seized each one and pressed it; it became hard as a stone in the sun and laid it into low masonry, and the stream threw roller after roller at his feet. The waller put stone next to stone; he didn’t look up. An old man came up to him and greeted him, a young smile lay like dawn on old rock over the weather-beaten forehead and the aged beard. “Greetings to he who builds the tower,” he said, and: “Thanks to him who has seen the daughter of Zion,” answered the builder and set a stone. “The daughter of Zion is on her way,” said Akiba, and the maker blushed with happiness. But I could no longer contain myself: “Oh Akiba,” I cried, “when will the Messiah come?” His gaze examined my soul. “At the gates of Rome a hunchbacked beggar, the Messiah, sits and waits,” said he; it frightens me like a threat. “What is he waiting for, Master?” I cried out in fear. “For you,” said the old man and turned. And I awoke to a sudden, glaring, heart-breaking shock.
✡ ✡
Some comments…
Note how Zweig introduces the tale with mention of “Azrael”, the angel of death.
Wikipedia reveals that – oddly – while the figure of “Azriel” is mentioned in the Zohar, neither “Azrael” or “Azriel” appear in the Tanach or Talmud, also stating that, “… the name Azrael is suggestive of a Hebrew theophoric עזראל, meaning “the one whom God helps,” and that, “Archeological evidence uncovered in Jewish settlements in Mesopotamia confirm that it was indeed at one time used on an Aramaic incantation bowl from the 7th century. However, as the text thereon only lists names, an association of this angelic name with death cannot be identified in Judaism.”
Azrael is a much more significant figure in Islam, being one of the four archangels, the others being Jibrāʾīl, Mīkāʾīl, and Isrāfīl. The only mention of the name in the context of Christianity is in the Ethiopic version of Apocalypse of Peter (dating to the 16th century), where Azrael – spelled as Ezrā’ël – appears is an angel of hell who avenges those who had been wronged during life.” In a much different sense, Azrael appears in the works of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and G. K. Chesterton’s, and in the world of the Smurfs, as the evil wizard Gargamel’s cat.
And so, the tale…
And then… A “whirlwind” stirs the dead. At Azrael’s command, after a momentary protest, the spirits of fallen Jewish soldiers rise from the sleep of death within in their graves, and stand before the angel.
And then… One after another in line, without regard to rank, the spirits stand before a table upon which lies an open book, upon which they inscribe their names in small, block-like Hebrew letters, with a quill given to them by Azrael.
And then… Nearby, they deposit their insignia of rank and medals in a swelling pile.
And then… Zweig’s tale becomes explicit; macabre, grotesque. The fatal wounds of the fallen are described in graphic detail; then, their professions or vocations are given; then, they state where they fell. This is are also recorded by each man’s spirit. Every fallen soldier appears as a phosphorescent aura with a dark, inner core, the latter vaguely implied to still lie within his grave.
And then… Those Jews who had been baptized are also standing before Azrael, bright crosses shining above their foreheads. As they identify themselves as members of the “Mosaic denomination”, “Israelites”, or “Germans of Jewish faith”, the crosses fade away.
And then… The souls and bodies of the dead are transformed. They sink into the earth, roll eastward, and with this they shrink to the size of bricks, take on the shape of cylinders, become pliable and soft, and move eastward under the sea, until they emerge under a bright sun, in a land of sunlight and palms.
And then… As each brick is taken up by a black-bearded mason with a sword and trowel it hardens, and is pressed into a wall of masonry. And the process continues, brick by brick.
And then… Akiba (Rabbi Akiba) and the anonymous mason greet one another, the former anticipating the arrival of the Daughter of Zion.
And then… The anonymous narrator implores of Akiba to know the date of the Messiah’s arrival. And as Akiba turns away, he reveals that the Messiah’s arrival depends, “on you”: on the narrator himself.
And finally… From nightmare, from dream, from mystical vision, the narrator awakens…
And then…?
Here’s the tale in the original German:
Judenzählung vor Verdun
Um Mitternacht rührte mich eine leise Hand an: “Steh auf”. Ich trat vor die Tür der schweigenden Schlafbaracke und sah: “Azrael, Cherub, der über Tote gebietet, stürzte vom Nachtfirmament herab, rachegeflügelter Zorn, stiess ins Horn Schofar und schrie: “Auf zur Zählung, ihr toten Juden im deutschen Heer!”
Es verging keine Zeit, da wimmelte das Feld von leisen Gestalten bis an die gebogenen Hügel, hinter denen brüllte die Feste Verdun, neu angefacht, und ihre kleinern Essen brüllten laut; Flammen schlugen furchtbar auf, zuckend zerbrach am Horizont des Geschützes die wehklagende Nacht. Der Wind flog vom Orion her, der schwach über den Höhen hing in trüben Schleiern. Raunen bebte übers Gelände, düsterer Schein umwitterte Tausende. Ein Tisch stand, aufgeschlagen ein grosses Buch, ein Schreiber sass in Montur dahinter, spitznäsig mit gelbem Schopf. Er rief:
“Antreten dem Range nach! Die Totenstammrolle ist anzuerkennen!” Da sagte eine milde Stimme: “Oh warum lasst ihr uns nicht schlafen, da wir schon lagen in der Erde Arm ruhevoll!” Und der Schreiber: “Die Statistik fragt, wieviel von euch Juden sich vom fernern Krieg gedrückt ins Grab.” Stöhnen steig auf vom Gelände, als klagte der Boden, und die Stimme rief schmerzlich:
“Grosses Vaterland, ich gedachte für dich zu sterben und zu ruhn!” Aber ein Wirbel bewegte die Toten, sie standen am Tische einer nach dem andern, Hauptleute und Stabsärzte zuvor und Leutnants und Aerzte, Feldwebel und Wachtmeister, Unteroffiziere, Gefreite, Gemeine. Und eine dürre Feder gab der Schreiber in jede Hand, sie floss wie ein geritzter Finger, seinen hebräischen Namen schrieb ein jeder in kleinen roten Lettern, die leuchteten wie quadratische Siegel. Da standen die Leichname geduldig und warteten, und wer geschrieben, der legte schweigend die Abzeichen auf den Tisch, die er trug, und trat zurück, einer in der Menge. Da lagen die dicken Achselstücke der Stabsärzte und die silbernen der Offiziere, Portepees wie silberne Eier, die Tressen der Unteroffiziere, die kleinen Aeskulapstäbe, die grossen Knöpfe der Gefreiten; die Eisernen Kreuze der Ersten Klasse und wie viele der Zweiten, andre Kreuze und Medaillen, schwarzweisse Bänder in allerlei Farben. Der Haufen schwoll aber auf dem Tische.
Die stillen Männer traten heran, schrieben und wurden Menge. Wie eine leichte Aura umgab sie der Umriss des alten Leibes, phosphoreszierend wie faules Holz; aber den dunklern Kern gab der Körper, den man ins Grab gelegt zu seiner Zeit. Die Bäuche waren zerfressen vom Flecktyphus und ausgehöhlt von Ruhr. Ihre Köpfe wiesen Löcher auf vom Geschoss, halbe Schädel hatten Granaten entführt, Arme mangelten, Beine, Rippen zerbrochen drangen aus zerfetzten Uniformen; sie waren mit Verbänden umwickelt, mit Lumpen bekleidet, ohne Stiefel; erloschene Augen blickten düster, von gesenkten Stirnen fiel weisser Schein, die Toten schwiegen in Scham und Trauer. Da standen Jünglinge bei Knaben und junge Männer neben reifen. Und sie gaben an, wie alt sie seien und wo geboren: überall im deutschen Land, und was für Berufe: Lehrer und Rechtsanwälte, Rabbiner und Aerzte, Reisende, viele Studenten aller Fakultäten, Schüler, Maler, junge Dichter, Kaufleute, Handwerker und Kaufleute wiederum und immer wieder Kaufleute. Und wo gefallen, wo lagen sie im Grabe? Bei Lille, sagten sie, und Pozieres, die ganze Somme entlang, Thiaumont hiess es und Azannes, Fleury und Vaux, Champagne, Argonnen, Vogesen, ganz Flandern, die lagen am längsten im feuchten Grund; Bzura klangs, Ostpreussen, Karpathen, die Slota Lipa, der San ward genannt, Kowno und Dünaburg, wolhynischer Sumpf, ungarischer Wald, serbischer Berg, galizisches Tal: und Azrael nickte, der Engel, bei jedem, er hatte sie ausgesät wie Samenkörner, weit geworfen, hierhin, dorthin. Alles stand verzeichnet im Buche, die Feder bewegte sich, kleine rote Buchstaben erschienen auf dem bleichen Blatte. Manchen aber leuchtete ein helles Kreuz über der Stirn, die waren getauft; der Schreiber fragte jeden: Jude? Und er nickte, er sagte: “Sie wissen doch”; er sagte: “Mosaischer Konfession”; “Israelit” sagte er, “Deutscher jüdischen Glaubens” – “Jude, ja” sprach mancher und streckte sich, und die Kreuze verblichen jedem. Und wie die frischesten am Tische standen, fast noch blutend, aus Rumänien hergeweht, der Dobrudscha, der Somme…
Der Mond verlor der Schein, Wind wehte heftiger ins Dunkel, Azrael hob die Hand, das Feld lag leer, überbuscht von zerstiebendem Scheine. Nacht brach herein, ganz schwarz, am Rande zerloht von der Esse Verdun brüllend hinter den Höhen.
Aber es war den toten Juden kein Halt mehr auf dem Grund ihrer Gräber. Sie sanken, langsam glitten und seelenlos tiefer die Körper abwärts, tiefer hinab. Ein Strom, schwarz und lautlos, floss in den Adern der Erde, er nahm sie auf und wälzte sie ostwärts; runde Walze wurde jeder, schrumpfte, ward gross wie ein Ziegel und ganz weich. Und er warf sie aus im frühen Morgen, mündend unter Palmen ans Licht einer jubelnden Sonne, die stieg aus dem Meer. Ein grosser Mann aber mit schwarzem, breitem Bart, dem rügenden Blick und der Schürze des Werkmannes, die Kelle rechts neben sich liegend und links das nackte Schwert, ergriff einen jeden und presste ihn, er ward in der Sonne hart zum Stein und gefüat in ein niederes Mauerwerk, und Walze neben Walze warf der Strom ihm zu Füssen. Stein neben Stein setzte der Mauernde, er sah nicht auf. Ein Greis trat zu ihm und grüsste ihn, ein junges Lächeln lag wie Morgenrot auf altem Fels über verwitterter Stirn und dem greisen Barte. “Gegrüsst sei, der am Turme mauert”, sagte er, und: “Gedankt dem, der die Tochter Zions erblickt hat”, antwortete der Baumeister und setzte einen Stein. “Die Tochter Zions ist auf dem Wege”, sprach Akiba, und der Schaffer errötete vor Glück. Ich aber konnte nicht mehr an mich halten: “Oh Akiba”, rief ich, “wann kommt der Messias!” Sein Blick prüfte meine Seele. “Vor den Toren Roms sitzt ein buckliger Bettler, der Messias, und wartet”, sprach er; mich erschreckt’ es wie Drohung. “Worauf wartet er, Meister? rief ich voll Angst. “Auf dich” sprach der Greis und wandte sich. Und ich erwachte vor jähem, grellem, herzerneuerndem Schreck.
This is Zweig’s text as published in Siegfried Jacobsohn’s Die Schaubühne (Band 13, Ausgabe 1 [Volume 13, Issue 1]). You can see that it appears on three successive pages.
And…here are the cover and title pages of the same issue of Die Schaubühne, which can be found at OogleBooks.
✡ ✡ ✡
Zweig’s tale is as vivid, as it is haunting, as it is compelling. Below, I’ve transformed it into a prose poem, the appearance of which, though entirely identical in content to the original text, perhaps lends it a degree of visual impact not apparent in the text in the original paragraph format.
The Jewish Census at Verdun
At midnight a soft hand touched me: “Get up”. I stepped in front of the door of the silent bunkhouse and saw: “Azrael, cherub who commands the dead, fell from the night sky – vengeful anger – blew the shofar and cried: “To the count, you dead Jews in the German army!”
Before long the field swarmed with silent figures up to the rolling hills, behind which the Fortress of Verdun roared, fanned anew, and their little bastards roared loudly; flames erupted terribly, twitching and shattering the wailing night on the gun’s horizon. The wind flew from Orion, which hung feebly over the heights in dim veils. Murmurs trembled over the area; a gloomy glow surrounded thousands. A table stood, a large book open, and a clerk in uniform sat behind it, pointy-nosed with yellow hair. He called:
“Line up according to rank! The roll of names of the people is to be recognized!” Then a gentle voice said: “Oh, why don’t you let us sleep, since we were already lying in the restful arms of the earth!” And the writer: “Statistics ask how many of you Jews pressed themselves to their graves from the distant war.” Groans rose from the ground, as if the earth was wailing, and the voice cried out painfully:
“Great fatherland, I intended to die and rest for you!” But a whirlwind stirred the dead; they stood at the table one after the other, captains and medical officers first and lieutenants and doctors, sergeants and watch-masters, non-commissioned officers, privates, common soldiers. And the scribe put a dry quill in each hand; it flowed like a scratched finger; each one wrote his Hebrew name in small red letters that shone like square seals. There the corpses stood patiently and waited, and whoever wrote silently placed on the table the badges he wore and stood back, as one in the crowd. There lay the thick epaulettes of the medical officers and the silver ones of the officers, sword knots like silver eggs, the braids of the non-commissioned officers, the small batons of the Rod of Asclepius, the big buttons of privates; the Iron Crosses of the First Class and like many of the Second Class, other crosses and medals, black and white ribbons in all sorts of colors. But the heap swelled on the table.
The quiet men approached, wrote and became a crowd. The outline of the old body surrounded it like a light aura, phosphorescent like rotten wood; but the darker core was given by the body which was laid in the grave in due time. The bellies were eaten away by typhus and hollowed out by dysentery. Their heads showed holes from bullets, half of their skulls had been carried off by grenades, arms were missing, broken legs and ribs protruded from tattered uniforms; they were bandaged, clothed in rags, without boots; dead eyes looked gloomy, white light fell from lowered foreheads, the dead were silent in shame and mourning. Youngsters stood next to boys and young men next to mature ones. And they stated how old they were and where they were born: everywhere in Germany, and what their professions were: teachers and lawyers, rabbis and doctors, travelers, many students of all faculties, pupils, painters, young poets, merchants, craftsmen and merchants in turn and merchants again and again. And where fallen; where did they lie in the grave? Near Lille, they said, and Pozieres, all along the Somme, Thiaumont it was called and Azannes, Fleury and Vaux, Champagne, Argonne, Vosges, all of Flanders (they lay in the damp ground the longest); Bzuraklangs, East Prussia, the Carpathians, the Slota Lipa (which was called Sanward), Kovno and Dunaburg, Volhynian swamp, Hungarian forest, Serbian mountain, Galician valley: and Azrael, the angel, nodded at everyone, he had sown them like seeds, thrown far away here; there. Everything was written down in the book, the pen moved, small red letters appeared on the pale sheet. But a bright cross shone over the forehead of some who were baptized; the writer asked everyone: Jew? And he nodded, he said, “You know”; he said, “Mosaic denomination”; “Israelite” he said, “German of Jewish faith” – “Jew, yes” some said and stretched, and the crosses faded from everyone. And as the freshest stood at the table, almost still bleeding, blown from Romania, the Dobruja, the Somme…
The moon lost its shine, the wind blew more violently into the darkness, Azrael raised his hand, the field lay empty, overgrown with scattered light. Night fell, all black, blazing at the edge of the forge of Verdun roaring behind the heights.
But the dead Jews could no longer stand at the bottom of their graves. They sank; slowly and soullessly the bodies slid deeper down, deeper down. A river, black and soundless, flowed in the veins of the earth, taking it up and rolling it eastward; each one became a round cylinder, shrunk, became as big as a brick and very soft. And it threw them out in the early morning, flowing under palm trees into the light of a jubilant sun that rose from the sea. But a tall man with a broad black beard, a reproachful look and a workman’s apron, the trowel lying to his right and his naked sword to his left, seized each one and pressed it; it became hard as a stone in the sun and laid it into low masonry, and the stream threw roller after roller at his feet. The waller put stone next to stone; he didn’t look up. An old man came up to him and greeted him, a young smile lay like dawn on old rock over the weather-beaten forehead and the aged beard. “Greetings to he who builds the tower,” he said, and: “Thanks to him who has seen the daughter of Zion,” answered the builder and set a stone. “The daughter of Zion is on her way,” said Akiba, and the maker blushed with happiness. But I could no longer contain myself: “Oh Akiba,” I cried, “when will the Messiah come?” His gaze examined my soul. “At the gates of Rome a hunchbacked beggar, the Messiah, sits and waits,” said he; it frightens me like a threat. “What is he waiting for, Master?” I cried out in fear. “For you” said the old man and turned. And I awoke to a sudden, glaring, heart-breaking shock.
An observation…
Zweig’s concluding paragraph struck a distant chord of memory within me. I vaguely remembered that I’d encountered a legend concerning the resurrection of the dead in Messianic days, to the effect that they will literally roll across land and under sea to reach Eretz Israel. My memory was correct, and was verified at Jack Zaientz’s blog, “Jewish Monster Hunting: A Practical Guide to Jewish Magic, Monsters, and Mayhem”, in his post “First we die. Then we roll. A “Rolling To Jerusalem” Subway Map.” This references Talmud, Kettubot 111a (3) at Sefaria, in which the following debate is recorded:
“The Gemara asks: And according to the opinion of Rabbi Elazar, will the righteous outside of Eretz Yisrael not come alive at the time of the resurrection of the dead? Rabbi Ile’a said: They will be resurrected by means of rolling, i.e., they will roll until they reach Eretz Yisrael, where they will be brought back to life. Rabbi Abba Salla Rava strongly objects to this: Rolling is an ordeal that entails suffering for the righteous. Abaye said: Tunnels are prepared for them in the ground, through which they pass to Eretz Yisrael.”
Another observation…
There’s “something” about the concluding three sentences of Zweig’s text:
“What is he waiting for, Master?” I cried out in fear. “For you” said the old man and turned. And I awoke to a sudden, glaring, heart-breaking shock.
Specifically, there’s a remarkable similarity to the closing lines of Franz Kafka’s “Before the Law”:
“What do you still want to know, then?” asks the gatekeeper. “You are insatiable.” “Everyone strives after the law,” says the man, “so how is that in these many years no one except me has requested entry?” The gatekeeper sees that the man is already dying and, in order to reach his diminishing sense of hearing, he shouts at him, “Here no one else can gain entry, since this entrance was assigned only to you. I’m going now to close it.”
In both cases, the anonymous narrator implores of an authority figure – Rabbi Akiva, or, “the gatekeeper” – that his future course of action, or, secret knowledge, be revealed. The two answers lead to dramatically different outcomes: In Zweig’s tale, the narrator lives, and, transformed, faces a perhaps revised future, which is entirely dependent on his choice of action. In Kafka’s story, the narrator is at the point of death, the outcome of events – perhaps preordained by circumstance or providence? – having already been preordained for him.
I have no idea of the degree of Kafka and Zweig’s familiarity with one another’s works, but they were contemporaries, the former having been 29 years old in 1916, and the latter 32. Being that “Before the Law” (“Vor dem Gesetz”) was published in the 1915 New Year’s edition of the independent Jewish weekly Selbstwehr, the possibility exists that the final lines of “Judenzählung vor Verdun” were inspired by Zweig’s reading of Kafka’s tale.
Having come this far, one can readily appreciate Zweig’s literary talents. The piece is short – a little less than a thousand words in length – yet even with this economy of words, the imagery of the tale is stunning in its clarity, in terms of physical setting, atmosphere, mood, and the description of the fallen as both spirit and body; spirit in body.
I’ve not read any other works by Zweig, but given his skill and imagination; his ability to so powerfully craft scene and mood; the era in which he was active – the first half of the twentieth century – I can readily envision him – if the trajectory of his life had been different, having been a masterful and successful writer of pulp fiction, perhaps in the genres of adventure, fantasy, or horror. Perhaps his work would have appeared in such pulps as The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction; Weird Tales; Unknown; Fantastic Novels. It’s nice to speculate…
Fantastic Novels, July, 1950 (Cover art by “Lawrence” (Lawrence Sterne Stevens)), illustrating Moore and Kuttner’s “Earth’s Last Citadel”) (Also from my own collection. (Shameless self-promotion!) See more of such, here.)
✡ ✡ ✡
Zweig’s macabre story concludes by transitioning to a scene of transformative and mystical renewal – an explicitly collective renewal – with startling abruptness, revealing to the narrator; to the reader – to us, even and especially in this year of 2023 – that to the Jews is granted the ability to return.
And so, in symbolic answer to the anonymous narrator’s awakening, let’s wordlessly conclude with an allegorical image entitled “Der Jüdische Mai” [“The Jewish May”], from Ephraim Moses Lilien’s, Sein Werk, published in 1903 in Berlin. (Specifically, page 280 in volume 2.)
Eisenberg, Noah William, Between Redemption and Doom – The Strains of German-Jewish Modernism, University of Nebraska Press, 1999
Grabolle, Harro, Verdun And the Somme, Akademiai Kiado, Budapest, Hungary, 2004
Hüppauf, Bernd-Rüdiger, War, Violence, and the Modern Condition, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, Germany, 1997 Franz Kafka – The Complete Stories
Lilien, Ephraim Mose, and Zweig, Stefan, E. M. Lilien, Sein Werk, mit einer Emleitung von Stefan Zweig, band zwei, Schuster & Loeffler, Berlin, Germany, 1903, OCLC 7720842
Vital, David, A People Apart – A Political History of the Jews in Europe, 1789-1939, Oxford University Press, 2001
Vital, David, A People Apart – A Political History of the Jews in Europe, 1789-1939, at GoodReads.com
Wenzel, Georg, Arnold Zweig, 1887-1968 : Werk und Leben in Dokumenten und Bildern : mit unveröffentlichten Manuskripten und Briefen aus dem Nachlass [Arnold Zweig, 1887-1968: Work and life in documents and images: with unpublished manuscripts and letters from the estate], Aufbau-Verlag, Berlin, 1978
Zweig, Arnold, and Struck, Hermann, Das ostjüdische Antlitz [The Eastern Jewish Face], Berlin Weltverlag, Berlin, Germany, 1922
(Das ostjüdische Antlitz includes many, many thematic sketches by Hermann Struck, none of which, unfortunately, have captions. (Oh, well!) This drawing of a young woman appears on page 112.)
Some articles…
Angress, Werner T., The German Army’s “Judenzahlung” of 1916 Genesis – Consequences – Significance, Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook, V 23, N 1, 1978
Some works of literature present themselves to you as pure entertainment and, once you are pulled into them, expand your mind with interesting and challenging ideas. There is more in them than initially meets the eye. Catch-22 proceeds in the opposite direction. It presents itself as dealing with great issues – and has nothing interesting to say about them.
Anyway, this book is so bad that the only real question it raises is, how did it ever get to have the reputation it has? Why is it on every “greatest novels of the twentieth century” list? What the Hell?
I guess the answer is probably pretty simple. It came out just before the Vietnam War (1961), when a lot of people would soon start thinking that war is a very bad thing, and that the military consists mostly of vicious idiots. In other words, Heller got a free ride because he was telling a lot of people something they already believed and already wanted to hear.
– Lester Hunt, May 27, 2007
__________
__________
But, to paraphrase Kingsley Amis’s line about breasts, we know why the critics liked it, but why did they like it so much?
As if in a perverse Pied Piper story, a host of elders followed their capering children toward willed ignorance. And one of the more effective tunes in the piper’s repertoire was Catch-22.
Ironically, while Catch-22 has been lauded relentlessly as a picture of a lunatic world where nothing makes sense, “a swamp of absurdity,” as Frederick Karl termed it in 1965, in fact everything in the novel makes sense— the kind of sense contrived by the politically paranoid mind.
– Alec Solomita, March, 2008
__________
__________
Face of a Hero presents such situations [moments of irony and absurdity] again and again. But what goes along with these descriptions is the powerful sense of human dignity. We are left with Pop Isaacs, and he is a good man. He has his limitations, as does the novel, which has some overwriting and flat spots. But because the light Pop shines is ordinary, it is all the more powerful.
Sometimes, the only way to reach your destination is through a journey in an opposite direction.
At least, for a while.
In that sense, this exploration of Louis Falstein’s 1950 novel Face of a Hero has inevitably involved a comparison with the book’s accidental 1961 counterpart, Catch-22, in terms of the obscurity of the former and the enduring success and cultural impact of the latter. Having presented the two book reviews (by Nelson Algren and Robert Brustein) which were central in catapulting Catch-22’s to enduring prominence, and, a statistical comparison of the novels’ history, this fourteenth (gad, that many?!!) and “last” post approaches Heller’s novel from a third perspective: The book’s meaning and message.
Below, you’ll find essays by Norman Podhoretz, Lester Hunt, and Alec Solomita that taken together, catch Catch-22 – its ethos and world-view –from standpoints moral and philosophical as much literary and cultural, and decisively counterweigh the novel’s entirely undeserved acclaim. Likewise, equally substantive; equally penetrating perspectives on Heller’s novel can be found at GoodReads and Mr.BezosStore, though, for the sake of brevity (?!) I won’t include them here. And, I wouldn’t be surprised if even during the 60s and 70s some in the worlds of academia, publishing, and entertainment had similarly critical views of Heller’s novel, but felt unable – for reasons of career security and social pressure – to have broached their opinions in the academic or popular press.
Let’s start with Norman Podhoretz.
In 2000, five years after Louis Falstein’s death and one year after Joseph Heller’s passing, his essay “Looking Back at Catch-22” appeared in the February issue of Commentary, and – moving beyond the perspective of Catch-22 as a literary work – discussed the novel’s unarticulated message, and, its cultural and political significance. Podhoretz was entirely correct in suggesting that the success and influence of Catch-22 had vastly less to do with the novel’s quality as a story; as literature, than it did with conforming to, reflecting, and validating currents of sociological and ideological fashion then (and now) prevailing in American society. His article was followed three months later by six responses (only a few, I suppose, of many received), two of which offered criticism of Podhoretz’s thoughts from sensible but limited perspectives, while the other four affirmed – some staunchly; some with gratitude; all with appreciation – the validity of his opinions.
Next came Lester Hunt’s pithy 2007 and still fortunately still-accessible blog post, “The Most Overrated Novel of the Twentieth Century”, which leaps right out ‘o the gate, hits the ground running, and goes full throttle to its conclusion.
I can’t recommended his analysis of Catch-22 highly enough.
(Completely off topic! Though I’m certain not at all intended as such (!), Hunt’s use of the very word “overrated” suggests to me the category of the “Most Overrated Song Ever”, for which I unreservedly offer my own recommendation.)
At first, Hunt briefly addresses Heller’s novel in terms of its effectiveness (not much) as a work of humor and satire. Moving to the meat of his argument, the bulk of his critique approaches the novel from standpoints of logic, ethics, and morality. His thoughts about the novel’s fame segue from those of Podhoretz, in that he deems the success of Catch-22 as being attributable to an intersection between cultural coincidence and literary calculation. While Podhoretz felt (correctly) that the novel reflected and found validation inavant-garde currents of thought in the worlds of poetry, literature, and the therapeutic culture, Hunt zeroes in on something more pragmatic: The novel, released just a few years before the height of the war in Vietnam, cast the military – and those who serve in it – as by definition and nature a force of malevolent incompetence (or, would it be incompetent malevolence?!), in that it was “…telling people what they already believed and already wanted to hear”. In this (as aptly described by Robert Pickus, Judith Hirsch, Louis Lyons, and Larry Thornberry in their letters to Commentary) Heller’s novel was far less literature than it was a contrived, shallow, and (especially!) lengthy form of rationalization.
Coming on the scene one year later was Alec Solomita’s New Criterion essay “Yossarian Section”.
Unlike Podhoretz and Hunt, Solomita starts his discussion of Catch-22 on a personal level, for he read the book at the age of fifteen, when such things – anything, really! – do make an impact. He pays particular attention to an aspect of the book’s message that made the novel so popular and appealing: “Crammed with allusions to scripture and mythology, to Synge, Sartre, T.S. Eliot, and Washington Irving, the novel simultaneously flattered and challenged bookish young baby boomers.” There was also the novel’s message of anti-authoritarianism: “We pubescent malcontents … were captivated by the cowering Yossarian’s “free, rebellious spirit in this explosive, bitter, subversive, brilliant book.” … Yossarian felt the same way about fighting in World War II as we felt about gym class.” But, this more than exaggerated equivalence could’ve only been arrived at through Heller’s use of comedy and word-play, the impact of which, however, eventually peters out: “As astute critics have pointed out, Heller’s “anarchic” and “savage” humor cannot withstand the novel’s last-minute swerve toward ethical self-justification.”
Like Podhoretz and Hunt, Solomita peers into Heller’s novel from the vantage point of history, identically realizing that its success was attributable to its timing, which coincided with the war in Vietnam, dramatic changes in domestic politics, and a dramatic metamorphosis in social mores.
My own “take” from Solomita’s words is that these events and transformations – “powerful stimuli” (visual media?; pop culture?; advertising?) – affected American society to such an unprecedented degree that, “…it was a formidable challenge to think as well as to feel.” And here, we come to the illuminating core of Solomita’s argument, as relevant to 2022 as the 1960s:
“Nor was it easy to look at the brutal war in Vietnam in a larger, geopolitical context – or to say “no” to drugs. Not only did fifteen-year-olds fail to meet this challenge, but sober adults previously able to differentiate between Republicans and Nazis, between authority and authoritarianism, between tolerance and license, also lost their way.”
“Like ideologues before them who simplified a variety of hypocritical politicians, greedy businessmen, and corrupt military men into a single evil entity – Catholicism, capitalism, Jewry – Heller and numberless other more or less talented malcontents invented out of a multiplicity of interests the shapeless monstrous entity known as the “military-industrial complex” or “mass society,” against which they can throw a perpetual tantrum.”
A la 1961, Nelson Algren.
A la doubly 1961, Robert Brustein, who, “…talked about American society as if it suffered under the benighted regimes of Hitler or Stalin and not the prosperity and hopes of the New Frontier, the Civil Rights movement, and, soon, the “Great” Society.” A society, where, the reader, “…if he can’t attain to the elite class to which the reviewer belongs – one of “the few Americans who care” – feels compelled to ask, “Who is this masked man, this ‘mass society?’”
A la thricely 1999, Sanford Pinsker, who, “…assail[ed] the sickness of the “contemporary world, in its shameless greed and thorough-going corruption.”
A la 2008, where, “…it is a commonplace that fighting against this “system” is a virtue while, of course, fighting for it makes no sense at all.”
A la, 2022, and beyond?
____________
“I Am the Bombardier!”
In her response to Norman Podhoretz’s February, 2002 Commentary article about Catch-22, Judith Hirsch observed, “There was a murderous nation on the loose that had to be stopped, and all the sophistry in Heller’s arsenal could not lessen the evil of the Germans. As a Jew, Heller should have been sensitive to the slaughter of his people. Instead, he fashioned a novel about the war as if it involved no moral imperative.” Given the importance of Sergeant Ben Isaacs’ identity as a Jew to the narrative of Face of a Hero, what of the intersection between the identity of Joseph Heller the author, and – if one can be so direct – Joseph Heller, the Jew, for Catch-22?
There are two answers to Mrs. Hirsch’s critique, which call to mind overlapping topics of Jewish identity, Jewish solidarity, and Jewish assimilation. These are perennial and seemingly inevitable aspects of the nature of Jewish existence are not only addressed in the Tanach, but have been an enduring focus of fiction, non-fiction, and both theological and secular commentary, ever since the halting beginning of Jewish political emancipation some centuries ago.
The first answer to her question is from the year 1940.
Katz’s thoughts anticipated questions about the response of American Jewry to the Shoah that have persisted since the 1970s. Though – ironically! – pertaining to specifically American Jewish w-r-i-t-e-r-s in terms of the centrality (or, uhhhh… the lack thereof) of the historical experience of the Jewish people as subject matter for their work, a key passage within Katz’s text can be extrapolated, in time as much as place (any time and any place) to a span incalculably wider.
Here’s the passage that provides an answer to Mrs. Hirsch’s question. (Italics are my own.)
“…why doesn’t he choose Jewish themes for his work, in addition to the others that had been haunting him? This, precisely, is his dilemma. He frequently cannot. Born or raised in this country, the process of cultural assimilation has progressed quite a distance.The ties that bind the young Jewish writer to Jews are almost certainly entirely those with the immediate Jewish community with which he comes in contact, whose peculiarities he not only knows but also shares.The concept of the Jewish people throughout the world as a unit may not be strange to him ideologically; he may even argue in favor of such a concept where political theories are concerned. But personally he has already lost the feeling of unity with the larger whole to a great extent. Only the slimmest cultural and psychic ties bind him to Jews of Poland, Palestine, Germany or Russia. That is why he cannot feel about the tragic fate of the European Jews in the same distant and detached terms as he feels about the fate of the Chinese people, for example. But at the same time he is too far removed from them to be able to identify himself with Polish or German Jews in a personal manner. The immensity of the tragedy appalls him; he feels directly concerned, but not sufficiently to make him a living part of the drama. Between him and the European scene there lie years, years that count in building up one’s personality, of life in America. These years, with all the cultural baggage that was accumulated in them, he does not share with Europe’s Jews; and they stand between him and them.“
To put it differently – given time, human nature, and absent of externally (* ahem *) imposed events and influences – as has happened throughout the history of the Jews, the sense of collective identity of each successive generation, and especially, the consciousness of each generation as being a living connection between past and future will contract and diminish inward upon itself. First to memory. Then to sentimentality. Then to a mere genealogical fact. And finally, to an invisible point beyond an inaccessible horizon.
The second answer to Judith Hirsch’s question is from 1995, and comes by unintended and direct way of Joseph Heller himself, in the form of an essay in the May 7, 1995, edition of The New York Times Magazine, a special issue entitled “Untold War Stories”, the theme being the fiftieth anniversary of WW II’s end.
Here’s the cover:
Among the magazine’s fifteen essays and stories, including contributions by Robert Kotlowitz (whose disconcerting and highly-praised memoir Before Their Time just may feature in a future post), Walter Sullivan, fabulist William Manchester, and Louis Begley, is Joseph Heller’s retrospective “I Am the Bombardier!”, which appears on page 61.
Heres the essay:
Even granting the limitations on length imposed by a one-page magazine format, in the following passage – by what’s absent just as much as by what’s present – lies Heller’s unanticipated response to Judith Hirsch’s observation:
“I loved Denver. It was winter, but it was a beautiful winter, the kind of winter you never see in New York. This was my first time out of New York except for maybe one trip to New Jersey as a kid. That was part of the excitement of it, the adventure. Also there was a feeling that you were doing something that was socially approved and esteemed. In Denver, and then wherever I went, there was always a list of families that wanted to have servicemen for dinner. They didn’t care if you were from Coney Island. They didn’t care if you were Jewish. They might have cared if you were black. Well, they might have cared if you were Jewish. One of the things that surprised me was how courteous and generally warmhearted people are outside New York. There’s an affection and optimism that New Yorkers are not accustomed to. And there’s also very slow service in luncheonettes.”
That’s it; that’s that.
Here, being a Jew is understood in terms of one’s potential for acceptance by the surrounding society. Any sense of identification with or connection to European Jewry in the context of the European war, let alone an appreciation of the scope of Jewish history – whether visceral or intellectual; whether political or historical; whether in a retrospective or contemporary context; whether far or near – is absent (Well, the essay’s venue isThe New York Times, after all!)
That’s that; that’s it.
But, to be fair to Heller, in this attitude he was neither unusual nor unique. Perhaps the predicament and fate of the Jewish people during WW II, if irrelevant to him during the war itself, remained so nearly two decades later, during the writing of his first novel.
Anyway, we know that Joseph Heller served as a bombardier, but in light of Shlomo Katz’s 1940 essay and Heller’s 1995 Times Magazine piece, what does this suggest about the creation and identity of the novel’s protagonist, Captain John Yossarian?
To this question my answer is equal parts conjecture and intuition, for – admittedly – I’ve not read any popular or academic biographies of Joseph Heller, his 1998 memoir Now and Then: From Coney Island to Here, academic studies of his work, or his novels subsequent to Catch-22. (Okay, his biography at Cliff’s Notes is helpful!)
What I know of his literary oeuvre through the selection of articles, reviews, and essays appearing in this series of blog posts, and, resources on the web. But:
Like every person, Joseph Heller lived amidst and was formed by a unique combination of influences. Cliff’s Notes mentions that his father Isaac, “…was agnostic, (and) interested in socialist politics.” His Wikipedia entry (okay, yeah, so it’s Wikipedia, but still!) mentions that postwar, Heller studied English at USC and NYU, graduating from the latter in 1948, and attaining an M.A. in English from Columbia in 1949. This was followed by an interval as a Fulbright Scholar at St. Catharine’s College in Oxford, and then, teaching composition at Penn State. Next came positions as an advertising copywriter for Time (1952–56) and Look (1956–58), and, promotion manager for McCall’s (1958–61).
As far as Heller’s identity as a Jew – whether in terms of being a Jew, or instead being Jew”ish” (Major Major Major Major emphasis on the “ish“?) – this seems to have influenced the creation of (the disguised?) Bob Slocum in 1974’s Something Happened, and, the quite emphatically undisguised Bruce Gold (and extended family) in 1979’s Good as Gold. But – admittedly conjecture on my part – it essentially seems to have become (perhaps it always was; perhaps given his life circumstances it could never have been otherwise) simply a nominal sense of ethnicity.
The Wikipedia entry for Yossarian states that, “As to the origins of the name … later documented in his autobiography … Heller noted that he derived the name Yossarian from a wartime friend and fellow bombardier, Francis Yohannan. Yohannan made the military his career, continuing to serve through the Vietnam War, placing him at odds with Yossarian’s feelings towards the military and as noted in his obituary (Yohannan) turned aside calls from reporters who asked if he was the real-life Yossarian. … The exotic name “Yossarian” was chosen by Heller to emphasize his protagonist’s detachment from mainstream military culture. Yossarian’s name is described as “an odious, alien, distasteful name, that just did not inspire confidence. … It was “…not at all like such clean, crisp, honest, American names as Cathcart, Peckem and Dreedle.”” And, in his 1998 memoir Now and Then, “Heller admitted in later years that the name ‘Yossarian’ was derived from the name of one of his Air Force buddies, Francis Yohannan – an Assyrian – but that the character of Yossarian himself was ‘the incarnation of a wish’.” (Well, what was that wish?)
Of course, infinitely more central to the novel than the bombardier’s mere name are his beliefs, fears, and actions. A possible source for the narrative of the Captain’s misadventures and his efforts to be relieved of combat duty may have been Lt. Julius Fish, another 488th Bomb Squadron bombardier and a wartime friend to both Yohannan and Heller, whose story is related here.
However, David Margolick’s 2015 Wall Street Journal article “Inventing the War Novel” casts the creation of Yossarian in a very different light: “It surely signified something about the progress that American Jews had made that, when Heller wanted to make his hero an outsider, casting him as a Jew no longer worked. So he turned him into an Assyrian, or Armenian, or something. Only many years later did Heller admit that, whatever his official ethnicity, Yossarian was really “very Jewish.” (Unfortunately, Mr. Margolick doesn’t list the source of Heller’s admission!)
I want to suggest another explanation.
In light of Margolick’s quotation of Heller’s comment concerning Yossarian’s true background, perhaps Catch-22’s author created such an “alien, distasteful name” not because it was unlike surnames of European origin then prevalent in the United States, but, out of disguised familiarity: The “sound” of of the name implies ethnic ancestry from the lands of Asia Minor or not-so-indirectly the Levant – the ancestral and enduring homeland of the Jews. Yet at the same time, by its “Assyrian” (!?) (or Armenian) “ring”, it was ambiguous and unusual enough to avoid any definitively Jewish connotation. In light of this, perhaps the protagonist, his name, and his identity represented Heller’s compromise between the “raw material” of life which which he was already deeply; immediately familiar – in terms of family, ethnicity, and culture – on one hand, and uncertainty about the acceptance and publication – whether in the literary world or by the general public – of a novel featuring an unambiguously Jewish hero (anti-hero?), on the other.
I don’t know if this was so. But if so, it would’ve been unwarranted, given the number and variety of works of fiction from the post-WW II decades which unapologetically featured matter-of-factly neutral or positive Jewish heroes and protagonists. Examples include works by Irwin Shaw and James Jones, let alone Falstein’s Face of a Hero.
And yet, an echo:
Yossarian strikes me as being reminiscent of two characters from Rodger’s and Hammerstein’s Oklahoma! of 1943: Jud Fry, and especially (especially!) the “Persian Peddler” (seriously! – a P e r s i a n peddler?) Ali Hakim, who though certainly not explicitly Jews,as noted by Bruce Kirle, Derek Miller, Andrea Most, are certainly symbolic representations of Jews, in a play whose theme – quoting Miller – is “partially an examination of the place of Jews in American society”. The difference of course being, that Yossarian is entirely central to Heller’s story.
And yet, an echo of an echo:
Michael Igor Peschkowsky’s (Mike Nichols’) and Henry Zuckerman’s (Buck Henry’s) 1970 Catch-22 features Alan Arkin in the role of Captain Yossarian, while the 1943 stage production of Oklahoma! features Joseph Buloff in the role of Ali Hakim. Again, is it by design, chance, or synchronicity or something stranger that in both cases Jewish actors are cast in the roles of characters who, while not explicitly Jews by name or description, conform to the larger society’s cultural template of Jews?
So, I wonder if Joseph Heller’s reasons for the conceptualization and creation of Captain Yossarian were as mundane as they were pragmatic, and really had little to do with the “progress” – whether real or ostensible – American Jews had made by the late 1950s that had transformed them to “insiders”, and, made them dramatically uninteresting.
____________________
Anyway… The deeper issue suggested by Judith Hirsch’s letter revolves around the degree to which the persecution of the Jews of Europe was a motivational factor in the military service of American Jews during the Second World War.
I really don’t know (though given the tenor of the times, I very seriously doubt) if any interviews were ever conducted among American Jewish soldiers in “real-time” during that conflict, concerning their knowledge about the dire plight of European Jewry, or, cognizance of the Shoah itself.
However, if I were to venture a guess, I think the opinions of this vast group of men would’ve simply and inevitably reflected the spectrum of opinion of American Jewry at that time as a whole:
At one end apathy, if not complete indifference.
In the much larger center, a general awareness (with neither specific nor accurate knowledge) that an awful fate had befallen the Jews of Europe, which nonetheless – among a myriad of immediate personal concerns, whether mundane, pressing, or dire – never was the real center of one’s attention.
At the opposite and far distant end, among a committed and vanishingly small minority, a focused consciousness and steeled urgency which, alas, only on very rare and exceptional occasions (the United States having entered the European land war (the invasion of Italy commencing on September 3, 1943, well after the majority of the Jews killed in the Shoah had already been murdered – and primarily in Eastern Europe) could be translated into physical action.
In terms of the military service of American Jews, I think this was reflected in wartime news coverage in both the Jewish and general press. Though innumerable articles and stories about the experiences of American Jewish servicemen were published in both venues during the war, within in the American English-language news media (I really don’t know about the perception and coverage of this topic in the American Yiddish press), only in a vanishingly small number – less than a mere statistical “blip’ – have I found expressions of a soldier perceiving his military service in the context of the survival of European Jewry.
As in two.
As in the number “2“.
As follows below.
One item, published in the New York Post, pertains to Milton Teltser, a B-24 pilot shot down over Ploesti on August 1, 1943, during Operation Tidal Wave.
Another, from Chicago’s Jewish Criterion, relates to 8th Air Force B-24 co-pilot Ruby Mass.
These articles are preceded by the trailer for Hulu’s 2019 production of Catch-22. Very nicely done from a cinematic point of view, the trailer is set to start at the point where Captain Yossarian (Christopher Abbott) exclaims, “It doesn’t make a difference who wins the war to someone who’s dead!”
While this is only a single sentence in a min-series of over 4 1/2 hours duration, this line of dialogue (written byLuke Davies and David Michôd?), despite its undeniable and appealing logic, somehow stands against the words and thoughts of Mass and Teltser (and how many others, whose names and thoughts remain unknown?). Taken to its logical conclusion – and understood in the light of Roger Scruton’s discussion of the nature of citizenship in The West and The Rest – more than posing a nominally legitimate question about courage and cowardice, survival and death, it espouses a philosophy that severs all links between past and present, and present and future, without which a people, society, nation, and civilization cannot survive.
In light of the state of the United States in particular and the “West” in general, in this closing month of 2022, perhaps this is intentional.
As to why, that’s another essay.
____________________
So, we’ve come (for now?!) to the end to my series of posts about Face of a Hero.
And so, two novels. One ostensibly simple, but of in reality of profound depth and meaning. Another superficially sophisticated and supposedly clever, but in actuality entirely one-dimensional and extraordinarily shallow. That the former soon fell into obscurity, while the latter rose to fame (and remains so) is little more than a testimony to the “way of the world”; to the ephemeral currents of academic and cultural fashion.
To conclude, we’ll leave Catch-22 deservedly behind (far behind!), and circle back to Face of a Hero, via M.T. Kelly’s 1999 book review “The Teachings of Warfare”, from the National Post.
Even with the passage of a half-century since the book’s 1950 publication, Kelly perceives the same strengths as did several reviewers upon its first publication. He sees Falstein’s novel as having three principle themes, these being an exploration of courage – and the ability to master fear; the nature of comradeship – despite the very faults of one’s comrades; and, hope – in the face of disillusionment and cynicism.
Though some reviewers, in the 1950s and even more in the late 1990s, opined that the story was unnecessarily direct and conventional, Kelly (rightly) sees that the book’s, “…plain style, seeming only to swim on the surface of situations, reveals truths in the way of the best literature.” At the core, the novel’s ostensible simplicity is the foundation for a tale of how a man maintained his belief, sense of self-worth, and, connection to other men (many of whom were in the same predicament), despite challenges that otherwise might have seemed insurmountable.
This is stuff of literature, for this is the stuff of life.
March 13, 1999, National Post [National Edition] Don Mills, Ontario, Canada, M.T. Kelly, “The Teachings of Warfare“
____________________
LOOKING BACK AT “CATCH-22”
… until the novel begins winding down to its conclusion, there is scarcely a mention of Nazism and fascism as evils that might be worth fighting against, or of anything about America that might be worth fighting – never mind dying – for. If Heller had raised any of these considerations earlier, his point of view would have been put under more pressure and a greater degree of resistance than he actually allows it to encounter throughout most of the book.
*****
Heller’s novel played perfectly into the conviction of the radical movement of the 60’s that this country, and its armed forces above all, were ruled by an “establishment” made up of madmen and criminals. Moreover, in identifying sanity with an unwillingness to serve the purposes of this insane society, Heller was also perfectly in tune with a doctrine that was being preached by most of the major gurus of the era, including writers like Allen Ginsberg and Ken Kesey, and psychiatrists like R.D. Laing. As Heller himself, speaking directly in his own voice, once put it in summarizing what he had been getting at in Catch-22: “Frankly, I think the whole society is nuts – and the question is: what does a sane man do in an insane society?”
Norman Podhoretz Commentary February 2000 (Volume 109, Issue 2)
THIS PAST December, upon hearing that Joseph Heller had just died at the age of seventy-six, James Webb took to the op-ed page of the Wall Street Journal, where he delivered himself of a fervent tribute to Catch-22, Heller’s first, best (by far), and still most famous novel. There was nothing peculiar or remarkable in itself about Webb’s gesture; tributes to Heller were appearing everywhere at the same time. And like Webb’s, almost all of them dwelled entirely on Catch-22, which came out in 1961 and which subjected World War II to a satirical treatment whose hilarity was matched only by its savagery. Scarcely a mention was made by anyone of the five lesser novels Heller published in the following thirty-eight years of his life–his seventh is scheduled for posthumous publication in the fall–or of the two plays and the two works of nonfiction he also wrote. (The only exception I came across was a little obituary by David Remnick in the New Yorker that entered a plea for Heller’s second novel, Something Happened.)
No doubt many other pieces about Catch-22 will have been produced by the time this one gets into print. No doubt, too, most of them will be as effusive as Webb’s. Indeed, the day before he pronounced it a “masterpiece” and a “great novel,” an appreciation in the Washington Post, run as a sidebar to Heller’s obituary, ended with the similarly confident assertion that Catch-22 would “live forever.”
For all that, however, Webb’s piece was special–and what made it special was that it came from a graduate of the Naval Academy who went on to fight with great bravery as a marine in Vietnam, where he was wounded and much decorated, and who later was appointed Secretary of the Navy by Ronald Reagan. One might have thought that such a person with such a background would have a reservation or two about a book that ridicules war and the military with a relentlessness that must surely have inspired the envy of many a pacifist.
Not a bit of it. So far as Webb is concerned, Catch-22 is without sin of any kind, and its “lasting greatness is beyond dispute.” It is a greatness that lies in the truths Heller reveals about war:
His message…was that all wars dehumanize. That few soldiers march happily to their fate. And that once the bullets start to fly, all battlefields become apolitical. For while there may be few atheists in a foxhole, there are even fewer politicians.
This, as we shall soon see, is actually a rather toothless paraphrase of Heller’s far more brutal “message.” Slightly more biting, but still misleading, is Webb’s praise of Catch-22 for having “stripped away cant and hypocrisy from the telling of how difficult it is to serve” in war. In Webb’s judgment, Heller thereby performed a salutary exorcism on the’ “national mindset that was nothing short of adamant in its insistence on the fatalistic bravado with which our soldiers had faced death” in World War II.
Webb, like Heller, is convinced that this mindset was delusory. But was it? I would concede that it may well have been romantically one-sided, but was it any more unbalanced than Heller’s own mindset, or Webb’s?
To CST some notion of what is omitted from Catch-22, let alone from Webb’s sanitized rendering of Heller’s “message,” one need only glance at the work of literature that Heller himself said had exerted (in the words of one obituary notice) “perhaps the longest-lasting impression on him.” This was a prose translation of Homer’s Iliad that he read as a boy, and that inspired in him the ambition to be a writer.
Now it is certainly the case that the side of war upon which Catch-22 dwells exclusively and obsessively–its grisly horrors, and the human pettiness it can elicit–are vividly recorded in the Iliad. (Remember Achilles sulking in his tent and refusing to join in battle because one of his concubines has been taken from him by the commanding general Agamemnon?) But in Homer’s epic, all this is intermingled with the great virtues that war also elicits, and of which the poem sings even more melodiously. These virtues–courage, honor, sacrifice, nobility–also make an occasional appearance in Catch-22, but mainly in order to be given as ferocious a beating by Heller as the one he administers to war itself.
So ferocious, indeed, that no one deeply influenced by this novel would ever be able to understand why a self-professed American pacifist like the philosopher William James could come to believe in the great need for a “moral equivalent of war” in addressing the problems of a society at peace. Furthermore, James insisted, “One cannot meet [the arguments of the militarists] effectively by mere counter-insistency on war’s horror. The horror makes the thrill; and…the question is of getting the extremest and supremest out of human nature …. The military party denies neither the bestiality nor the horror…; it only says that these things tell but half the story.”
Even more puzzling to a reader entirely under the sway of Catch-22 would be the remark made by another pacifist philosopher, Bertrand Russell. Sitting in a British jail for having agitated against conscription in World War I, Russell later wrote, “I was tormented by patriotism. The successes of the Germans…were horrible to me. I desired the defeat of Germany as ardently as any retired colonel.”
And yet, bewildering as such sentiments might seem to anyone caught up in the worldview of Catch-22, they nevertheless mainly account for the less than enthusiastic reception of the novel when it was first published in 1961. Having become embroiled in the debate over it then, I can testify that one of the reasons for this lack of enthusiasm was precisely the uneasiness caused by its portrayal of World War II.
This was to be expected. In 1961, there were very few people around who took a negative view of the war against Hitler and Nazism; or to state it more strongly, practically everyone thought it had been a just and necessary war and that we as a nation had every reason to be proud of our part in it. To be sure, admitting that they were denigrating Catch-22 because they were offended by its “message” would have violated the literary canons of the day, according to which a work of art was supposed to be judged strictly on aesthetic grounds. Consequently, many of the early reviewers pounced instead on Catch-22’s literary weaknesses of structure and narrative. The New York Times Book Review, for example, gave it only a short notice on page 50 complaining of its “want of craft and sensibility.”
What kept the novel from getting lost as a result of this largely dismissive reception was that a few critics sprang to its defense. I was one of them. But the line of argument we tended to follow did not focus on war in general or World War II in particular. Forgetting the critical rule that Moby-Dick, whatever symbolic meaning it may have, is first of all about the hunt for a whale, I even claimed that Catch-22 was only “ostensibly” about an air-force squadron in World War II. Its real subject, I maintained, was the nature of American society in the mid-20th century.
Nor was I the only defender of Catch-22 who advanced this interpretation. As participants in a nascent new radicalism, some of us took our cue from an essay by Heller’s younger contemporary and fellow novelist Philip Roth, which lamented that this country sometimes seemed like a gigantic insane asylum that was virtually impossible for the writer of fiction to describe “and then make credible.”[1] Heller’s achievement, we argued, was that he had found a way to do just that. And that he should have done it through a portrayal of what was then almost universally regarded as America at its best–here was where World War II came in–rather than firing easy shots at the obvious shortcomings and faults of the country, seemed to us veritably heroic.
This was why my own main criticism of Heller was not that he had defamed World War II but that, instead of carrying this breathtakingly brazen enterprise to its logical conclusion, he had suffered a loss of nerve at the end that did serious damage to the integrity of his novel as a satire.[2]
AS ALL the world knows by now, the hero of Catch-22 is a bombardier named Yossarian who is convinced that everyone is trying to kill him. This makes various people angry, especially his friend Clevinger, who is serving in the same squadron. Clevinger is a man who believes passionately in many principles and who is also a great patriot:
“No one is trying to kill you,” Clevinger said. “Then why are they shooting at me?” Yossarian asked. “They’re shooting at everyone,” Clevinger answered. “They’re trying to kill everyone.” “And what difference does that make?”
Clevinger and Yossarian are each certain that the other is crazy. In fact, so far as Yossarian is concerned, everyone is crazy who thinks that any sense can be made out of getting killed. When Yossarian is told that people are dying for their country, he retorts that as far as he can see, the only reason he has to fly more combat missions is that his commanding officer, Colonel Cathcart, wants to become a general. Colonel Cathcart is therefore his enemy just as surely as the German gunner shooting at him when he drops his bombs.
Everywhere, Yossarian reflects in contemplating the war, men went mad and were rewarded with flying medals. Boys on every side of the bomb line were laying down their lives for what they had been told was their country, and no one seemed to mind, least of all the boys who were laying down their young lives.
But Yossarian minds so powerfully that he himself is carried to what might seem the point of madness. Not, however, in Heller’s eyes. There is not the slightest doubt that he means us to regard Yossarian’s paranoia (even though it extends to a nurse in the field hospital who dislikes him and to bus drivers everywhere, all of whom are trying to do him in) not as a disease but as a sensible response to real dangers. For example, we are shown that his diagnosis of Colonel Cathcart–and all the other senior officers whom he also dismisses as insane–is accurate. The madness lies not in him but in them and the system over which they preside.
This system is governed by “Catch-22,” which contains many clauses. The most impressive we learn about when the flight surgeon Doc Daneeka explains to Yossarian why he cannot ground a crazy man, despite the fact that the rules require him to ground anyone who is crazy. The reason is that the crazy man must ask to be grounded, but as soon as he asks he can no longer be considered crazy–because, according to Catch-22, “a concern for one’s own safety in the face of dangers that are real and immediate is the process of a rational mind.”
Doc Daneeka’s terror of death is almost as great as Yossarian’s, and his attitude toward the world is correspondingly similar: “Oh I’m not complaining. I know there’s a war on. I know a lot of people are going to suffer for us to win. But why must I be one of them?”
WHAT IS the war in Catch-22 all about? For approximately the first three-quarters of this 442-page novel, the only answer anyone ever seems able to offer is that, in an armed conflict between nations, it is a noble thing to give your life for your own. This proposition Heller takes considerable pleasure in ridiculing.
“There are now 50 or 60 countries fighting in this war,” an ancient Italian who has learned the arts of survival tells the idealistic and patriotic nineteen-year-old Lieutenant Nately. “Surely so many countries can’t all be worth dying for.” Nately is shocked by such cynicism and tries to argue, but the old man shakes his head wearily. “They’re going to kill you if you don’t watch out, and I can see now that you are not going to watch out.” (As though to nail down his acceptance of the ancient Italian’s perspective, Heller makes sure that this prophecy later comes true.) And in response to Nately’s declaration that “it’s better to die on one’s feet than to live on one’s knees,” the old man tells him that the saying makes more sense if it is turned around to read, “It is better to live on one’s feet than die on one’s knees.”
The interesting thing, as I noted at the time in my own review, is that until the novel begins winding down to its conclusion, there is scarcely a mention of Nazism and fascism as evils that might be worth fighting against, or of anything about America that might be worth fighting–never mind dying–for. If Heller had raised any of these considerations earlier, his point of view would have been put under more pressure and a greater degree of resistance than he actually allows it to encounter throughout most of the book.
That he was aware of this evasion becomes obvious from a dialogue between Yossarian and Major Danby (“a gentle, moral, middle-aged idealist”) that takes place in the closing pages. Danby reminds Yossarian that the Cathcarts are not the whole story. “This is not World War I. You must never forget that we’re at war with aggressors who would not let either one of us live if they won.” To which Yossarian replies:
I know that…. Christ, Danby,… I’ve flown 70 goddam combat missions. Don’t talk to me about fighting to save my country. I’ve been fighting all along to save my country. Now I’m going to fight a little to save myself…. From now on I’m thinking only of me.
This statement comes as a great shock, since Heller had given the reader every reason to believe that Yossarian had been thinking only of himself throughout the novel. In fact, if we take seriously what this new Yossarian is saying, then the whole novel is trivialized. Its remorselessly uncompromising picture of the world, written under the aegis of the idea that survival is the overriding value and that all else is pretense, lying, cant, and hypocrisy, now becomes little more than the story of a mismanaged outfit and an attack on the people who (as Yossarian so incongruously puts it with a rhetoric not his own) always cash in “on every decent impulse and every human tragedy.”
Catch-22, then, was not as heroic as it seemed at first sight. On closer examination, it became clear that Heller simply did not have the full courage of his own convictions–a courage that would have enabled him to go all the way with the premise that lay at the basis of his novel. When it came right down to it, he felt a great need to seek conventional moral cover, and could not bring himself to represent World War II itself as a fraud, having nothing whatever to do with ideals or principles.
Yet, for the aesthetic purposes of this novel, it would have been better if he had so represented it. For in shrinking from the ultimate implication of the vision adumbrated by Catch-22–the conviction that nothing on earth is worth dying for, especially not a country–he weakened the impact of his book. And when, suddenly and out of nowhere, he went on to endow Yossarian with a sense of honor in refusing to cooperate to his own advantage with the Cathcarts of this world, Heller also weakened the credibility of his protagonist.
NONE OF this, however, seemed to bother any of Catch-22’s new crop of admirers, whose numbers swelled as the involvement of the United States in Vietnam escalated. It is easy to see why. Heller’s novel played perfectly into the conviction of the radical movement of the 60’s that this country, and its armed forces above all, were ruled by an “establishment” made up of madmen and criminals. Moreover, in identifying sanity with an unwillingness to serve the purposes of this insane society, Heller was also perfectly in tune with a doctrine that was being preached by most of the major gurus of the era, including writers like Allen Ginsberg and Ken Kesey, and psychiatrists like R.D. Laing. As Heller himself, speaking directly in his own voice, once put it in summarizing what he had been getting at in Catch-22: “Frankly, I think the whole society is nuts–and the question is: what does a sane man do in an insane society?”
But perhaps most important of all, Catch-22 also justified draft evasion and even desertion as morally superior to military service. After all, if the hero of Catch-22, fighting in the best of all possible wars, was right to desert and run off to Sweden (as Yossarian does in the end), how much more justified were his Vietnam-era disciples in following the trail he had so prophetically blazed?
Unlike most of them, James Webb was actually in Vietnam when he read Catch-22 in 1969. “From that lonely place of blood and misery and disease,” he now recalls, “I found a soul mate who helped me face the next day and all the days and months that followed.” Well, as one who served in the army but never saw combat, I have no desire–or any right–to begrudge a war hero like Webb the solace he derived from Heller. I can also imagine why and how, discovering Catch-22 while fighting in so mismanaged a war as Vietnam, Webb could feel that deep was calling unto deep.
Even so, I fear that both this feeling and the solace Catch-22 brought him were based on a sanitized misreading of the book’s “message,” which, as I hope has become obvious by now, has nothing whatsoever to do with the difference between soldiers and “politicians,” or with the “apolitical” nature of battlefields. I also have to say that when a professional military man adopts so worshipful an attitude toward a book that is as nihilistic in its conception of war as Catch-22, a certain lack of self-respect is surely being exposed: should he not be defending his own when it comes under attack?
True, Webb happens to be a published author, with five novels under his belt, so this might be a case of one part of his own trumping the other, with the writer in him, not content with a fair share of respect, hogging the half that should rightly go to the soldier. Anyhow, where the failure of self-respect is concerned, Webb’s encomium to Catch-22 is as nothing compared to what happened at the Air Force Academy in Colorado Springs in 1986, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the novel’s publication.
When I first heard back then that the Academy was planning a conference to celebrate this event, I thought it must surely be playing some kind of joke, to get even with Heller’s cruel satire of its own branch of the service. But as it turned out, the only joke the Academy was playing was on itself, and on the profession it presumably exists to serve.
For Catch-22 is perhaps even rougher on the air force (then a part of the army rather than the independent branch it later became) than it is on war. To stress it yet again, the air force as portrayed in this novel is an organization headed by idiots and lunatics like Colonel Cathcart who send countless young boys to their deaths for no reason–none whatsoever–other than the furthering of their own personal ambitions. Even more bizarre (and lest we forget about the evils of American capitalism), Heller gives us Milo Minderbinder, who, from his position as mess officer, runs a huge business in which the enemy has a share; from this enemy, Minderbinder actually accepts a contract to bomb his own outfit. And so it goes, up and down the chain of command.
It was to ponder and applaud the book in which this portrait is painted of their branch of the service that 900 future air-force officers were brought together for an entire weekend in 1986. In the course of that weekend, the cadets were also subjected to learned disquisitions from a troupe of literary scholars who repeatedly assured them–as did Heller himself, making a triumphal appearance, and relying on the prudential retreat he had executed from his true convictions at the end of the novel–that Catch-22 was neither anti-military nor opposed to World War II.
Admittedly, the novel was not totally absolved of fault by the Air Force Academy. One member of its faculty criticized Heller’s attitudes toward women as lacking in proper sympathy and respect.
Asked by a not unreasonably puzzled reporter why the Air Force Academy should have singled out Catch-22, of all books, for such reverential attention, the head of its English department explained that you “don’t want dumb officers out there protecting your country.” A dumb officer, it seems, was one who failed to understand that “the historical distinctions between good guy and bad guy” had been hopelessly blurred, and who had not yet learned that “the enemy is everywhere and nowhere.”
By then I stood in a very different place from the one I had occupied in 1961; and from that place it struck me as an even greater lunacy than any Heller himself attributed to the air corps that a man with a head full of notions like this should have been entrusted with the education of young people who were being trained to lead their fellow good guys into battle against their country’s enemies. But even more absurd and more disheartening were the cheers that greeted Heller’s appearance at the celebration.
If the cadets were cheering him because they were fooled by his disingenuous interpretation of the novel as a “story of military bureaucracy run amok,” then they were showing themselves incapable of recognizing a savage attack on everything they were supposed to stand for, even when it hit them smack in the face. If, on the other hand, the cadets were cheering because they understood what Heller was really saying, then they were endorsing a set of notions that made a mockery of their future profession: that love of country is a naive delusion, that the military is both evil and demented, and that for a soldier to desert is morally superior–more honorable-than to go on serving in the face of mortal danger.
SINCE 1986, the anti-military ethos of which Catch-22 is the locus classicus for our time has grown weaker and less pervasive, and the original “mindset” about World War II, so sharply criticized by Webb, has returned with great force. Tom Brokaw of NBC has made a small fortune with a book hailing the men who fought that war as “the greatest generation” we have ever produced in this country (the very accolade formerly bestowed on the draft dodgers of the Vietnam era). Steven Spielberg’s film, Saving Private Ryan, while stressing (as though in deference to what we might call the Heller version) the gruesomeness of the war, gives equal-well, almost equal–weight to the determination of the soldiers to do their duty and the heroism they sometimes exhibited in the course of it. And out of the Vietnam era itself has come Senator John McCain, whose wonderfully honorable behavior as a prisoner of war has made him a viable challenger to George W. Bush for the Republican presidential nomination and has attracted the admiration even of people who disagree with many of his policies.
Nevertheless, the influence of the Heller version lingers on in a gutted American military and in a culture that puts the avoidance of casualties above all other considerations. (How often have we been told that the only military engagements the American people will tolerate are those that do not result in the shipping-home of any “body bags”?) Of course, Heller cannot be given all the “credit” for this situation. But there is no denying that through the brilliance of his comic gifts, and the gusto and exuberance with which he deployed them, he made a mighty contribution to it. More specifically, he did as much as anyone to resurrect the pacifist ideas that had become prevalent after World War I and had then been discredited by World War II: that war is simply a means by which cynical people commit legalized murder in pursuit of power and profits; that patriotism is a fraud; and that nothing is worth dying for (this last sentiment, according to Nietzsche, being a mark of the slave).
I do not often agree with the novelist E.L. Doctorow, but I think he was entirely right in his comment upon learning of the death of his friend Joseph Heller:
When Catch-22 came out, people were saying, “Well, World War II wasn’t like this.” But when we got tangled up in Vietnam, it became a sort of text for the consciousness of that time. They say fiction can’t change anything, but it can certainly organize a generation’s consciousness.
The success of Catch-22 in accomplishing this feat was undoubtedly a measure of its power as a work of art, about which I have never changed my mind (though not even when I joined in its defense in 1961-2 did I think its “greatness was beyond dispute” or that it “would live forever”). What I have come to question, however, is whether the literary achievement was worth the harm–the moral, spiritual, and intellectual harm–Catch-22 has also undoubtedly managed to do, and to the “consciousness” of, by now, more generations than one.
[1] “Writing American Fiction,” Commentary, March, 1961.
[2] I wrote a long review of Catch-22 soon after it was published, and another, much briefer piece on Heller in 1996. In what follows, I draw in part on both of them.
NORMAN PODHORETZ, editor-at-large of COMMENTARY and a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, is the author, most recently, of Ex-Friends. His new book, My Love Affair with America, will be published by the Free Press this summer.
________________________________________
Catch-22
Letters from Readers
There was a murderous nation on the loose that had to be stopped, and all the sophistry in Heller’s arsenal could not lessen the evil of the Germans. As a Jew, Heller should have been sensitive to the slaughter of his people. Instead, he fashioned a novel about the war as if it involved no moral imperative. – Judith Hirsch, Boca Raton, Fl.
____________________
____________________
“That’s some catch, that catch twenty-two!” “It’s the best there is.” Catch-22 (Paramount, 1970)
____________________
____________________
Commentary May 2000 (Volume 109, Issue 5)
TO THE EDITOR:
Norman Podhoretz wonders why James Webb–a graduate of the Naval Academy, a decorated hero of the Vietnam war, and a former Secretary of the Navy–and the cadets at the Air Force Academy admire Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 [“Looking Back at “Catch-22“”, February]. The explanation is quite simple. Like Mr. Podhoretz himself, they appreciate the truth. The fact that the truth about military life is often ludicrously comical–as Heller shows with his hyperbolic, satirical prose–diminishes not one whit the courage and patriotism of either Heller or his enthusiasts among our military officers. Nor should we be surprised that radical leftists misuse Catch-22. Do they not deconstruct and disfigure everything virtuous?
I first read Catch-22 shortly after graduating from the Naval Academy in 1962, and, like James Webb, I discovered in Heller a soulmate–an evaluation unchanged by a recent rereading of his book. The service academies train future officers to function amid the foibles, ambiguities, and contradictions of war. This is necessary not only because the military has its share of latent and actual asses, fools, psychos, and egoists, but because war itself often requires men to act in ways opposed to their primal instinct for survival and their most elevated sense of morality.
These are paradoxes with which an officer must cope, and Heller learned them, presumably, on the battlefields of World War II. In Catch-22, he provided a magnificent textbook for trainee patriots, a ready reference work for experienced patriots, and an eternal memorial to the self-abnegation of fallen patriots. Let us praise him for it.
Charles W. Clardy Decherd, Tennessee
TO THE EDITOR:
Norman Podhoretz is determined to condemn Catch-22 as an attack on the altruistic effort to destroy the Third Reich and, more broadly, as a damnable deterrent to legitimate patriotism in the event that war again poses a threat to our way of life.
But Mr. Podhoretz is mistaken to assume that the American troops who fought on European soil were imbued with the belief that fascism had to be destroyed. Those who were in the killing fields were rarely, if ever, told why, or where they were, or where they were going. To conscripted soldiers in combat, the war was a succession of rain, snow, shelling, ambush, fear, and death; it did not look the same to them as it did to ambitious generals, the purveyors of materiel, or wives and mothers divested of their precious kin. To see their war, I would highly recommend Catch-22.
Aaron Jacobson Cleveland, Ohio
TO THE EDITOR:
Norman Podhoretz’s cogent clarification of Catch-22’s message and his challenge to Joseph Heller’s view of World War II were overdue. During many years of counseling conscientious objectors and war-resisters, I experienced the change of “consciousness” that Catch-22 helped produce. The “pacifists” among them had just begun to sort out the moral and political choices involved in participation in war. Many had no sense of what could be lost in a refusal to go to war. Even fewer understood war’s utility: it settles an argument until the groundwork can be laid for institutions that make a shared political community a feasible alternative to conflict.
More thoughtful pacifists–among whom I count myself–understand why democratic governance in America is an important milestone in human history, and that simplistic opposition to American militarism is no road to peace. Absent America, we would have to forget about progress toward an end to war.
Robert Pickus Berkeley, California
TO THE EDITOR:
In 1967, when my son was sixteen years old, I was desperate to get him involved in books, so I offered him Catch-22, a novel I had read a few years earlier and laughed uproariously over. Magically, my prescription worked. He loved the book. Those were the Vietnam years, and one of my thoughts was to keep my son safe: Heller’s cynicism had great appeal.
As the years passed and I grew older and wiser, I was nagged by Heller’s insouciant message. World War II was not Vietnam, nor was it like any prior conflict.
There was a murderous nation on the loose that had to be stopped, and all the sophistry in Heller’s arsenal could not lessen the evil of the Germans. As a Jew, Heller should have been sensitive to the slaughter of his people. Instead, he fashioned a novel about the war as if it involved no moral imperative.
Judith Hirsch Boca Raton, Florida
TO THE EDITOR:
I was startled and delighted finally to run across someone who agrees with me about Catch-22. I thought I stood alone in my distaste. As a combat veteran who served in Europe (as a gunner on a B-24), I get no pleasure from those who use World War II for low comedy or to air their grievances.
My daughter was entranced by Catch-22, so I had to explain to her that there have been all sorts of wars, most of them deserving of our contempt. World War II was not among them.
Louis S. Lyons Woodland Hills, California
TO THE EDITOR:
Hurrah to Norman Podhoretz for pinning the tail on Joseph Heller. If most American fighting men in World War II had had the advanced sensibilities of Heller’s “hero” Yossarian, forces far meaner and more real than Colonel Cathcart would have prevailed.
Larry Thornberry Tampa, Florida
TO THE EDITOR:
Norman Podhoretz has written a brilliant essay on Joseph Heller. But while I would like to agree that “the anti-military ethos . . . has grown weaker and less pervasive,” I suspect that it will return in force as soon as an American military adventure requires more from the public than high television ratings. As President Clinton has demonstrated, the Left has no objections to the use of force, even if it is used clumsily and indiscriminately as in Sudan or Kosovo, so long as the other side does all the bleeding. Lord help us if we ever have to fight, instead of kill.
Thomas F. Berner New York City
NORMAN PODHORETZ writes:
Instead of replying to the arguments of Charles W. Clardy myself, I would rather refer him to the excellent letters following his from Robert Pickus, Judith Hirsch, Larry Thornberry, and Thomas F. Berner.
I will add only this: having served in the army for two years as an enlisted man, I know very well (perhaps even better than an officer might) how absurd military life can be. But as I tried to point out in my article, that is far from the whole story.
Never having been sent into combat, though, let me suggest that Aaron Jacobson turn to Louis S. Lyons, who had first-hand experience, for a more authoritative answer than I could supply. Like Mr. Clardy, Mr. Jacobson is not wrong in what he says, but he too gives us an incomplete picture. (By the way, some of the writings of Stephen Ambrose do much to fill out the picture without denying or obscuring the partial truth of the Jacobson account of how conscripted soldiers felt on the front lines in World War II.)
________________________________________
The Most Overrated Novel of the Twentieth Century
It requires that one be able to think in conceptual terms as well as narrative terms. It also requires that you show characters as undergoing a development as a result of their dynamic interaction with their environment. But these are capacities that Joseph Heller either didn’t have or couldn’t be bothered to use in writing Catch-22.
Some works of literature present themselves to you as pure entertainment and, once you are pulled into them, expand your mind with interesting and challenging ideas. There is more in them than initially meets the eye. Catch-22 proceeds in the opposite direction. It presents itself as dealing with great issues – and has nothing interesting to say about them.
Anyway, this book is so bad that the only real question it raises is, how did it ever get to have the reputation it has? Why is it on every “greatest novels of the twentieth century” list? What the Hell? I guess the answer is probably pretty simple. It came out just before the Vietnam War (1961), when a lot of people would soon start thinking that war is a very bad thing, and that the military consists mostly of vicious idiots. In other words, Heller got a free ride because he was telling a lot of people something they already believed and already wanted to hear.
You may remember a rap hit of 2005, “My Humps,” (see also here) by a group calling themselves Blackeyed Peas. One thing that distinguished this thing from all the other obvious candidates for the the office of Worst Song Ever was that it managed to be both artistically and morally bad. It was offensive in about every way it could be. I have been thinking about “My Humps,” because I have been reading a book that achieves something of this negative sort of greatness, but in the realm of literature rather than music.
This is Joseph Heller’s Catch-22. A student in my course on philosophical ideas in literature wanted to write his term paper on it, though I had not read it myself. I figured, what the heck, I really ought to read it – students keep bringing it up as an example of a work that offers a challenging critique of war and the military ethos. So I’ll read it. I am still staggering from the shock of its amazing badness.
Here are some of the things that I think are bad about it:
1. It is a one-trick pony. This is by intention a humorous book, a work of social satire. But it consists of basically the same joke over and over again: military people are evil and stupid. They are also stupid and evil. (Did I mention that they are evil? Also stupid?) I found this pretty clever and amusing for about the first twenty pages. But by that time I still had about 450 pages more to go, and the rest of it wasn’t any fun at all.
2. It’s a bad argument. Satire always has an intellectual point. The point here seems to be that war is a bad thing. The book makes that point by depicting the people who make war as stupid and evil. It does so by presenting all the characters who are regarded as sane by the standards of the military world as doing things that are actually insane, while the one character who is actually sane is regarded by everyone else as being crazy.
3. The tone is wrong. The events he describes in this book are great moral evils. The tone of voice in which he describes them is one of arch irony and smug sneering. Such a tone is simply inappropriate to the subject matter. The wrinkled lip is not the gesture of moral indignation. It leaves the reader with the impression that the author, who is so ready to find other people evil and stupid, is actually some sort of moral moron himself. At one point in the book, one of the unsympathetic characters tells the narrator about a fun prank he and his fraternity brothers used to pull in college. They would lure high school girls into the frat house, and then they would gang rape them all night long. Then they would steal the pennies out of their pockets. Finally they would blackmail them by threatening to tell their parents that they had consensual sex with them, and let them go. Does Heller realize how evil this sort of behavior is? I doubt it. If he did, he wouldn’t expect us to chuckle about it.
4. There is less than meets the eye. Some works of literature present themselves to you as pure entertainment and, once you are pulled into them, expand your mind with interesting and challenging ideas. There is more in them than initially meets the eye. Catch-22 proceeds in the opposite direction. It presents itself as dealing with great issues – and has nothing interesting to say about them. Take the title for instance. Bomber pilots have a a good reason to not want to fly any more missions – after all, the people you are trying to kill are shooting at you! And you don’t have to fly any more missions if it so happens that the pressures of combat have destroyed your sanity. However, if you ask to be excused from flying more missions on the grounds that you are insane, this exception does not apply to you, because not wanting to fly more missions is evidence of sanity. That’s the “catch.” Pretty clever, huh? Really tells you something about the twisted workings of the military mind, doesn’t it? Well, no, it doesn’t.
5. It is ignoble. I’m sure there are any number of reasons to dislike war. It is a moral horror. In my own view, the main reason is that it inevitably kills, injures, and destroys the property of innocent people. Surely the most ignoble, morally lowest reason to hate war is that you hate military people. But that is the reason that this book offers, as its main argument.
Anyway, this book is so bad that the only real question it raises is, how did it ever get to have the reputation it has? Why is it on every “greatest novels of the twentieth century” list?* What the Hell? I guess the answer is probably pretty simple. It came out just before the Vietnam War (1961), when a lot of people would soon start thinking that war is a very bad thing, and that the military consists mostly of vicious idiots. In other words, Heller got a free ride because he was telling a lot of people something they already believed and already wanted to hear. But this of course does not speak in his favor, nor does it reflect well on the many readers who admired the book for that particular reason (especially the learned fools who compile “greatest novels” lists). ______________________
* By the way, this might be the only book (other than To Kill a Mockingbird — a genuinely good novel) that regularly shows up on both critic-generated lists and reader-generated lists. Overrating this book is a disease that seems to infect humans of all classes, races, and creeds.
________________________________________
Yossarian Section A review of Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 (Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations (Hardcover)) by Sterling Professor Of The Humanities Harold Bloom.
But, to paraphrase Kingsley Amis’s line about breasts, we know why the critics liked it, but why did they like it so much? The question opens a window onto not only how we thought then but also the perils attending how we think now.
*****
Perhaps as important as Catch-22’s stylistic felicity was the timing of its publication. The “American hymn to cowardice,” as Philip Larkin called it, came along at just the right cultural moment. In the decade after the novel’s release, peacefully protesting Southern blacks shot backwards across America’s television screens powered by lawmen’s hoses, and women and children ran burning down roads in Southeast Asia. At the same time, marijuana’s singular, seductive logic trivialized the more pacific endeavors of the “straight” world. Under these powerful stimuli, it was a formidable challenge to think as well as to feel. It was not easy to refrain from conflating “Bull” Connor and his thugs with all peace officers. Nor was it easy to look at the brutal war in Vietnam in a larger, geopolitical context—or to say “no” to drugs.
*****
… sober adults previously able to differentiate between Republicans and Nazis, between authority and authoritarianism, between tolerance and license, also lost their way. As if in a perverse Pied Piper story, a host of elders followed their capering children toward willed ignorance. And one of the more effective tunes in the piper’s repertoire was Catch-22.
*****
The novel is an eloquent argument for the American radical’s primitive certainty that no evil is random. Leftists (much like the Azande of North Africa, who when a roof collapses look not for structural deficiencies but witchcraft) cannot see an accident without blaming an automaker, a beggar without blaming a banker, or a hurricane without blaming a president. And, a fortiori, they cannot see a war without blaming the United States of America. Ironically, while Catch-22 has been lauded relentlessly as a picture of a lunatic world where nothing makes sense, “a swamp of absurdity,” as Frederick Karl termed it in 1965, in fact everything in the novel makes sense— the kind of sense contrived by the politically paranoid mind. All the poverty, misery, squalor, violence, and sexual exploitation in the world can be traced to the malevolent appetite of the usual suspects: big business, big military, and big politics.
Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 was published in 1961. After an initial smattering of mostly negative notices, the novel—helped by a canonizing New Republic piece by Robert Brustein, a fawning review by Nelson Algren in The Nation, and an expensive advertising campaign—became a success and then a phenomenon, eventually selling millions of copies around the world. These reviews and others, such as Norman Podhoretz’s sober reassessment of the novel in 2000, make for lively reading in the latest (and much improved) edition of Catch-22 in Harold Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations series. A mix of reviews, memoir, literary gossip, and scholarly analysis, the volume offers a feast of follies—the puerile adoration that greeted the novel, the ensuing orgy of congratulation and self-congratulation indulged in by Heller and his admirers, the reverence subsequently bestowed on the work by some of the academy’s most Casaubon-like commentators, and the inevitable vicious attacks on the ill and elderly novelist when, in 1994, he had the audacity to write a sequel to his early triumph.
Despite its cringing protagonist, the novel speaks with an old-fashioned muscular conviction pulsing with testosterone.
Reading through almost fifty years of commentary on Heller, one is less surprised by the literati’s savaging of a vulnerable pack member in the 1990s than by their ecstatic reception of Catch-22 in the 1960s. Yes, the novel has its share of literary virtues. And yes, it is a rebel’s amusement park. But, to paraphrase Kingsley Amis’s line about breasts, we know why the critics liked it, but why did they like it so much? The question opens a window onto not only how we thought then but also the perils attending how we think now.
When, at fifteen, my friends and I read Catch-22, it was love at first sight. Despite its cringing protagonist, the novel speaks with an old-fashioned muscular conviction pulsing with testosterone. It was the authorial voice—bellicose, caustic, and knowing—that we fell for first. And what vivid battle scenes in this pacifist manifesto! Echoing “boom-boom-boom-booms” of flak and the “sharp, piercing crack! of a single shell,” the bombardier shrieking “Turn right hard!” and “Climb, you bastard! Climb, climb, climb, climb!” thrilled us like the inky panels of a comic book. And even more thrilling to us were the recurring scenes of languid, grumpy whores consorting in a Roman brothel with hero John Yossarian and his fellow flyboys.
But Catch-22 is not a comic book any more than Yossarian is a traditional war hero. This smug, anti-war jeremiad about a World War II bombardier who doesn’t want to fly any more missions is also a literary novel with a vengeance. Crammed with allusions to scripture and mythology, to Synge, Sartre, T.S. Eliot, and Washington Irving, the novel simultaneously flattered and challenged bookish young baby boomers. Endless queues of exotic adjectives and busy verbs beguiled us, too: “that patriotic Texan with his infundibuliform jowls and his lumpy, rumpleheaded, indestructible smile.” “Hungry Joe ate voraciously, gnawed incessantly … stammered, choked, itched, sweated, salivated, and sprang from spot to spot fanatically.”
The novel’s oft-touted “courageous” anti-authoritarianism was also a potent lure. We pubescent malcontents, like the puer eternus Brustein (whose New Republic review came to be seen as “definitive”), were captivated by the cowering Yossarian’s “free, rebellious spirit in this explosive, bitter, subversive, brilliant book.” We identified. Yossarian felt the same way about fighting in World War II as we felt about gym class.
How could we arrive so easily at this grotesque equivalence? That’s where the sine qua non of the novel’s allure comes in: its comedy. An inspired hybrid of introductory logic and advanced Marx Brothers, the humor of Catch-22 is like a manic, dissolute, indefatigably inventive friend. For much of the book, Heller’s comic touch is so delicately tuned that he can say just about anything and the result is delight. Heller is a master of the elliptical, cumulative, deliberately frustrating internal illogic of certain kinds of vaudeville patter. It’s a comedy based mainly on wordplay and misapprehension—and, more often than not in Catch-22, a generous dose of sadism.
“Precisely what did you mean, Cadet Clevinger, when you said we couldn’t find you guilty?” “I didn’t say you couldn’t find me guilty, sir.” “When?” “When what, sir?” … “[A]nswer the question. When didn’t you say we couldn’t find you guilty?” “Late last night in the latrine, sir.” “Is that the only time you didn’t say it?” “No, sir. I always didn’t say you couldn’t find me guilty, sir. What I did say to Yossarian was—” “Nobody asked you what you did say to Yossarian. We asked you what you didn’t say to him. We’re not at all interested in what you did say to Yossarian. Is that clear?” “Yes, sir.” “Then we’ll go on. What did you say to Yossarian?”
One of the miracles of the book is that this comic technique—a string of seemingly endless variations on “Who’s on first”—remains so effective for so long.
Yossarian found Luciana sitting alone at a table in the Allied officers’ night club: “All right. I’ll dance with you,” she said, before Yossarian could even speak. “But I won’t let you sleep with me.” “Who asked you?” Yossarian asked her. “You don’t want to sleep with me?” she exclaimed with surprise. “I don’t want to dance with you.”
The routine does eventually fall flat, especially in the interminable scenes featuring the arch-capitalist Milo Minderbinder. Milo, an affable profiteer and one of Yossarian’s close friends, is a socialist’s paranoid nightmare of bloated, mercantile self-interest. Like many of Catch-22’s caricature villains, Milo is hard to credit, especially in the novel’s unsatisfying last third when he and Yossarian are lassoed by Heller into increasingly lugubrious moralizing (an escalation as alarming as Colonel Cathcart’s raising of the number of required missions). As astute critics have pointed out, Heller’s “anarchic” and “savage” humor cannot withstand the novel’s last-minute swerve toward ethical self-justification.
Perhaps as important as Catch-22’s stylistic felicity was the timing of its publication. The “American hymn to cowardice,” as Philip Larkin called it, came along at just the right cultural moment. In the decade after the novel’s release, peacefully protesting Southern blacks shot backwards across America’s television screens powered by lawmen’s hoses, and women and children ran burning down roads in Southeast Asia. At the same time, marijuana’s singular, seductive logic trivialized the more pacific endeavors of the “straight” world. Under these powerful stimuli, it was a formidable challenge to think as well as to feel. It was not easy to refrain from conflating “Bull” Connor and his thugs with all peace officers. Nor was it easy to look at the brutal war in Vietnam in a larger, geopolitical context—or to say “no” to drugs. Not only did fifteen-year-olds fail to meet this challenge, but sober adults previously able to differentiate between Republicans and Nazis, between authority and authoritarianism, between tolerance and license, also lost their way. As if in a perverse Pied Piper story, a host of elders followed their capering children toward willed ignorance. And one of the more effective tunes in the piper’s repertoire was Catch-22.
The novel is an eloquent argument for the American radical’s primitive certainty that no evil is random. Leftists (much like the Azande of North Africa, who when a roof collapses look not for structural deficiencies but witchcraft) cannot see an accident without blaming an automaker, a beggar without blaming a banker, or a hurricane without blaming a president. And, a fortiori, they cannot see a war without blaming the United States of America. Ironically, while Catch-22 has been lauded relentlessly as a picture of a lunatic world where nothing makes sense, “a swamp of absurdity,” as Frederick Karl termed it in 1965, in fact everything in the novel makes sense—the kind of sense contrived by the politically paranoid mind. All the poverty, misery, squalor, violence, and sexual exploitation in the world can be traced to the malevolent appetite of the usual suspects: big business, big military, and big politics.
Crammed with allusions to scripture and mythology, to Synge, Sartre, T.S. Eliot, and Washington Irving, the novel simultaneously flattered and challenged bookish young baby boomers.
Accordingly, contemporary celebrations of Catch-22 talked about American society as if it suffered under the benighted regimes of Hitler or Stalin and not the prosperity and hopes of the New Frontier, the Civil Rights movement, and, soon, the “Great” Society. Brustein in 1961: “Through the agency of grotesque comedy, Heller has found a way to confront the humbug, hypocrisy, cruelty, and sheer stupidity of our mass society— qualities which have made the few other Americans who care almost speechless with baffled rage.” The reader, if he can’t attain to the elite class to which the reviewer belongs—one of “the few Americans who care”—feels compelled to ask, “Who is this masked man, this ‘mass society?’”
Nelson Algren’s febrile prose ferrets out an even greater villain. The novel is a repudiation of “the horror and the hypocrisy, the greed and the complacency, the endless cunning and the endless stupidity which now go to constitute what we term Christianity.”
Like ideologues before them who simplified a variety of hypocritical politicians, greedy businessmen, and corrupt military men into a single evil entity—Catholicism, capitalism, Jewry—Heller and numberless other more or less talented malcontents invented out of a multiplicity of interests the shapeless monstrous entity known as the “military-industrial complex” or “mass society,” against which they can throw a perpetual tantrum.
Sadly, the “horrors” of American society continue to feature in assessments of Catch-22. “[T]he novel’s absurdities,” wrote Leon Seltzer in 1979, “operate almost always to expose the alarming inhumanities which pollute our political, social, and economic system.” And in 2000, Sanford Pinsker assails the sickness of the “contemporary world, in its shameless greed and thorough-going corruption.” And now, in 2008, it is a commonplace that fighting against this “system” is a virtue while, of course, fighting for it makes no sense at all.
One of the cleverest of the many clever logical twists in Catch-22 comes when the rather decent Major Major challenges Yossarian’s choice to avoid battle:
“Would you like to see our country lose?” Major Major asked. “We won’t lose [answers Yossarian]. We’ve got more men, more money and more material. There are ten million men in uniform who could replace me. Some people are getting killed and a lot more are making money and having fun. Let somebody else get killed.” “But suppose everybody on our side felt that way.” “Then I’d certainly be a damned fool to feel any other way. Wouldn’t I?”
How we boys laughed at this little piece of sophistry. Now, of course, when we again face real, earnest enemies, and when so many Americans do “feel that way,” it isn’t so funny, after all.
Alec Solomita’s chapbook, Do Not Forsake Me, was published by Finishing Line Press in 2017. His first full-length book of poetry, Hard To Be a Hero, will be published by Kelsay Books in the spring.
____________________
____________________
“It doesn’t make a difference who wins the war to someone who’s dead!” Catch-22 (Hulu, 2019)
____________________
____________________
“May you live unenvied, and pass many pleasant years unknown to fame; and also have congenial friends.”
– Ovid
__________
“A tribute which bears full truth and honesty will refuse to apply the conventional words of courage, gallantry, heroism and bravery to the acts which every fallen soldier was performing at the time of his death. Some of our beloved comrades died embittered, scared and lonely deaths. None ever “gladly” died because they were inspired by patriotism. But they all died in the fulfillment of their duty.”
“Also let me point out that 2,000,000 Jews have died since the war began and they never had a chance to fight. You know how easily that could have been us.”
__________
Milton Teltser, at his Springfield, New Jersey home on September 23, 1991.
__________
Among the many B-24 Liberators lost during “Operation Tidal Wave” – the Army Air Force’s mission to Ploesti, Rumania, on August 1, 1943 – was an aircraft that went by the nickname of “Pudgy”. Assigned to the 330th Bomb Squadron of the 8th Air Force’s 93rd Bomb Group (“Ted Timberlake’s Traveling Circus”), the bomber, B-24D 42-40613, squadron identification letter “E”, carried a crew of eleven, from which there would emerge five survivors.
One of the five was the bomber’s pilot, First Lieutenant Milton Teltser (0-792653). The son of Wolf and Ida Teltser of 128 North Essex Ave., in Orange, New Jersey, Milton was born in Manhattan on March 23, 1920. Captured with Pudgy’s other survivors, he was imprisoned at Lagarule Prizoiniero 802 (“Camp 14”), in Rumania, and liberated in September of 1944.
There are two different account of Pudgy’s fate. In Ploesti (1962), James Dugan and Carroll Stewart’s describe the aircraft’s loss this way:
Potts and his wingmen, “Jersey Bounce” and “Lucky”, passed over as Hanfland lined up on the furniture vans and tramped the trigger of the four-barreled 20-mm. gun, loaded with armor-piercing and incendiary shells. The first fifty rounds nearly sheared the tail off a Liberator in Pott’s second rank. It crashed 200 feet past the battery in a cornfield and began to burn. It was “Pudgy”, piloted by Milton W. Teltser and Wilmer H.C. Bassett. They brought the crumpled, burning ship into a crash-landing, from which they and three others – observer Willard R. Beaumont and waist gunners Robert Locky and Francis Doll – got away before it exploded. A mob of peasants closed in, thinking the men were Russians. A man in a horse cart rode into the crowd and drove the farmers away with a whip.
The seared and blistered survivors walked to a shuttered village. A middle-aged inhabitant ventured out and said, “Are you chaps Americans by any chance?” Bassett said, “That is correct.” The man cried, “How nice to see you! I was witht the Royal Flying Corps in England in the last war.” The village poured out in gay Sunday dress, led by the burgomaster wearing a red embroidered shirt. Through the crowd came a beautiful young woman, who looked at the burned men and made way for them to a spotless infirmary. She was the village doctor. The villagers watched her strip their smoldering rags and dress the burns. She laid the shocked men on straw in the village pub, and the burgomaster admitted orderly queues of people to look at the Americans.
__________
Missing Air Crew Report 333 is indefinite about the aircraft’s loss, stating, “32 A/C of this group took part in this mission. On interrogation, returned crew stated that this A/C was last seen as they left the target area. One engine was smoking. The aircraft was under control. The pilot seemed to be looking for a place to land.”
At the same time, MACR 333 is very unusual in terms of the answers that Sgt. Francis William Doll, one of the survivors, provided to the Army Air Force concerning some crewmen who didn’t survive the mission. As in all MACRs, the report’s “Individual Casualty Questionnaires” present the question: “Any explanation of his fate based in part of wholly supposition,” for casualties, intending any answer to be dryly factual. Instead, Sgt. Doll’s one-sentence answers are personal and philosophical. They’re given below, in the crew list:
Co-Pilot: Bassett, Wilmer H.C., 2 Lt. – POW Navigator: Reback, Sanford A., 2 Lt. – KIA (“Never knew as he usually kept it to his self.”) Bombardier: Ward, Robert G., 2 Lt. – KIA Observer: Beaumont, Willard R., 2 Lt. – POW Flight Engineer: Higgins, Bernard A., T/Sgt. – KIA (“He just didn’t believe he would make it home. It was his attitude.”) Radio Operator: Milligan, Wallace Dexter (“Bud”), T/Sgt. – KIA (“High morale in hope to marry girl in Georgia by the name of Yvonne Byrd.”) Gunner (Upper Turret): Taylor, Vance, S/Sgt. – KIA Gunner (Waist): Locky, Robert T., S/Sgt. – POW Gunner (Waist): Doll, Francis W., Sgt. – POW Gunner (Tail): Murray, Richard R., S/Sgt. – KIA (“Morale low nerves very bad more or less fatigue. Never slept too much smoke[d] too much.”)
__________
At his home in Springfield, New Jersey in 1991, Milton himself related the actual story of his final mission, which is entirely unlike the account in Ploesti. His account (part of much longer interview) follows:
I flew with my regular crew, but I had one extra pilot with me. A fellow by the name of Willard Beaumont, from Pennsylvania. Something was wrong with his ship, and he wanted to be on the mission. So, he got permission to come as an observer / co-pilot.
The lead navigator in our group made a wrong turn. He turned too soon over the target. The other groups ahead of us had turned too soon; they came in from a different point and different direction before we got there. We were supposed to go in one right after the other, but they turned off, and our group went to the target where they were supposed to go.
So, when we got there, they were waiting for us, and we got slaughtered.
The sent three photographers on the Ploesti mission. Only one of them came back. Coming back from the Ploesti mission, we lost two planes over Yugoslavia. They went into clouds, and nobody came out.
I don’t know… My navigator, may he rest in peace, said, “Wait a minute! Look, they’re turning off too soon up there! They’re turning off too soon! They’re turning off too soon!” He realized it. I said, “Well, I’ll just follow our leader!”
We followed our squadron commander, Major Ramsey D. Potts. (As a matter of fact, he worked in Washington afterwards.) We followed him over the target, and we flew in at smokestack level. He made it through. We were about two or three hundred feet off the ground. We could see the artillery firing at us. The flashes coming up from the machine guns firing at us.
As we came over the target and dropped our bombs… Right as we dropped our bombs, the right inboard nacelle got hit and lost its oil. In order to feather the prop, the feather button used oil and not electricity, like in a B-17. So, we had no oil to feather the prop. The prop was windmilling. It was like a giant hand out there, stopping that side of the plane. So, I increased power on the other three engines.
We had to leave the formation. In case we got hit, we were supposed to go to Turkey. We made a big, wide turn, and started to head south to Bulgaria or Turkey.
We were flying along, flying south towards Turkey, and nobody was hurt at this point that I was aware of. My flight engineer had to transfer the gas out of the bomb bay tanks, which were low. Now, I wish he hadn’t, but things were kind of hectic up in the cockpit. The fumes… You could smell them.
I was struggling to stay up in the air without feathering the prop. The airplane flew well on two engines, but not if the fourth engine was windmilling, and slowing you up like an air brake.
Right as we passed Ploesti on the south, we got jumped by fighters. I don’t remember the type; they were in back of us. They started to shoot at us. The tail gunner was shooting away back there. My top turret started to shoot at them, and I got scared, because I knew that the flashes could ignite the fumes. You could feel the vibrations.
The fighters hit the outside engine on the right wing. When that failed, we started to bank. The left engines were raising us in the air, and the right engines were pulling us down. We were still just a few hundred feet off the ground. Going into a vertical bank. In fact, we were all set to crash.
The only way you could pick up speed was to dive. I pushed the nose straight down at the ground to pick up speed as fast as I could. To get the wing up. As we approached the ground, the dead wing started to come up. As I picked up flying speed, the wing started to come up. I levelled off just at the moment before we hit the cornfield. Just barely got the wing up, and we hit the cornfield. We were probably going ninety; one hundred and ten miles an hour.
As we hit the cornfield, the fumes in the front exploded. Like a flash fire. And, I blacked out. Then, I remember just taking off my seat belt. I jumped out, and I passed out.
While flying formation, your hands would sweat. I used to hold the throttle with my right hand and the wheel with my left, and my left hand would sweat. I had taken some rope and wrapped it around the control wheel, so that my hand wouldn’t slip. Then, it got too rough, so I wore a glove on my left hand; it was difficult work.
It seems that after we hit… I found out what I did afterwards, because my co-pilot told me. He told me what happened: The airplane broke up after we hit. The left side of the cockpit broke open. So much, that I walked out of it. I walked through the break, and he followed me out. He said that the left wing had turned around upside down, and the wheel was up. He said he burnt his hand when he touched the tire; when he jumped off the wing.
I regained consciousness, and I was walking on the ground. I was walking, and I didn’t know it. I was in a daze.
Six men died in the plane. [Sanford A. Reback, navigator; Robert G. Ward, bombardier; Bernard A. Higgins, flight engineer; Wallace D. Milligan, radio operator; Vance Taylor, waist gunner; Richard H. Murray, tail gunner.] Two of them [Higgins and Milligan] were killed by the enemy fighters’ bullets. The survivors walked out of the wreck.
A farmer came up to us with a pitchfork. He said to us, “Russky?! Russky??” They had briefed us in Rumanian. I said, “Ya sam Americani.” It saved my life, because we just burnt up his whole field of corn. If we were Russian, I don’t know what he would have done! They were scared to death of the Russians. I guess they were indoctrinated with hatred.
They took us to a first aid station and they dressed our wounds. While I was there, this Rumanian officer came in. He was the fighter pilot who shot us down. He came there to talk to me. He couldn’t converse in Rumanian, but he could converse a little bit in Hungarian. I spoke a little bit of Hungarian. I wasn’t fluent in it, but he asked me if I had a wife. He didn’t give me his name, but I wouldn’t remember it, anyway.
A pretty husky fellow. He was very happy about shooting down a bomber. You could see the joy in his face. This was part of his pride; to come up and talk to us. That was his attitude. A little bit on the jaunty side. I couldn’t tell if he was bothered by our wounds, because I was so uncomfortable at the time. My whole head was bandaged. All you could see was my eyes.
The nurses carried cyanide in case they were raped by the Russians. They were deathly afraid of them.
I was interrogated by a German officer who spoke English with a British accent. Like an upper-class Briton. He probably went to school in Britain. He dressed like he just got off a horse. He had the crop; he had the britches on. He had the monocle. He looked like one of these German Hollywood directors. Like Otto Preminger. In his thirties. He had a strap across his chest.
He interviewed me soon after I could talk, because they wanted military information about the planes. I told him that I couldn’t tell him any answers, and that’s when he looked at me and said he knew I was Jewish. He said, “What’s your religion?” I said, “Jewish; Hebrew.” After we had this interrogation, and I didn’t answer his questions the way he liked me to, he told me, “You know, we don’t like your kind around here.”
He knew the answers to his questions. He told me about 93rd Bomb Group; he told me the plans. He knew all that.
The possibility of being a Jewish POW wasn’t on my mind. I didn’t think about it. I just put it out of my mind. I went there to fight. That’s all I wanted to do; was to fight. I didn’t think that personally I would be captured. Never thought about being captured. No. I thought I’d live, or die.
Milton’s name appeared in the new media on August 30, October 24, and November 17, 1943, and in the Press-Focus of May 22, 1991 (!). His name can also be found on page 257 of American Jews in World War II. Operation Tidal Wave was his – and his crew’s – ninth mission. He was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, Air Medal, one Oak Leaf Cluster, and Purple Heart.
The New York Post, March 24, 1943
__________
A whale of an insignia: The emblem of the 330th Bomb Squadron, from abqmetal’s ebay store:
Here’s “Pudgy“, presumably photographed in North Africa, in image UPL14115 via the American Air Museum in Britain.
“Pudgy’s” four officers pose in front of her nose, in this photograph from the May 22, 1991 issue of Press-Focus. They are, left to right, 1 Lt. Milton Teltser, 1 Lt. Wilmer H.C. Basset (co-pilot; survived as POW), 2 Lt. Robert G. Ward (bombardier; KIA), the inspiration for the aircraft’s nickname, and 2 Lt. Sanford A. “Sandy” Reback (navigator; KIA).
__________
On August 19, 1943, a little over two weeks after the Ploesti mission, Milton’s missing in action status – which Milton’s parents had received on August 16 – was announced in a newspaper (title unknown) serving northern New Jersey. “I have a feeling that Milton is alive somewhere, but I know he feels badly that his usefulness to his country is done. He wanted to fight,” said his mother, trying to keep back the tears.
______________________________
______________________________
Second Lieutenant Rubie (or Ruby) R. Mass (Reuven ben Shalom ha Cohane)
– .ת.נ.צ.ב.ה. –
“I died for my country so that all of you can live in a free world. Also remember that it’s for the freedom of us Jews. We have been persecuted for a long time now. It’s time it should stop, and it will with this war.”
__________
This image, from FindAGrave contributor Johanna, shows Rubie Mass as he appeared in the 1939 Manley High School Yearbook.
__________
During a mission to Misburg, Germany, on June 20, 1944, B-24H Liberator 42-95217, an aircraft assigned to the 838th Bomb Squadron of the 8th Air Force’s 487th Bomb Group, was shot down by anti-aircraft fire. Piloted by 2 Lt. Arthur D. Erwin, the bomber – its tail broken away from a direct flak hit – fell to earth at the town of Hannover-Langeforth, 5 kilometers north of the city of Hannover. Of the plane’s crew of nine there emerged only one survivor: S/Sgt. Albert L. Ross, the plane’s tail gunner.
As recorded in Missing Air Crew Report 5935,“Bombs were away at 0905 over the Primary target. Immediately afterwards this plane received a direct flak hit; the tail was torn off and the A/C spun to the ground in flames. Reports vary as to the number of parachutes seen. The highest number reported is three (3); some observers, however, state that they saw two (2), others say there were none. One reported a parachute in flames, another that one was seen completely free of the plane.”
The ninth man in the plane’s crew was Second Lieutenant Rubie (or, Ruby) R. Mass (Reuven ben Shalom ha Cohane) (0-814932), the bomber’s co-pilot, who was born on May 29, 1920 in Chicago. His parents, Sam (1883-12/8/45) and Rose (Cohen) Mass (1894-4/27/57), resided at 3328 West Roosevelt Road, in that same city. The recipient of the Purple Heart (and possibly the Silver Star?), Lt. Mass was buried in 1949 at Waldheim Jewish Cemetery, at Forest Park, Illinois.
His name appears on page 109 of American Jews in World War II, and in articles in the Chicago Herald American (7/18/44) and Jewish Criterion (7/21/44).
Thirty-five years later, on May 8, 1979, Albert Ross died off the coast of Mendocino in a commercial fishing accident.
__________
Typical of many Luftgaukommando Reports, report KU 2259, covering the combat loss, examination, identification, and salvage of B-24H 42-95217, includes one-page reports pertaining to each of the aircraft’s crewmen, which include tabulations of their personnel possessions. As such, given that there was only one survivor from Lt. Mass’ Liberator, KU 2259 is as stark as it is poignant.
The document pertaining to Lt. Mass appears below, followed by a transcription and translation of the German text. Notice that the report mentions Lt. Mass was wearing an “Amulett”, which is otherwise undescribed. As such, I believe (it’s impossible to prove, but I think) this indicates that Lt. Mass was wearing either a necklace with a Magen David, or – far more likely – a mezuzah. (I’ve found such a talisman, worn by an 8th Air Force B-17 co-pilot, in another Luftgaukommando Report. Given that that man survived the war as a POW, maybe I’ll make a post about the discovery of his mezuzah in the future.) In any event, as for both Lt. Mass and the other eight crewmen of his Liberator, no personal items for any crewmen are actually present within the Luftgaukommando Report, which simply comprises documents and dog-tags.
Here’s the document about Lt. Mass…
…German transcript…
Fl.H.Kdtr. A (o) 23/XI Hannover, den 20/6/1944 Pl.Kdo.Vahrenwald
Verzeichnis über beschlagnahmte Gegenstände des toten amerikanischen Luftwaffengehörigen Rubie R. MASS.
Erk. Marke: 0-814932
Abschuss: Liberator, 20.6.1944 um 0.09 Uhr in Hannover-Laggenforth, 5 km nördl. Hannover.
Factual and accurate: [Signed] Major and Commander-in-Chief.
__________
This photo of Ruby’s matzeva is by FindAGrave contributor Jim Craig. As seems to have been not uncommon on matzevot from the mid-twentieth-centuty, this matzeva originally featured a ceramic image of Lt. Mass, which in the intervening decades has been lost to weather or vandalism.
__________
The Jewish Criterion (Chicago), from July 21, 1944. The brief article about Lt. Mass’ last letter appears at the lower-right-corner of the page…
…and, here’s the article: “It’s time it should stop, and it will end with this war.”
The Teachings of Warfare
But it quickly becomes apparent that this narrator has some affecting insights into an old, old subject. And the plain style, seeming only to swim on the surface of situations, reveals truths in the way of the best literature. In a strange way, it is a far less romantic, less extreme book than Heller’s.
*****
“There is no such thing as `getting used to combat’ … Each moment of combat imposes a strain so great that men will break down in direct relation to the intensity and duration of their exposure.”
*****
Face of a Heropresents such situations again and again. But what goes along with these descriptions is the powerful sense of human dignity. We are left with Pop Isaacs, and he is a good man. He has his limitations, as does the novel, which has some overwriting and flat spots. But because the light Pop shines is ordinary, it is all the more powerful.
M.T. Kelly. National Post [National Edition] Don Mills, Ontario, Canada March 13, 1999 (pg. 10) (Copyright National Post 1999)
M.T. Kelly is the author of Save Me, Joe Louis.
FACE OF A HERO By Louis Falstein 253 pp. Steerforth Press, $21.95
A letter to the London Times in 1998 pointed out that Joseph Heller’s best-selling Catch 22 bears an “amazing similarity” to Louis Falstein’s 1950 novel Face of a Hero. At the time, Face of a Hero was a long-forgotten novel, but now that it has been republished by Steerforth Press, the two can be compared. Although both novels are set on Southern Italian air bases in the Second World War, and deal with the absurdities of war, their authors have strikingly different visions.
Face of a Hero is an autobiographical story of a middle-aged Jewish schoolteacher who enlists in the armed forces to “fight Hitler.” At first glance the book seems naive. The narrator, Ben “Pop” Isaacs, is a “decent,” painfully honest man who won’t quite own up to being an idealist, but whose childhood memories of pogroms in the Ukraine make him enlist as a gunner on U.S. Air Force bombers. He seems especially unsuited to this job: He has bad eyesight (and hides glasses in his flight suit), thin, tiny fingers, is mechanically clumsy, and intolerant of cold. But it quickly becomes apparent that this narrator has some affecting insights into an old, old subject. And the plain style, seeming only to swim on the surface of situations, reveals truths in the way of the best literature. In a strange way, it is a far less romantic, less extreme book than Heller’s.
Fear and courage, and the exploitation of courage, are themes that have intrigued many fine writers. In war, strangers become bound together by fear; they become a “crew.” And the idea of a “crew” powerfully reveals one of the most ancient of ways to make men fight. They hold together in the face of danger because of the eyes of their comrades, or “buddies”– and can then be unscrupulously manipulated. “The faces of my comrades were with me all the time,” Pop says. “They were even in my dreams. I was certain these nine faces had been with me since the day of my birth and would be there until the hour of my death.”
Falstein also shows how cynicism about corruption in the army becomes a drug. The only way he can combat the fact that his commanding officer is a pornographer and thief who literally steals food out of the mouths of fighting men is to chant that there are things “bigger than” men like Sawyer. Yet even as he performs his sad incantation, Pop is well aware he is being swept along by cynicism and fatalism. Even his devotion to the “crew” becomes terribly damaged. What is Pop to do when one of the men he gets so attached to is revealed as a rapist, bully, and anti-Semite (as well as incompetent, causing a plane to crash)? A comrade dies, the pilot loses his legs. Everything seems drab hopelessness and death. One of the most telling passages in the book shows what it is like to simply give up:
“I vomited into my oxygen mask and closed my eyes and dropped my face on the gun handles. A lump squeezed upwards from my diaphragm … I sucked on the oxygen, sucked on it greedily, but the lump continued squeezing … I was alone in the vast death-sky, without comrades, without mother, alone and swaying briefly with only a turret hinge to grab for support. It no longer mattered what happened to me … “And yet, in spite of the monstrous absurdities it delineates, in spite of its revelations of human depravity, Face of a Hero is somehow free of despair.
In Men Against Fire, a groundbreaking examination of stresses men endure in battle written after the Second World War, Gen. S.L. Marshal makes clear that after a certain point, “a man cannot simply choose” to be brave. Combat Exhaustion, a report from the U.S. Army, reiterates: “There is no such thing as `getting used to combat’ … Each moment of combat imposes a strain so great that men will break down in direct relation to the intensity and duration of their exposure.”
Face of a Hero presents such situations again and again. But what goes along with these descriptions is the powerful sense of human dignity. We are left with Pop Isaacs, and he is a good man. He has his limitations, as does the novel, which has some overwriting and flat spots. But because the light Pop shines is ordinary, it is all the more powerful.
Some Things to Keep You Busy…
A Bunch o’ Books…
Arad, Gulie Ne’eman, America, Its Jews, and the rise of Nazism, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, In., 2000
Dugan, James, and Stewart, Carroll, Ploesti, Random House, June, 1963 (Bantam Books Paperback Edition)
Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999
Heller, Joseph, Catch-22, Dell Publishing, New York, N.Y., 1968
Middlebrook, Garrett, Air Combat at 20 Feet – Selected Missions From A Strafer Pilot’s Diary, Garrett Middlebrook, Forth Worth, Tx., 1989
Scruton, Roger, The West and The Rest – Globalization and the Terrorist Threat, Intercollegiate Studies Institute, Wilmington, De., 2002
Some Magazines and Journals…
Heller, Joseph, “‘I Am the Bombardier!'”, The New York Times Magazine, May 7, 1995
Katz, Shlomo, “What Should We Write? – Present day dilemma of American Jewish writers”, Jewish Frontier, May, 1940 (I learned about this essay via Gulie Ne’eman Arad’sAmerica, its Jews, and the rise of Nazism, which, while I suppose nowhere near as well known as David Wyman’s The Abandonment of the Jews, recounts the reaction of the Jews of the United States to the rise of the Third Reich specifically before America’s entry into WW II. Dr. Arad explores this topic in terms of the totality of the historical experience the Jews of the United States, particularly focusing on the early decades of the twentieth century.)
Kirle, Bruce, “Reconciliation, Resolution, and the Political Role of Oklahoma! in American Consciousness”, Theatre Journal, May, 2003, V 55, N 2, 251-274.
Miller, Derek, “Underneath the Ground: Jud and the Community in Oklahoma!“, Studies in Musical Theatre, V 2, N 2, 2008, 163-174
Most, Andrea, “We Know We Belong to the Land: The Theatricality of Assimilation in Rodgers and Hammerstein’s Oklahoma!“, PMLA, V 113, N 1 (Special Topic: Ethnicity), January, 1998, 77-89
Some opinions; some beliefs, just beg for an explanation, such as the following two comments. They’re from the pair of book reviews that taken together were the impetus for the eventual literary success and continuing cultural influence of Joseph Heller’s 1961 novel Catch-22:
Catch-22 is the strongest repudiation of our civilization, in fiction, to come out of World War II.
…this novel is not merely the best American novel to come out of World War II; it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years.
– Nelson Algren
__________
…Yossarian’s obsessive concern for survival makes him not only not morally dead, but one of the most morally vibrant figures in recent literature – and a giant of the will beside those weary, wise and wistful prodigals in contemporary novels who always accommodate sadly to American life.
– Robert S. Brustein
Catch-22’s “fate” was in stark contrast to the that of its inadvertent and earlier counterpart, Louis Falstein’s Face of a Hero, which largely vanished from the literary and cultural limelight subsequent to its 1950 publication until its reissue by Steerforth Press 1999 Steerforth Press.
Having touched upon that topic previously, I want to delve into it a little more deeply.
First, though we’re talking about words, the disparity in the fates of the two novels can be better understood through math. Let’s run some numbers, and then run by those numbers. (Don’t worry, I’ll be light with the math!)
First, we’ll look at ratings and reviews for Catch-22.
At GoodReads as of August 31, 2022, Catch-22 had received 786,151 ratings and 20,930 reviews, the latter ranging from 1-star (lowest) to 5-stars (highest). The totals for the ratings are:
At Mr.Bezos’Store (a.k.a. Amazon.com) on the same date, the 50th Anniversary Edition Paperback (April 5, 2011) edition of Catch 22 had received 7,733 reviews, again using a 1-star to 5-star system. The totals for ratings, and reviews within ratings, are:
5 stars – 72% – 5,148 ratings (1,429 with reviews) 4 stars – 14% 1,277 ratings (410 with reviews) 3 stars – 6% – 564 ratings (184 with reviews) 2 stars – 3% – 303 ratings (139 with reviews) 1 star – 5% – 404 ratings (236 with reviews)
Notice especially the marked difference in 5-star reviews between the two platforms, with GoodReads at 40% to Mr.Bezos’Store at 72% (nearly twice as many) while 1- and 2-star reviews are roughly similar, at 3% to 5%, and 6% to 3%, respectively. Well, the purpose and ethos of the two sites is (I suppose?) a little antithetical. One wants to tell you about stuff (as an impetus for getting you to buy or borrow stuff), and the other wants you just to buy. (Stuff.) I think explains the huge disparity in positive ratings between these two sites.
Next, we’ll look at the ratings and reviews for Face of a Hero.
At GoodReads as of August 31, 2022, Face of a Hero had received 16 (yeah, sixteen) ratings and 4 (yep, four) reviews, ranging from 2-star (lowest) to 5-stars (highest). The totals for the ratings are:
At Mr.Bezos-land on the same date, the Steerforth edition of Face of a Hero had received 7 (uh-huh, seven) 1-star to 5-star ratings, with a parallel number of reviews. The totals are:
The difference in the total number of ratings and reviews for the two books – by four to five orders of magnitude – is staggering.
__________
Next, we’ll look at the number of Oogle “hits” on August 11, 2022, for phrases relevant for the two authors and their books. In each case, I’ll list the text phrase with the smaller number of hits at the bottom of each pair. As you can see, in each case, that smaller number pertains to Louis Falstein or Face of a Hero. Here are the numbers:
__________
First, title of book and author’s surname:
““Catch-22” Heller”: 5,640,000 “”Face of a Hero” Falstein”: 79,000
That’s a ratio of 71 to 1, in favor of ““Catch-22” Heller” (Oh my!)
A ratio of 100 to 1, in favor or “Novelist “Joseph Heller”” (Gadzooks!!)
__________
Next, let’s use Oogle’s n-gram viewer, which “…charts the frequencies of any set of search strings using a yearly count of n-grams found in printed sources published between 1500 and 2019 in Google’s text corpora in English, Chinese (simplified), French, German, Hebrew, Italian, Russian, or Spanish.”
For this, I used the phrases “catch-22” and “face of a hero”
Here’s the ngram for “catch-22”. The viewer doesn’t distinguish between the phrase as used as the book title, or, the phrase as a figure of speech or writing entirely unrelated to the novel. Here’s the graph:
Taking a look, some things here just “pop out”.
First, keep in mind that though Heller’s novel was published on November 10, 1961, the ngram curve for catch-22, already stable and “flat” as far back as 1950, remains stable, until it rises commencing in 1967.
It remains at a small plateau until 1970. Then, the curve shows a steeper rise, which I think reflects the release of Mike Nichols’ film Catch-22 on June 24 of that year.
The curve rose at this same rate until 1974.
Then, a year or more before the Vietnam War’s end on April 30, 1975, the curve absolutely skyrockets. It continues at the same rate for about a decade, plateauing from 1984 through 1985, after which – starting in 1986 – it jumps even higher.
The curve fluctuates from that year through 2015, but it’s nevertheless remained at the same general level. I think this post-1985 part of the curve shows how the phrase “catch-22”, whether as a book title or phrase, or both (but probably simply the phrase) had by then become irrevocably cemented into the English language as a concept derived from but now separate from the novel.
By 2020, the curve had levelled off at about 0.0000070. And there we are.
What about “face of a hero”?
The ngram curve, commencing in 1945,sharply peaks in 1950 at about 0.000000120, and by 1952 or 1953 drops just as abruptly. There appears to be a plateau in 1999, but this is probably a random fluctuation, and as such, is unrelated to the book’s reissue by Steerforth.
If we’re comparing numbers, mimicking the ratios in the above three Oogle text searches, the ratio of the high values in the two ngram curves, 0.00000800 (“catch-22”) to 0.000000120 (“face of a hero”), is about 66 to 1, in favor of “catch-22” (Yoiks!)
Stepping back from this melange of mathematics, what these ratios and graphs do is validate a conclusion that’s as intuitive as it is obvious; apparent from the fleeting Catch-22 / Face of a Hero “controversy” of 1998, and even the most cursory observations of literature, film, and popular culture: Catch-22 had an absolutely enormous impact, one which has persisted since the mid-1970s, while Face of a Hero faded into literary obscurity (as do the overwhelming majority of books) all too quickly.
What Catch-22 was, then, was not simply “a book”, though it is a book.
It was; it represented, an idea.
But, what first catapulted Heller’s novel into literary, and then cultural, fame? The answer to that question can be found in the opening paragraph of Alec Solomita’s March, 2008 article in The New Criterion (“Yossarian Section“). Namely, “…after an initial smattering of mostly negative notices, the novel – helped by a canonizing New Republic piece by Robert Brustein, a fawning review by Nelson Algren in The Nation, and an expensive advertising campaign – became a success and then a phenomenon, eventually selling millions of copies around the world.”
In that light, here are the full texts of Algren’s and Brustein’s reviews, the former published just before, and the latter appearing only a few days after, the novel’s 1961 release.
You can “jump” to them directly via:
November 4, 1961, The Nation, Nelson Algren, “The Catch“
Algren’s review – if one can deem it such – follows. What’s more startling than its brevity, lack of substance, and absence of any genuine criticism of the novel as literature, is the nature of his endorsement of the book: For Algren, Heller’s novel is to be praised not for its merits as a written work, but for purely ideological purposes: It serves as “the strongest repudiation of our civilization,” to emerge from the Second World War, concluding with the astonishing assertion that, “…it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years.”
For the purposes of this post, my familiarity with Nelson Algren (actually, Nelson A. Abraham) is limited to his biography in Wikipedia, and, contemporary newspaper articles available via FultonHistory. From these sources, I can’t help but wonder how much the turbulent nature of the man’s life, given his general affinity for outcasts, the downtrodden (regardless of the origin of their situation), and transgressors of conventionality (the demimonde) – with his effectively lifelong near-adolescent opposition to most any prevailing political and social norm – affected his judgement of Catch-22, even as it molded his own works of fiction, and, the course of his life. In this, one is reminded of Émile Augier’s phrase “nostalgie de la boue“, roughly translating as “yearning for the mud” … a drive not unprecedented in human nature to deliberately subject oneself to a degree of self-degradation and transgression, characteristic of the protagonists of Algren’s novels. Intentionally or not, Catch-22, because of its unconventionality and very opposition to the conventional, may have simply been a literary prism through which Algren perceived and found validation for his way of seeing and living in the world
____________________
The Catch
There was only one catch and that was Catch-22, which specified that a concern for one’s own safety in the face of dangers that were real and immediate was the process of a rational mind.
*****
Below its hilarity, so wild that it hurts, Catch-22 is the strongest repudiation of our civilization, in fiction, to come out of World War II. The Naked and the Dead and From Here to Eternity are lost within it. That the horror and the hypocrisy, the greed and the complacency, the endless cunning and the endless stupidity which now go to constitute what we term Christianity are dealt with here in absolutes, does not lessen the truth of its repudiation.
*****
To compare Catch-22 favorably with The Good Soldier Schweik would be an injustice, because this novel is not merely the best American novel to come out of World War II; it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years.
There was only one catch and that was Catch-22, which specified that a concern for one’s own safety in the face of dangers that were real and immediate was the process of a rational mind. Orr was crazy and could be grounded. All he had to do was ask; and as soon as he did, he would no longer be crazy and would have to fly more missions. He would be crazy to fly more missions and sane if he didn’t, but if he was sane he had to fly them. Yossarian was moved very deeply by the absolute simplicity of this clause and let out a respectful whistle:
“That’s some catch, that Catch-22,” he observed. “It’s the best there is,” Doc Daneeka agreed.
Yossarian was moved deeply day and night and what moved him more deeply than anything else was the fact that they were trying to murder him.
“Who’s ‘they’?” Clevenger wanted to know. “Who, specifically, is trying to murder you?” “Every one of them,” Yossarian told him. “Every one of whom?” “Every one of whom do you think?” “I haven’t any idea.” “Then how do you know they aren’t?”
Yossarian had proof, because strangers he didn’t know shot at him with cannons every time he flew up into the air to drop bombs on them, so it was of no use for Clevenger to say “No one is trying to kill you.”
“Then why are they shooting at me?” “They’re shooting at everyone.” “And what difference does that make?” “I’m not going to argue with you,” Clevenger decided, “you don’t know who you hate.” “Whoever is trying to poison me.” “Nobody is trying to poison you.” “They poisoned my food twice, didn’t they? Didn’t they put poison in my food at Ferrara and during the Great Big Siege of Bologna?” “They put poison in everybody’s food,” Clevenger explained. “And what difference does that make?”
There was no established procedure for evasive action. All you needed was fear, and Yossarian had plenty of that. He bolted wildly for his life on each mission the instant his bombs were away. When he fufilled the thirty-five missions required of each man of his group, he asked to be sent home.
Colonel Cathcart had by then raised the missions required to forty. When Yossarian had flown forty he asked to be sent home. Colonel Cathcart had raised the missions required to forty-five – there did seem to be a catch somewhere. Yossarian went into the hospital with a pain in his liver that fell just short of being jaundice. If it became jaundice the doctors could treat it. If it didn’t become jaundice and went away they could discharge him. Yossarian decided to spend the rest of the war in bed by running a daily temperature of 101. He had found a catch of his own.
To preserve his sanity against the formalized lunacy of the military mind in action, Yossarian had to turn madman. Yet even Yossarian is more the patriot than Sgt. Minderbinder, the business mind in action. Even Yossarian has to protest when Minderbinder arranges with the Germans to let them knock American planes down at a thousand dollars per plane. Minderbinder is horrified – “Have you no respect for the sanctity of a business contract?” he demands of Yossarian, and Yossarian feels ashamed of himself.
Below its hilarity, so wild that it hurts, Catch-22 is the strongest repudiation of our civilization, in fiction, to come out of World War II. The Naked and the Dead and From Here to Eternity are lost within it. That the horror and the hypocrisy, the greed and the complacency, the endless cunning and the endless stupidity which now go to constitute what we term Christianity are dealt with here in absolutes, does not lessen the truth of its repudiation. Those happy few who hit upon Terry Southern’s The Magic Christian will find that, what Southern said with some self-doubt, Heller says with no doubt whatsoever. To compare Catch-22 favorably with The Good Soldier Schweik would be an injustice, because this novel is not merely the best American novel to come out of World War II; it is the best American novel that has come out of anywhere in years. – Nelson Algren
Nelson Algren (1909-1981) won the first National Book Award for fiction in 1950 for The Man With the Golden Arm.
________________________________________
Well, you’ve got to hand it to The New Republic: Whatever was lacking – in terms of length and substance – in Nelson Algren’s Nation review is more than abundant in that of Robert Brustein. This comprises laying down the novel’s plot, thoroughly recapitulating the events of the story, presenting the characters therein, and, making a comparison of Heller’s work to luminaries in the worlds of entertainment, cinema, and literature such as the Marx Brothers, Max Schulman, Kingsley Amis, Al Capp, S.J. Perelman, and Nathanael West. Brustein concludes by juxtaposing Heller’s literary skill against that of his contemporaries – Norman Mailer, Saul Bellow, and J.D. Salinger – albeit the reviewer illustrates how Heller’s work manifests the very best of each of that trio’s talents, even while transcending lacuna in the skills of Mailer and Salinger. Here, Alec Solomita is correct in deeming Brustein’s review as “canonizing”, for it is entirely, unreservedly, uniformly – nay, eagerly; nay, exultantly? – positive, reveling in more than reviewing Catch-22.
As you read Brustein’s review, one passage here; another there; even another elsewhere and so on throughout, it becomes apparent that his review of Heller’s book is as ideologically loaded and divorced from contemplating Heller’s novel as literature, per se, than is Algren’s. Taking all aspects of his review into consideration (there’s lots of sycophancy running around here!) it seems that the animating aspects of Catch-22 most admired by Brustein are the novel’s indictment and condemnation of the accepted norms of conventionality, logic, and moral discernment that undergird society (any society), and, the book’s corresponding exaltation of irrationality in the service of moral solipsism, cutely deemed “Falstaffian irresponsibility.” This is best exemplified by the following quotes:
“… the most lunatic are the most logical …”
“… Yossarian is surrounded on all sides by hostile forces: his enemies are distinguished less by their nationality than by their ability to get him killed.”
Certainly I can’t venture as to specifically why Brustein would have viewed Heller’s novel so positively, unless he saw (and rightly so) that it reflected currents of dionysian thought that had by then – the early 1960s, if not in reality many decades earlier – come to permeate, be accepted in, and promulgated by the worlds of academia, publishing, media, and entertainment. (Why? I have an idea, but that answer’s beyond the scope of this post.) Again, quoting Brustein, “For the author … has been nourishing his grudges for so long that they have expanded to include the post-war American world. Through the agency of grotesque comedy, Heller has found a way to confront the humbug, hypocrisy, cruelty, and sheer stupidity of our mass society.” Through this, and the remark about the, “…whole mystique of corporation capitalism,” one gets the impression that his review reveals far less about the novel then it does about his view of contemporary society, if not any society.
And so:
____________________
The Logic of Survival in a Lunatic World
For the author (apparently sharing the Italian belief that vengeance is a dish which tastes best cold) has been nourishing his grudges for so long that they have expanded to include the post-war American world.
*****
Considering his indifference to surface reality, it is absurd to judge Heller by standards of psychological realism (or, for that matter, by conventional artistic standards at all, since his book is as formless as any picaresque epic). He is concerned entirely with that thin boundary of the surreal, the borderline between hilarity and horror, which, much like the apparent formlessness of the unconscious, has its own special integrity and coherence. Thus, Heller will never use comedy for its own sake; each joke has a wider significance in the intricate pattern, so that laughter becomes a prologue for some grotesque revelation. This gives the reader an effect of surrealistic dislocation, intensified by a weird, rather flat, impersonal style, full of complicated reversals, swift transitions, abrupt shifts in chronological time, and manipulated identities (e.g. if a private named Major Major Major is promoted to Major by a faulty IBM machine, or if a malingerer, sitting out a doomed mission, is declared dead through a bureaucratic error, then this remains their permanent fate), as if all mankind was determined by a mad and merciless mechanism.
*****
Yossarian’s expedient is not very flattering to our national ideals, being defeatist, selfish, cowardly, and unheroic. On the other hand, it is one of those sublime expressions of anarchic individualism without which all national ideals are pretty hollow anyway. Since the mass State, whether totalitarian or democratic, has grown increasingly hostile to Falstaffian irresponsibility, Yossarian’s anti-heroism is, in fact, a kind of inverted heroism which we would do well to ponder. For, contrary to the armchair pronouncements of patriotic ideologues, Yossarian’s obsessive concern for survival makes him not only not morally dead, but one of the most morally vibrant figures in recent literature— and a giant of the will beside those weary, wise and wistful prodigals in contemporary novels who always accommodate sadly to American life.
(In honor of Banned Books Week, we’ll be publishing our original reviews of frequently banned books. First up is Robert Brustein on Joseph Heller’s Catch 22, “a bitter, brilliant, subversive book.”)
Like all superlative works of comedy—and I am ready to argue that this is one of the most bitterly funny works in the language—Catch-22 is based on an unconventional but utterly convincing internal logic. In the very opening pages, when we come upon a number of Air Force officers malingering in a hospital—one censoring all the modifiers out of enlisted men’s letters and signing the censor’s name “Washington Irving,” another pursuing tedious conversations with boring Texans in order to increase his life span by making time pass slowly, still another storing horse chestnuts in his cheeks to give himself a look of innocence—it seems obvious that an inordinate number of Joseph Heller’s characters are, by all conventional standards, mad. It is a triumph of Mr. Heller’s skill that he is so quickly able to persuade us 1) that the most lunatic are the most logical, and 2) that it is our conventional standards which lack any logical consistency. The sanest looney of them all is the apparently harebrained central character, an American bombardier of Syrian extraction named Captain John Yossarian, who is based on a mythical Italian island (Pianosa) during World War II. For while many of his fellow officers seem indifferent to their own survival, and most of his superior officers are overtly hostile to his, Yossarian is animated solely by a desperate determination to stay alive:
“It was a vile and muddy war, and Yossarian could have lived without it—lived forever, perhaps. Only a fraction of his countrymen would give up their lives to win it, and it was not his ambition to be among them…That men would die was a matter of necessity; which men would die, though, was a matter of circumstance, and Yossarian was willing to be the victim of anything but circumstance.”
The single narrative thread in this crazy patchwork of anecdotes, episodes, and character portraits traces Yossarian’s herculean efforts—through caution, cowardice, defiance, subterfuge, strategem, and subversion, through feigning illness, goofing off, and poisoning the company’s food with laundry soap—to avoid being victimized by circumstance, a force represented in the book as Catch-22. For Catch-22 is the unwritten loophole in every written law which empowers the authorities to revoke your rights whenever it suits their cruel whims; it is, in short, the principle of absolute evil in a malevolent, mechanical, and incompetent world. Because of Catch-22, justice is mocked, the innocent are victimized, and Yossarian’s squadron is forced to fly more than double the number of missions prescribed by Air Force code. Dogged by Catch-22, Yossarian becomes the anguished witness to the ghoulish slaughter of his crew members and the destruction of all his closest friends, until finally his fear of death becomes so intense that he refuses to wear a uniform, after his own has been besplattered with the guts of his dying gunner, and receives a medal standing naked in formation. From this point on, Yossarian’s logic becomes so pure that everyone thinks him mad, for it is the logic of sheer survival, dedicated to keeping him alive in a world noisily clamoring for his annihilation.
According to this logic, Yossarian is surrounded on all sides by hostile forces: his enemies are distinguished less by their nationality than by their ability to get him killed. Thus, Yossarian feels a blind, electric rage against the Germans whenever they hurl flak at his easily penetrated plane; but he feels an equally profound hatred for those of his own countrymen who exercise an arbitrary power over his life and well-being. Heller’s huge cast of characters, therefore, is dominated by a large number of comic malignities, genus Americanus, drawn with a grotesqueness so audacious that they somehow transcend caricature entirely and become vividly authentic. These include: Colonel Cathcart, Yossarian’s commanding officer, whose consuming ambition to get his picture in the Saturday Evening Post motivates him to volunteer his command for every dangerous command, and to initiate prayers during briefing sessions (“I don’t want any of this Kingdom of God or Valley of Death stuff. That’s all too negative… Couldn’t we pray for a tighter bomb pattern?”), an idea he abandons only when he learns enlisted men pray to the same God; General Peckem, head of Special Services, whose strategic objective is to replace General Dreedle, the wing commander, capturing every bomber group in the US Air Force (“If dropping bombs on the enemy isn’t a special service, I wonder what in the world is”); Captain Black, the squadron intelligence officer, who inaugurates the Glorious Loyalty Oath Crusade in order to discomfort a rival, forcing all officers (except the rival, who is thereupon declared a Communist) to sign a new oath whenever they get their flak suits, their pay checks, or their haircuts; Lieutenant Scheisskopf, paragon of the parade ground, whose admiration for efficient formations makes him scheme to screw nickel-alloy swivels into every cadet’s back for perfect ninety degree turns; and cadres of sadistic officers, club-happy MPs, and muddleheaded agents of the CID, two of whom, popping in and out of rooms like farcical private eyes, look for Washington Irving throughout the action, finally pinning the rap on the innocent chaplain.
These are Yossarian’s antagonists, all of them reduced to a single exaggerated humor, and all identified by their totally mechanical attitude toward human life. Heller has a profound hatred for this kind of military mind, further anatomized in a wacky scene before the Action Board which displays his (and their) animosity in a manner both hilarious and scarifying. But Heller, at war with much larger forces than the army, has provided his book with much wider implications than a war novel. For the author (apparently sharing the Italian belief that vengeance is a dish which tastes best cold) has been nourishing his grudges for so long that they have expanded to include the post-war American world. Through the agency of grotesque comedy, Heller has found a way to confront the humbug, hypocrisy, cruelty, and sheer stupidity of our mass society—qualities which have made the few other Americans who care almost speechless with baffled rage and through some miracle of prestidigitation, Pianosa has become a satirical microcosm for many of the macrocosmic idiocies of our time. Thus, the author flourishes his Juvenalian scourge at government-subsidized agriculture (and farmers, one of whom “spent every penny he didn’t earn on new land to increase the amount of alfalfa he did not grow”); at the exploitation of American Indians, evicted from their oil-rich land; at smug psychiatrists; at bureaucrats and patriots; at acquisitive war widows; at high-spirited American boys; and especially, and most vindictively, at war profiteers.
This last satirical flourish, aimed at the whole mystique of corporation capitalism, is embodied in the fantastic adventures of Milo Minderbinder, the company mess officer, and a paradigm of good natured Jonsonian cupidity. Anxious to put the war on a business-like basis, Milo has formed a syndicate designed to corner the world market on all available foodstuffs, which he then sells to army mess halls at huge profits. Heady with success (his deals have made him Mayor of every town in Sicily, Vice-Shah of Oran, Caliph of Baghdad, Imam of Damascus, and the Sheik of Araby), Milo soon expands his activities, forming a private army which he hires out to the highest bidder. The climax of Milo’s career comes when he fulfills a contract with the Germans to bomb and strafe his own outfit, directing his planes from the Pianosa control tower and justifying the action with the stirring war cry: “What’s good for the syndicate is good for the country.” Milo has almost succeeded in his ambition to pre-empt the field of war for private enterprise when he makes a fatal mistake: he has cornered the entire Egyptian cotton market and is unable to unload it anywhere. Having failed to pass it off to his own mess hall in the form of chocolate-covered cotton, Milo is finally persuaded by Yossarian to bribe the American government to take it off his hands: “If you run into trouble, just tell everybody that the security of the country requires a strong domestic Egyptian cotton speculating industry.” The Minderbinder sections—in showing the basic incompatibility of idealism and economics by satirizing the patriotic cant which usually accompanies American greed—illustrate the procedure of the entire book: the ruthless ridicule of hypocrisy through a technique of farce-fantasy, beneath which the demon of satire lurks, prodding fat behinds with a red-hot pitchfork.
It should be abundantly clear, then, that Catch-22, despite some of the most outrageous sequences since A Night at the Opera, is an intensely serious work. Heller has certain technical similarities to the Marx Brothers, Max Schulman, Kingsley Amis, Al Capp, and S.J. Perelman, but his mordant intelligence, closer to that of Nathanael West, penetrates the surface of the merely funny to expose a world of ruthless self-advancement, gruesome cruelty, and flagrant disregard for human life—a world, in short, very much like our own as seen through a magnifying glass, distorted for more perfect accuracy. Considering his indifference to surface reality, it is absurd to judge Heller by standards of psychological realism (or, for that matter, by conventional artistic standards at all, since his book is as formless as any picaresque epic). He is concerned entirely with that thin boundary of the surreal, the borderline between hilarity and horror, which, much like the apparent formlessness of the unconscious, has its own special integrity and coherence. Thus, Heller will never use comedy for its own sake; each joke has a wider significance in the intricate pattern, so that laughter becomes a prologue for some grotesque revelation. This gives the reader an effect of surrealistic dislocation, intensified by a weird, rather flat, impersonal style, full of complicated reversals, swift transitions, abrupt shifts in chronological time, and manipulated identities (e.g. if a private named Major Major Major is promoted to Major by a faulty IBM machine, or if a malingerer, sitting out a doomed mission, is declared dead through a bureaucratic error, then this remains their permanent fate), as if all mankind was determined by a mad and merciless mechanism.
Thus, Heller often manages to heighten the macabre obscenity of total war much more effectively through its gruesome comic aspects than if he had written realistic descriptions. And thus, the most delicate pressure is enough to send us over the line from farce into phantasmagoria. In the climactic chapter, in fact, the book leaves comedy altogether and becomes an eerie nightmare of terror. Here, Yossarian, walking through the streets of Rome as though through an Inferno, observes soldiers molesting drunken women, fathers beating ragged children, policemen clubbing innocent bystanders until the whole world seems swallowed up in the maw of evil:
“The night was filled with horrors, and he thought he knew how Christ must have felt as he walked through the world, like a psychiatrist through a ward of nuts, like a victim through a prison of thieves… Mobs… mobs of policemen… Mobs with clubs were in control everywhere.”
Here, as the book leaves the war behind, it is finally apparent that Heller’s comedy is his artistic response to his vision of transcendent evil, as if the escape route of laughter were the only recourse from a malignant world.
It is this world, which cannot be divided into boundaries or ideologies, that Yossarian has determined to resist. And so when his fear and disgust have reached the breaking point, he simply refuses to fly another mission. Asked by a superior what would happen if everybody felt the same way, Yossarian exercises his definitive logic, and answers, “Then I’d be a damned fool to feel any other way.” Having concluded a separate peace, Yossarian maintains it in the face of derision, ostracism, psychological pressure, and the threat of court martial. When he is finally permitted to go home if he will only agree to a shabby deal white- washing Colonel Cathcart, however, he finds himself impaled on two impossible alternatives. But his unique logic, helped along by the precedent of an even more logical friend, makes him conclude that desertion is the better part of valor; and so (after an inspirational sequence which is the weakest thing in the book) he takes off for neutral Sweden – the only place left in the world, outside of England, where “mobs with clubs” are not in control.
Yossarian’s expedient is not very flattering to our national ideals, being defeatist, selfish, cowardly, and unheroic. On the other hand, it is one of those sublime expressions of anarchic individualism without which all national ideals are pretty hollow anyway. Since the mass State, whether totalitarian or democratic, has grown increasingly hostile to Falstaffian irresponsibility, Yossarian’s anti-heroism is, in fact, a kind of inverted heroism which we would do well to ponder. For, contrary to the armchair pronouncements of patriotic ideologues, Yossarian’s obsessive concern for survival makes him not only not morally dead, but one of the most morally vibrant figures in recent literature—and a giant of the will beside those weary, wise and wistful prodigals in contemporary novels who always accommodate sadly to American life. I believe that Joseph Heller is one of the most extraordinary talents now among us. He has Mailer’s combustible radicalism without his passion for violence and self-glorification; he has Bellow’s gusto with his compulsion to affirm the unaffirmable; and he has Salinger’s wit without his coquettish self-consciousness. Finding his absolutes in the freedom to be, in a world dominated by cruelty, carnage, inhumanity, and a rage to destroy itself, Heller has come upon a new morality based on an old ideal, the morality of refusal. Perhaps—now that Catch-22 has found its most deadly nuclear form—we have reached the point where even the logic of survival is unworkable. But at least we can still contemplate the influence of its liberating honesty on a free, rebellious spirit in this explosive, bitter, subversive, brilliant book.
For Further Thought
Books
Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999
Heller, Joseph, Catch-22, Dell Publishing, New York, N.Y., 1968
Articles
Hollander, Paul, The Resilience of the Adversary Culture, The National Interest, Summer, 2002, 101-112
Iannone, Carol, Lionel Trilling and the Barbarians at the Gate, Academic Questions, Winter, 2001-2002, 7-17
Kersten, Katherine, Adversary Culture in 2020, First Things, February, 2021, 41-46
Magnet, Myron, Defounding America, The New Criterion, May, 2021, 4-12
In late April of 1998, Face of a Hero became an object of literary attention as a result of an inquiry to the London Times by Lewis Pollock, concerning the provenance of Catch-22, Pollock correctly noting parallels between the main protagonist, secondary characters, setting, plot, and events of both novels. His letter became the impetus for articles in the Washington Post and New York Times which, accompanied by comments by Joseph Heller himself, delineated these similarities in detail, yet highlighted the marked difference between the two novels in terms of style, structure, and especially – if I can use the word in a literary sense? – the books’ very ethos.
As discussed by Michael Mewshaw and Mel Gussow, there was a genuine commonality of historical and life experience between Falstein and Heller. However, regardless of one’s opinion of the two works as literature, I believe that Joseph Heller was entirely honest in his description of the influences upon and originality of his novel, specifically mentioning being influenced by Louis-Ferdinand Céline (Ironically, “…His bigotry is not incidental to his writing but explicit within it…” an unrepentant Jew-hater. So I ask: Was Joseph Heller aware of this?; So, I also ask: If he had known, would it have mattered?), Evelyn Waugh and Vladimir Nabokov. Even if he had read Face of a Hero in the early 1950s; even if that novel was a spark for the eventual creation of Catch-22, any such spark would only have been as incipient as it was tiny, given what emerged from Heller’s desk eleven years later. In the end, all the parallels between the two novels are far more superficial than structural, just as were the parallels in the lives of their two authors. Though there were parallels in the worlds of Falstein, I believe looked upon “the world” – the world of history; the world of fiction – through vastly different understandings, and thus emerged with literary visions perhaps irreconcilable.
Ten months after the appearance of Mewshaw and Gussow’s articles, The Forward published an essay by Dr. Sanford Pinsker, Professor of English at Franklin and Marshall College, delving into the similarities and differences between the two novels in an effort to establish why Face of a Hero, “…quickly slid down the memory hole.”, in light of the novel’s, “…reissue in paperback by the Steerforth Press.”
One reason attributed to the novel’s reemergence was the late twentieth-century (retrospectively ephemeral) upsurge of interest in the Second World War, through history, fiction, and cinema. In this context, Pinsker cited Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan, Terrence Malik’s The Thin Red Line, andRoberto Benigni’s “bold experiment” Life Is Beautiful (“bold experiment”? – seriously?! – my God, the mind boggles),the latter dubbed by David Denby in his New Yorker film review “Roberto Benigni’s Holocaust Fantasy” as, “…a benign form of Holocaust Denial”.
The other, primary reason, was the above-mentioned controversy generated by Louis Pollock’s letter to the London Times.
More importantly, in his discussion of why Face of a Hero rapidly fell from public and literary consciousness, Pinsker focuses on the novels’ differing approaches to storytelling in the context of the history of the Second World War, and, the experience of Jewish servicemen within that conflict. At heart, Face of a Hero is directly descriptive while Catch-22 is, …built on the scaffolding of the paradoxical,” and thus, far more stylistically vivid, focusing on the absurdities of war and the military, particularly with resonance to the (ahhhh, let’s have a drum roll for the mantra-like incantation of the 60s generation) “war in Vietnam”. While Pinsker appreciated Sergeant Ben Isaacs’ (Louis Falstein’s) empathy with the Jews of Europe, he felt that the direct and explicit treatment of this subject – in terms of dialogue and interior monologue – was an overdone form of “telling”, rather than “showing”, the emphasis upon which left vacant a fuller, deeper treatment of the airman’s experience of war. This is the same point of critique – and yes, it could be argued, a valid one – as mentioned by William DuBois in his New York Times’ “Books of the Times” review of August 17, 1950. “…he has chosen to wander too far from his air-strip. At times (when Ben is sympathizing with refugees in an Italian concentration camp, or cursing discrimination within his own army) one feels that the author is trying to write two novels at once, and muddling his effects. Finally, it’s plain too bad that “Face of a Hero” is bound to suffer from the law of diminishing returns – which operates in the literary market-place even more predictably than in other markets. There have been few war novels that were more deeply felt than this. There have been many that were better planned, many that identified the reader more closely with both cast and background.”
Well, I did not (do not) agree with Pinsker, but I did want to present his viewpoint, especially in light of my own thoughts about Falstein’s novel, some of which were presented in a letter published in TheForward three weeks later. Further insight into Pinsker’s thought about Joseph Heller can be found in his 1991 (republished in 2009) study, Understanding Joseph Heller.
Basically, I suggested that the tenor of the 1950s – the Second World War having ended a half-decade before, the Korean War having just begun, the (first) Cold War in full swing, plus the simple wheel of chance that governs the material success of all literary works, were the principle influences that decided the fate of Face of a Hero. In light of the book’s many positive reviews, “telling” and “aesthetic shaping” had absolutely nothing to do with it.
____________________
Joseph Heller died on December 12, 1999, and more than nominal obituaries was the subject of retrospectives about his literary career and life, two of which follow below. One article is by Peter Carlson (in the Washington Post) and the other (in The Jerusalem Post), is by Michael Mewshaw, who wrote about the Catch-22 / Face of a Hero controversy in mid-1998.
The common element of the reviews, as hinted at by Pinsker in his “war in Vietnam” comment, is the realization that a significant reason for Catch-22’s success was a matter of timing: As related to Carlson by Heller, “At a reading the previous night, a man stood up and publicly thanked Heller for “Calch-22.” “I read your book the day before I got called up for Vietnam,” he said, “and I have to tell you, it helped.” And, as noted by Mewshaw, “…Heller’s book generated popularity and sales by word-of-mouth, eventually tapped into the anti-Vietnam war Zeitgeist of the ‘60s, and now occupies a secure place in the contemporary canon.” It was this, rather than by virtue of its literary quality (or more accurately put, in spite of its literary quality), that it emerged into and has persisted in literary and public consciousness, whether as the book Catch-22, or, the phrase “catch-22”.
So, on to the articles, letters, and retrospectives. These comprise:
New Questions Dog ‘Catch-22’ Joseph Heller Defends Originality of ‘61 Classic
Because [Lewis] Pollock must have been one of the few people on the planet who had read both books, he was especially interested to learn that Heller mentioned in his recent autobiography, “Now and Then,” that he had occasionally “borrowed” the scenes and settings of his early fiction from other authors. “I did not intend to cause trouble, Mr. Heller,” Pollock told the London Times. He just wondered whether Heller might have read and been influenced by “The Sky Is a Lonely Place.” Or, as he mused in his letter, “is this a remarkable example of synchronicity?”
Michael Mewshaw The Washington Post April 27, 1998
The inquiry to the London Sunday Times was politely phrased. “Can anyone out there account for the amazing similarity of characters, personality traits, eccentricities, physical descriptions, personnel injuries and incidents in `Catch-22’ (by Joseph Heller) and a novel by Louis Falstein, `The Sky Is a Lonely Place,’ published in 1951?”
The letter to the editor, published two weeks ago, caused ripples throughout literary London and led to an extensive report in today’s London Times. Could one of the 20th century’s best-selling novels — a book whose title became a synonym for paradox, the very hallmark of absurdity and a masterpiece of contemporary black humor — not have been as “wildly original” and “fantastically unique” as critics hailed it?
A reading of Louis Falstein’s novel suggests that somebody from the same background as Heller (the son of a Russian Jewish family), from the same borough of New York City (Brooklyn), from the same branch of the service (an airman on an American bomber squadron) and from the same combat theater (Italy, 1943-45) did write a book tantalizingly like the one Joseph Heller published more than a decade later.
Reached at his home on Long Island today, Heller denied that he ever read “The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” or heard of Louis Falstein, or of Lewis Pollock, the professional artist and amateur bibliophile who queried the London Times. “The similarities come from a common wartime experience,” he said.
“My book came out in 1961,” he added. “I find it funny that nobody else has noticed any similarities, including Falstein himself, who died just last year.”
Although he concedes some surprise at the bits and pieces the novels have in common, Heller pointed out how much war fiction depends on the same elementary variations on themes and characters.
In his book, Falstein described a hospitalized pilot lying in bed “in a white cast, like an Egyptian mummy. His arms were broken; and where his legs had been, there were cotton swathed stumps. Only his face showed out of the cast, and there were openings at the bottom for bodily functions. An orderly or nurse held the cigarette for him when he smoked.”
Heller wrote, “The soldier in white was encased from head to toe in plaster and gauze. He had two useless arms and two useless legs.” A nurse is described inserting a thermometer into his mouth, and he’s subsequently called “a stuffed and sterilized mummy.”
Toward the end of his novel, Falstein dramatized a grotesque Christmas Eve party that dissolves into a bacchanal of singing, screaming, sobbing and lamenting and ends with an outbreak of gunfire that the soldiers mistake for an enemy attack. “There were several more carbine pings, and somebody answered fire with a forty-five pistol.”
Late in “Catch-22,” Heller wrote that a Thanksgiving “celebration lasted long into the night, and the stillness was fractured often by wild, exultant shouts and by cries of people who were merry or sick. There was the recurring sound of retching and moaning, of laughter, greetings, threats and swearing, and of bottles shattering against rock. There were dirty songs in the distance.” It, too, ends with gunfire, and the protagonist Yossarian charges out of his tent with his .45.
“Catch-22” and “The Sky Is a Lonely Place” share another vaguely similar scene in which an Italian woman, who doesn’t understand English and has kept herself apart from the soldiers, is raped.
Asked today about those and other similarities, Heller cited personal experience. “I don’t know how many airmen brought along extra flak jackets, but I did,” he said. “That Thanksgiving scene actually happened — guys got drunk and started shooting. There was a case of rape in Rome. I heard of it. A maid got thrown out a window. I read about it in the military newspaper.” Which, he said, may mean Falstein read the same story.
As for the patient in a full-body cast, “That goes all the way back to Dalton Trumbo’s `Johnny Got His Gun.’ Trumbo’s novel came out not just before `Catch-22,’ but long before Falstein’s. If there’s a literary reference or allusion I’m a bit embarrassed about, it’s the similarity between the first chapter of `Catch-22’ and Celine’s `Journey to the End of Night.’ “
Because Pollock must have been one of the few people on the planet who had read both books, he was especially interested to learn that Heller mentioned in his recent autobiography, “Now and Then,” that he had occasionally “borrowed” the scenes and settings of his early fiction from other authors. “I did not intend to cause trouble, Mr. Heller,” Pollock told the London Times. He just wondered whether Heller might have read and been influenced by “The Sky Is a Lonely Place.” Or, as he mused in his letter, “is this a remarkable example of synchronicity?”
Duff Hart-Davis, son of Falstein’s late British publisher, says his father never met the author, and has raised the possibility that Falstein and Heller are the same person, that “The Sky Is a Lonely Place” was “a practice run for `Catch-22.’ “
But Heller squelched that theory.
“The Sky Is a Lonely Place” is narrated in the first person by a Jewish gunner in a B-24, Ben “Pop” Isaacs; “Catch-22” has an omniscient narrator who recounts the antics of the crew of a B-25.
Just as Heller’s celebrated novel contains a jamboree of characters — Colonel Cathcart, Colonel Korn, Major Major Major Major, Milo Minderbinder, Captain Aarfy Aardvark and, of course, Yossarian — so does Falstein’s, with Mel Ginn, Cosmo Fidanza, Chester Kowalski, Charles Couch, Billy Poat and Jack Doolie Dula.
While “Catch-22” is much longer, more ambitious and more relentlessly comic, Heller is correct that much of what they have in common comes out of the context of World War II, when airmen were eager to fly their 50 missions and get back to the United States.
When not airborne and on the brink of death, characters in both books kill time in scenes familiar to any reader of war fiction. They paint tiny bombs on their flight jackets to mark each mission. They drink, complain, cry, lie, play cruel jokes, fight, frequent brothels and encounter locals who are depicted as childlike and cunning, full of equal measures of Old World wisdom and venality. Children pimp for their sisters. Nurses are ice cold or volcanically hot. Rain plays havoc with the flight schedule, keeping the men safe on the ground, but exposing them to flu, fever, jaundice, hepatitis and fraying nerves.
Like Falstein, Heller focuses on the underbelly of the campaign — on PR officers more interested in publicity and medals than on men, on black marketeers who skim off supplies, leaving troops hungry and in the lurch.
Where Falstein heightens the tension in a conventional, realistic manner with near-misses, crash landings, midair dogfights and fatal miscalculations of fuel, Heller ratchets up the stakes and darkens the laughter by having the high command constantly raise the required number of missions.
Yet Falstein displays a Hellerean fascination for Grand Guignol violence, quirky gags and virulent humor that verves from the slapstick to the surrealistic and sometimes the satanic. Scabrous jokes, racial epithets, savage sexual ribaldry and hair-raising craziness pour out of people. At times, Falstein achieves a sort of demonic poetry, as when a soldier says “Grazie Nazi,” and his friend replies “Prego, dago” — Heller does the same in “Catch-22,” where an exchange runs: “Pass the salt, Walt / Pass the bread, Fred / Shoot me a beet, Pete.”
Paralyzed with fear, Falstein’s characters become preternaturally alert to the absurdity of their situation, the logical lunacy of rules and regulations, the arbitrariness of authority and the emptiness of words. Early in “The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” the narrator learns a lesson in “airwar language” when he’s instructed “never use the word KILLED . . . we say a guy WENT DOWN” — a scene reminiscent of the chaplain in “Catch-22” being ordered to compose a prayer that eliminates God and death.
In both books, a red ribbon on a map marks the advance of American troops and the bomb line. As the ribbon approaches Vienna, a Falstein character comes down with diarrhea. When in “Catch-22” it closes in on Bologna, an epidemic of diarrhea breaks out on Heller’s air base.
Even as the similarities grow more frequent, it’s possible to see them as shards from the same general mosaic. True, Falstein’s bombardier “shrieks,” just as Yossarian does after he drops a bomb. True, there’s a cat that crawls onto a sleeping soldier and has to be peeled away when the man wakes up. True, both books have characters who shuffle and deal cards in a snappy explosive fashion. True, Ben Isaacs, like Yossarian, drags extra flak jackets along on each mission and drapes them all over his body. True, there are common comic scenes involving the idiocies of letter censors and the self-serving circumlocutions of military doctors who sense that the flyboys are sick and/or insane, yet keep sending them on missions.
But several similarities seem to transcend any question of shared experience or literary archetypes. “Catch-22” opens with a chapter titled “The Texan.” In the first chapter of “The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” the narrator introduces a character referred to as “the stringy young Texan.”
Still, the current imbroglio has not reduced Joseph Heller’s pride of authorship and he closes by stressing, “Given the amount of invention in `Catch-22,’ it would be an amazing coincidence if there were fundamental similarities with Falstein’s novel.”
________________________________________
Questioning the Provenance of the Iconic ‘Catch-22’
‘‘Face of a Hero,’’ told in the first person by a gunner named Ben Isaacs, is a harrowing but relatively straightforward dramatic account of one man’s wartime experiences. Isaacs, nicknamed Pops because he is older than the other members of the crew, is obsessed by his hatred of Hitler and Fascism.
‘‘Catch-22’’ is a Dantesque vision, a darkly comic surrealistic portrait of men caught up in the madness of war. Mr. Heller’s protagonist, Yossarian, is a bombardier who comes to believe – with some justification – that everyone is trying to kill him. With an increasing desperation, he wants to complete his 50 missions so he can go home, but keeps finding the number of missions needed raised by his commanding officer.
Mel Gussow The New York Times April 29, 1998
When Louis Falstein’s ‘‘Face of a Hero’’ was published in 1950, Herbert F. West reviewed it favorably in The New York Times Book Review, calling it ‘‘the most mature novel about the Air Force that has yet appeared. . . . a book that is both exciting and important.’’ Still, the book and its author faded into obscurity.
When Joseph Heller’s ‘‘Catch-22’’ was published 11 years later, Richard G. Stern gave it a negative review in the Times Book Review. He said that it ‘‘gasps for want of craft and sensibility’’ and called it ‘‘an emotional hodgepodge.’’ Despite that indictment, ‘‘Catch-22’’ eventually became a phenomenal success — a best seller, a film and the cornerstone of a major literary career.
Now, in a strange twist, the two books have come together, and their meeting has led to a provocative debate. In a recent letter to The Times of London, Lewis Pollock, a London bibliophile, wondered if anyone could ‘‘account for the amazing similarity of characters, personality traits, eccentricities, physical descriptions, personnel injuries and incidents’’ in the two books.
He asked if this were ‘‘a remarkable example of synchronicity.’’ That letter has sparked conjecture in both Britain and the United States about the origins of ‘‘Catch-22.’’ An article appeared this week in The Sunday Times of London, followed by one the next day on the front page of The Washington Post suggesting that Mr. Heller may have appropriated material from Falstein’s book.
On the telephone from his home on Long Island, Mr. Heller issued a categorical denial. He said he was influenced in his writing by Celine, Waugh and Nabokov, but not by Falstein. ‘‘I never read the book,’’ he said. ‘‘I never heard of the book or the author. To the extent that there are similarities, they are coincidences, and if the similarities are striking then they are striking coincidences.’’
He added, ‘‘If I went through the ‘Iliad’ I would probably find as many similarities to ‘Catch-22’ as other people seem to be finding between Falstein’s book and mine.’’
Robert Gottlieb, who edited ‘‘Catch-22’’ for Simon & Schuster, was astonished at the suggestion that Mr. Heller might have borrowed anything from Falstein or any other writer. ‘‘I’ve never seen, heard or felt Joe Heller doing anything remotely less than honest during our 40-year relationship,’’ he said. ‘‘It is inconceivable that he used any other writer’s work. For one thing, he’s too shrewd to do something so blatant. It’s easier for me to believe that Falstein anticipated ‘Catch-22.’ ‘‘
Both authors were in the Army Air Force in Europe during World War II as members of combat crews on bombers. Falstein was stationed in southern Italy, Mr. Heller in Corsica (called Pianosa in his book). For each, this was a first novel. Mr. Falstein died in 1995 at 86.
While it was easy enough for Mr. Heller to be unaware of Mr. Falstein’s book, it is implausible that Falstein was unaware of ‘‘Catch-22,’’ a highly celebrated book that dealt with a closely related subject. ‘‘Where was Mr. Falstein between 1961 and his death?’’ asked Mr. Gottlieb. ‘‘If he felt his book was misused, he should have said something about it.’’ Falstein’s son, Joshua, who is a court stenographer, said this week that his father never mentioned ‘‘Catch-22’’ to him.
From a reading of ‘‘Face of a Hero’’ (published by Harcourt Brace and long out of print), it is clear that each novel stands on its own. Despite the common background in the military and some similar incidents, the books are widely disparate in approach, ambition, style and content.
‘‘Face of a Hero,’’ told in the first person by a gunner named Ben Isaacs, is a harrowing but relatively straightforward dramatic account of one man’s wartime experiences. Isaacs, nicknamed Pops because he is older than the other members of the crew, is obsessed by his hatred of Hitler and Fascism.
‘‘Catch-22’’ is a Dantesque vision, a darkly comic surrealistic portrait of men caught up in the madness of war. Mr. Heller’s protagonist, Yossarian, is a bombardier who comes to believe — with some justification — that everyone is trying to kill him. With an increasing desperation, he wants to complete his 50 missions so he can go home, but keeps finding the number of missions needed raised by his commanding officer.
An examination of the two books leads this reader to conclude that the similarities between the two can easily be attributed to the shared wartime experiences of the authors. In his first chapter, for instance, Falstein introduces his flight crew, one of whom is identified as ‘‘the stringy young Texan.’’ Coincidentally, Mr. Heller’s first chapter is called ‘‘The Texan’’ and one of the characters is from Texas, but the scene is entirely different. Yossarian is in a hospital. ‘‘It was love at first sight,’’ Mr. Heller begins. ‘‘The first time Yossarian saw the chaplain he fell madly in love with him.’’
In that chapter, Mr. Heller introduces ‘‘the soldier in white’’ who ‘‘was encased from head to toe in plaster and gauze.’’ He continues, ‘‘He had two useless legs and two useless arms’’ and had been smuggled into the ward at night. Later in his book, Falstein also has a soldier in white who ‘‘looked entombed in the cast, like an Egyptian mummy.’’ This invalid is the crew’s new pilot, wounded in action. In ‘‘Catch-22,’’ the figure is as mysterious and as metaphorical as the Unknown Soldier.
In Falstein’s book there is an animal lover who sleeps with five cats. In Mr. Heller’s book, there is Hungry Joe, who ‘‘dreamed that Huple’s cat was sleeping on his face, suffocating him, and when he woke up, Huple’s cat was sleeping on his face.’’ Both Isaacs and Yossarian take extra flak jackets into combat as protection — as apparently did Falstein, Mr. Heller and other members of flight crews in combat. In each book, there is a holiday party that ends in gunfire and there is a rape scene with some similarity.
While ‘‘Face of a Hero’’ holds firmly to a realistic base, ‘‘Catch-22’’ is a transforming act of the imagination, populated by fiercely original characters like Milo Minderbinder, the flamboyant opportunist who bombs his own air base for profit (Falstein has a black marketeer in his company, far smaller in scope than Milo). From Mr. Heller, there is also Major Major Major Major, whose fate is to look like Henry Fonda but not act anything like him. Then there is Doc Daneeka with his theory of ‘‘Catch-22.’’ A man has to be declared crazy to be relieved from combat duty, but ‘‘anyone who wants to get out of combat duty isn’t really crazy.’’
Falstein, who was born in Ukraine and came to the United States in 1925, wrote several other novels, including ‘‘Slaughter Street’’ and ‘‘Sole Survivor,’’ as well as a biography of Sholom Aleichem for young readers. After the war, he attended New York University and later taught there and at City College. He continued to write late in life but his work was not published, his son said.
In his recent memoir, ‘‘Now and Then,’’ Mr. Heller discusses in detail the models for some of his characters. Reviewing the book in The Times of London, J. G. Ballard reflected on the importance of ‘‘Catch-22,’’ calling it ‘‘the last great novel written in English.’’ Paradoxically, it was Mr. Ballard’s piece that led to that questioning letter to the editor and the subsequent controversy.
________________________________________
Making War Seem Real
At the same time, however, a part of me knows that there is far too much telling rather than showing in Falstein’s novel. By fastening his imagination to the “facts” of what being a Jewish airman was really like, he neglects telling details and aesthetic shaping. As such his novel, admirable though it is in spots, fails to make a convincing case for the direction in which “Face of a Hero” merely points. My hunch is that the literary jury has long ago rendered its verdict, and that nothing in “Face of a Hero” is likely to change it.
Sanford Pinsker
The Forward February 19, 1999
Louis Falstein’s autobiographical World War II novel, “Face of a Hero,” was published in 1950. Despite some good notices in The New York Times and The New Republic, it quickly slid down the memory hole. What, then, accounts for its reissue in paperback by the Steerforth Press? Two answers suggest themselves.
One has to do with speculation about the similarities between Falstein’s account of the war and Joseph Heller’s comic masterpiece, “Catch-22,” which was published 10 years after “Face of a Hero” and covered roughly the same material. The airmen at the center of both novels share their worries about survival in the face of enemy flak and the number of missions they are required to fly, and they watch their fellow squadron members’ increasingly desperate quests for comic or sexual relief as the shadow of death creeps closer. Although the case for Mr. Heller’s unacknowledged appropriation of Falstein’s material seems to have little if any merit, once certain questions have been raised, reprinting a novel such as “Face of a Hero” will follow as the night follows the day. Sadly, Falstein, who died in 1995, is not available for comment or questioning.
The other reason for the reappearance of the book is a renewed interest in seeing World War II through a realistic lens. Steven Spielberg’s “Saving Private Ryan” and Terrence Malick’s “The Thin Red Line,” are part of this trend. Admirers of “Saving Private Ryan” insist that the film is Hollywood storytelling at its best; by capturing essential truths in striking images and a straightforward narrative, it does for World War II cinema, they say, what “Schindler’s List” had done for the Holocaust.
The difference between “Saving Private Ryan,” “The Thin Red Line” and “Face of a Hero” on one hand and “Catch-22” on the other are part of a larger, ongoing debate about hyper-realism and the more inventive – some would say, wackier – possibilities of postmodernist experimentation. A recent example of the latter is Italian comedian Roberto Benigni’s bold experiment, “Life Is Beautiful,” which uses farce to illustrate the horrors of concentration camps. Mr. Benigni’s film is squaring off against “Saving Private Ryan” and “The Thin Red Line” for the Academy Award for Best Picture, and the choice among them is in part a referendum on the relative merits of grim realism and absurd humor.
Which method gets us closer to the truth – the rigorous attention in “Face of a Hero” to the details as they really were, or the dark comedy of “Catch-22,” a book that turns the horrors of war into a funhouse mirror? Mr. Heller’s novel is built on the scaffolding of the paradoxical Catch-22: “If he flew them he was crazy and didn’t have to; but if he didn’t want to he was sane and had to.” The dark joke at the heart of Mr. Heller’s carpet allows him to raise arbitrarily the number of required missions (by contrast, in Falstein’s treatment, the number never inches higher than 50), or to etch a slapstick world in which language can do more damage than enemy fire. The result is that when the two novels are read side by side, Mr. Heller is not only the more vivid stylist by far, but he also has a deeper, more penetrating grasp of war’s central absurdities. Surrealism, in short, seems a better cultural fit, especially when readers apply Mr. Heller’s deadly logic to the war in Vietnam.
“Catch-22” may contain multitudes, but one figure conspicuously missing is the Jew. John Yossarian, Mr. Heller’s protagonist and wisecracking mouthpiece, prides himself on being an Assyrian, even more foreign and estranged than was Falstein’s literary alter ego, 34-year-old Ben Isaacs. Those of us who have long hectored Mr. Heller about erasing his Jewishness from his war novel will find “Face of a Hero” something of a mixed – and troubling – bag. On one hand, there are passages in which Ben Isaacs not only makes his Jewish identification clear, but also links it to a wider sense of history:
I was here because I hated Hitler, hated fascism, and feared they would come to America. I was here because Hitler made me conscious, again, that as a Jew I must assume the role of scapegoat. I had almost forgotten that being Jewish carried any stigma with it, though I had known anti-Semitism and pogroms as a child [in the Ukraine]. From the age of fifteen when I arrived in America, being Jewish had not stood in the way of my becoming a teacher, of being happily married, of leading the kind of existence that would let me attain my limited aspirations. Only in 1933, with Hitler riding into power, was the old wound reopened.
On the other hand, in novels such as “Face of a Hero” and perhaps even more so in films, the wartime squadron becomes a microcosm of America itself, with its requisite Texas blowhard, apple-cheeked farm boy from Iowa, lone black, and secular Brooklyn Jew. In this sense, “Saving Private Ryan” is so many musty cinematic conventions poured into a visually shocking new treatment – including its Jewish character, who dies as a result of a fellow’s soldier’s paralyzing cowardice in the face of the German army. For better or worse, Mr. Heller’s novel changed the formula, and in the process lifted realism to a new surrealistic level, one where any whiff of the Holocaust had to be consciously edited out. By contrast, Falstein’s Ben Isaacs drags the nights of fog and death onto center stage.
Small wonder, then, that a part of me wants to give Falstein the credit that is his due, not as the unacknowledged model for “Catch22” but rather as a novelistic exploration of its author’s identity that includes passages such as this one: “My guns had spoken for the pogroms I had lived through … for the anguished screams of people, my people, who were this very moment burning in Hitler’s extermination ovens.”
At the same time, however, a part of me knows that there is far too much telling rather than showing in Falstein’s novel. By fastening his imagination to the “facts” of what being a Jewish airman was really like, he neglects telling details and aesthetic shaping. As such his novel, admirable though it is in spots, fails to make a convincing case for the direction in which “Face of a Hero” merely points. My hunch is that the literary jury has long ago rendered its verdict, and that nothing in “Face of a Hero” is likely to change it.
Mr: Pinsker is Shadek professor of humanities at Franklin and Marshall College.
________________________________________
War Novel Suffered in 1950s
Here’s a letter I wrote to The Forward, in response to Pinsker’s essay:
The novel’s lack of success may have had far more to do with the tenor of the 50s than its quality as literature.
*****
Falstein may have felt no desire to engage in experiments in form and style. Rather, he simply wanted to tell a story… no more, no less… about the experiences of a Jewish aerial gunner and his fellow crewmen, during a time when the 15th Air Force was incurring its heaviest losses of planes and crews. What Pinsker sees “a lack of aesthetic shaping” is actually simplicity, clarity, and above all, honesty.
The Forward March 5, 1999
I was happily surprised’ to see The Forward accord Louis Falstein’s “Face of a Hero”‘ attention the novel has long merited (“Making War Seem Real,” February 29). Sadly, though, Sanford Pinsker’s review and comparison of Mr. Falstein’s novel to Joseph Heller’s “Catch 22” does the former a great injustice. It is an injustice in terms of the clarity of Falstein’s depiction of the experiences and thoughts of a Jewish aviator flying missions over German-occupied Europe, the literary style of “Face of a Hero” and the book’s place in the literature of World War II.
Mr. Pinsker seems to categorize Falstein’s depiction of a multi-ethnic bomber crew as an exarnple of a hackneyed plot device used by writers and filmmakers since World War II. But a serious look at the composition of most World War II Air Corps bomber crews shows that the air crew of Falstein’s fictional B-24 bomber, the “Flying Foxhole,” has more basis in fact than fiction. As discussed in detail by Gerald Astor in “The Mighty Eighth,” American bomber crews often indeed were random and varied combinations of ethnicities and religions. A look at the historical records of any-odd World War II fighter or bomber group will suffice to prove this. As such, these men naturally experiencecI the gamut off feelings found among people from disparate locales and backgrounds, thrown together at random, in situations of life and death.
In more general terms, Mr. Pinsker takes issue with the way “Face of a Hero” spends too much time “telling, rather than showing,” being enmeshed in details and facts at the expense of style and aesthetics. This, combined with the novel’s allegedly stereotypical and shallow characters, may have contributed to its rapid disappearance from the literary spotlight.
I think the actual reasons for the novel’s lack of recognition are vastly different.
Remember, the story was published in 1950, only five years after the end of World War II and coincident with the start of the Korean War. The American public was psychologically fatigued from a costly victory only five years earlier, yet it found itself at war again, dashing hopes for an era of peace. The novel depicted the psychological effects of war on soldiers, and on aviators, and it presented these men in what some may see as unflattering, but ultimately sympathetic, candor. Finally, the praise given to the novel by The New York Times and The New Republic was by no means universal. For example, an anonymous reviewer in Time magazine blasted Falstein for emphasizing Ben Isaacs’s Jewish identity and perspective of the war, characterizing the book’s hero as a “congenital soul-searcher” and “neurotic.” The novel’s lack of success may have had far more to do with the tenor of the 1950s than its quality as literature.
Falstein may have felt no desire to engage in experiments, in form and style. Rather, he simply wanted to tell a story – no more, no less – about the experiences of a Jewish aerial gunner and his fellow crewmen, during a time when the 15th Air Force was incurring its heaviest losses of planes and crews. What Mr. Pinsker sees as “a lack of aesthetic shaping” is actually simplicity, clarity and, above all, honesty.
[My letter concluded with the following two sentences, which The Forward did not deign to publish: “If anything, Face of a Hero’s release was premature. The verdict of Pinsker’s “literary jury”, as forgetful as it is fickle, may have been equally premature.”]
________________________________________
The Heights of Absurdity Joseph Heller Drove a World Stark Raving Sane With ‘Catch-22’
I was supposed to be interviewing Heller about his latest book, “Now and Then,” a chatty, charming memoir of his boyhood in Coney Island and his adventures as a bombardier in World War II. But I spent most of the time asking him about “Catch-22,” which is my favorite novel of all time. It’s a strange, convoluted, grim, hilarious war novel that seems to suggest that the whole world is completely insane. This message confirmed suspicions I held when I first read it in 1958, and it has been corroborated countless times since then.
I told Heller that his crazy book had helped keep me sane. He smiled. He heard similar comments nearly every lime he ventured out in public. At a reading the previous night, a man stood up and publicly thanked Heller for “Calch-22.” “I read your book the day before I got called up for Vietnam,” he said, “and I have to tell you, it helped.”
Peter Carlson The Washington Post December 14, 1999
The first time I saw Joseph Heller, back in the late ‘60s, he was delivering a speech at New York University. That night, he revealed his plans for the future. “I’m going to live forever,” he said, “or die trying.”
On Sunday night, he died trying. A heart attack did what Nazi antiaircraft gunners failed to do back in World War II. The author of “Catch-22” and seven other books was 76.
The first and only time I had lunch with Heller was last year. It was the early days of the Monica Lewinsky scandal, which be was enjoying tremendously.
“I love it,” he said, smiling broadly beneath a fluffy halo of bright while hair. “The fact that it’s so ridiculous is what makes it so exquisitely entertaining to me.”
Heller was a connoisseur of the absurd. The scandal was providing delicious new realms of ludicrousness that not even he could have imagined. A few days earlier, Lewinsky’s soon-to be-fired attorney, William Ginsburg, had complained that his client’s life was ruined, that nobody would ever again want to date her or hire her.
“I wanted to call and say, “I’ll date you! I’ll hire you!” he cackled uproariously. Then he went back to his crab cakes. The man loved to eat.
I was supposed to be interviewing Heller about his latest book, “Now and Then,” a chatty, charming memoir of his boyhood in Coney Island and his adventures as a bombardier in World War II. But I spent most of the time asking him about “Catch-22,” which is my favorite novel of all time. It’s a strange, convoluted, grim, hilarious war novel that seems to suggest that the whole world is completely insane. This message confirmed suspicions I held when I first read it in 1958, and it has been corroborated countless times since then.
I told Heller that his crazy book had helped keep me sane. He smiled. He heard similar comments nearly every lime he ventured out in public. At a reading the previous night, a man stood up and publicly thanked Heller for “Calch-22.” “I read your book the day before I got called up for Vietnam,” he said, “and I have to tell you, it helped.”
A year earlier, in Prague, people kept buttonholing Heller to tell him that bootlegged copies of “Catch-22” had served as an antidote to the absurdities of life under communism.
Translated into nearly every written language, “Catch-22” has sold well over 20 million copies. It still sells briskly wherever human beings feel tormented by crazed bosses and mindless bureaucracies – which is to say, just about everywhere on the planet.
It is ostensibly the story of a U.S. bomb squadron In the Mediterranean during World War II and a bombardier named Yossarian who is driven crazy by the Germans, who keep shooting at him when he drops bombs on them, and by his American superiors, who seem less concerned about winning the war than they are about parades, loyalty oaths and getting promoted.
Yossarian is so crazy that he should be excused from combat but, alas, there’s a catch, Catch-22: You can’t be excused unless you ask to be excused, and anybody who asks to get out of combat is obviously sane and therefore ineligible to be excused.
“That’s some catch, that Catch-22,” Yossarian said.
“It’s the best there is,” said his buddy Doc Daneeka.
They were right. The term entered common language and earned a place in the dictionary. I read Heller the official definition from Webster’s: “a paradox in a law, regulation or practice that makes one a victim of its provisions no matter what one does.”
“That’s a better definition than I could give,” he said, smiling.
“Catch-22” begat several of its own Catch-22s. When it was published in 1961, critics complained that it was plotless, repetitive and incomprehensible. When the rest of his novels appeared, critics complained that he had again failed to write a book as good as “Catch-22.” Heller always had an answer for that “Who has?”
In 1998, a letter printed in the London Sunday Times kicked up a brief literary controversy by suggesting that many of the scenes in “Catch-22” were similar to scenes in an earlier war novel. The Sky Is a Lonely Place,” by Louis Falstein. The insinuation was absurd. It wasn’t the depiction of life in a bomber squadron that made Heller’s novel a classic; it was its grand comic vision of the absurdity of modem life.
Heller said he’d never read Falstein’s novel. “I find it funny,” he added, “that nobody else noticed any similarities, including Falstein himself.”
Heller never spent much time in Washington, but his writing revealed that he understood the culture of the federal city as well as any reporter. In “Closing Time,” his 1994 sequel to “Catch-22,” he captured the life of a hotshot K Street lawyer in the fictitious firm of Atwater, Fitzwater, Dishwater, Brown, Jordan, Quack and Capone: “He served often on governmental commissions to exonerate and as coauthor of reports to vindicate.” That novel also provided the most accurate extant definition of the Freedom of Information Act: “a federal regulation obliging government agencies to release all information they had to anyone who made application for it except information they had that they did not want to release.”
Life had a way of tarring Heller’s most outrageous satire into banal realities. In I979”s “Good as Gold,” he invented a president who spent his first year in office writing a book about his first year in office. This seemed far-fetched until New York Mayor Ed Koch and Minnesota Gov. Jesse Ventura spent their time m office writing books. In “Catch-22,” Milo Minderbinder, the wheeler-dealer supply officer, actually contracts with his enemies to bomb his own squadron. Critics considered this ridiculous until Oliver North, a Marine working for the United States government sold missiles to the same Iranian government that had earlier supported the terrorists who bombed a Marine barracks in Lebanon.
Joe Heller is dead but “Catch-22” will live forever. He would have preferred the opposite, but what can you do? Death is the ultimate Catch-22.
________________________________________
Too easy to catch Heller out?
Initially published in 1961 to mixed reviews, Catch-22 might well have met the fate of most novels which, regardless of literary merit, soon go out of print and disappear. But Heller’s book generated popularity and sales by word-of-mouth, eventually tapped into the anti-Vietnam war Zeitgeist of the ‘60s, and now occupies a secure place in the contemporary canon. It has sold more than 10 million copies in the US and has, from the start, been popular in the UK where even its satirical anti-establishment tone didn’t prevent the Financial Times from declaring: “No one has ever written a book like this.” As a critical assessment, however, claims concerning Catch-22’s originality have always smacked of amnesia or ignorance. And-war novels, plenty of them coruscatingly funny and witheringly iconoclastic, have appeared in every language, and Heller himself has acknowledged his debt to Evelyn Waugh Celine’s Journey to the End of the Night and Dalton Trumbo’s And Johnny Got His Gun.
Mike Mewshaw The Jerusalem Post December 31, 1999
Joseph Heller’s death at the age of 76 earlier this month naturally refocused attention on his literary legacy, especially his first novel, Catch-22. Hailed as “wildly original,” “fantastically unique,” and one of the finest works of American fiction this century, Catch-22 quickly became more than a literary title. The phrase entered the modern lexicon as the hallmark of paradox, existential absurdity and black humor. As a comic exploration of logical lunacy on a cosmic scale, the novel presented its protagonist, Yossarian, as an Everyman trapped by a nightmarish “catch” or legal loophole. While officially a World War II airman who went insane could be grounded for medical reasons, anyone who asked to be scratched from bombing missions was automatically considered sane and forced to keep flying.
Initially published in 1961 to mixed reviews, Catch-22 might well have met the fate of most novels which, regardless of literary merit, soon go out of print and disappear. But Heller’s book generated popularity and sales by word-of-mouth, eventually tapped into the anti-Vietnam war Zeitgeist of the ‘60s, and now occupies a secure place in the contemporary canon. It has sold more than 10 million copies in the US and has, from the start, been popular in the UK where even its satirical anti-establishment tone didn’t prevent the Financial Times from declaring: “No one has ever written a book like this.” As a critical assessment, however, claims concerning Catch-22’s originality have always smacked of amnesia or ignorance. And-war novels, plenty of them corruscatingly funny and witheringly iconoclastic, have appeared in every language, and Heller himself has acknowledged his debt to Evelyn Waugh, Celine’s Journey to the End of the Night and Dalton Trumbo’s And Johnny Got His Gun.
Then almost two years ago a British bibliophile wrote to the London Sunday Times: “Can anyone out there account for the amazing similarity of characters, personality traits, eccentricities, physical descriptions, personnel injuries and incidents in Catch-22 and a novel by Louis Falstein, The Sky Is a Lonely Place [published a decade earlier]?” In a subsequent article, the Times noted a passage in both books that describes a bedridden, badly injured pilot. In Falstein’s book, the pilot lies “in a white cast. He looked entombed … like an Egyptian mummy. His arms were broken, and where his legs had been, there were cotton-swathed stumps. Only his face showed out of the cast, and there were openings at the bottom for bodily functions… An orderly, or nurse, held a cigarette for him when he smoked.” In Heller’s novel. “The soldier in white was encased from head to toe in plaster and gauze… A silent zinc pipe rose from the cement on his groin and was coupled to a slim rubber hose that carried waste from his kidneys.” Twice a day a nurse inserts a thermometer into the mouth of this “stuffed and sterilized mummy.”
Apparently dumbstruck by the correspondences, the Times attributed the Falstein passage to Heller, and vice versa. It did, however, provide accurate biographical information about the deceased and long forgotten Falstein who, it turns out, came from the same background as Heller. Both were sons of Russian Jewish emigre parents, came from the same borough of New York, Brooklyn, and served in Italy as airmen in American bomber squadrons. Duff Hart-Davis, son of Rupert Hart-Davis who published Falstein in England, speculated that Falstein and Heller were the same person, and The Sky Is a Lonely Place was “a practice run for Catch-22.”
Heller dismissed this as ridiculous and denied having heard of Louis Falstein or having read his work. “The similarities,” he explained to the Tunes, “come from a common wartime experience.” But then Heller turned around and questioned whether Falstein truly experienced what he wrote about. “Born in 1909, he would have been too old to fly [in WWII]. I don’t know what he was up to. There were a lot of strange people around.”
Days later, in an interview with the Washington Post, Heller insisted, “Given the amount of invention in Catch-22 it would be an amazing coincidence if there were fundamental similarities with Falstein’s novel.”
There the matter rested. No one appears to have read the two books closely and analyzed the comparisons. But in fact, whether through “amazing coincidence” or “common wartime experience,” there are indeed fundamental similarities between Catch-22 and The Sky Is a Lonely Place. While they don’t rise to the level of plagiarism, they do suggest that Heller might have been aware of Falstein’s work and that his fellow Brooklynite was as influential as the internationally renowned authors Heller cited as his sources of inspiration. Far from diminishing the achievement of Catch-22, this places it in its proper context as a distinctly American expression of New York Jewish sensibility, with an emphasis on manic exuberance, verbal pyrotechnics and slapstick comedy.
Falstein’s first person narrator, Ben “Pop” Isaacs, a gunner aboard a B-24, is Jewish, Heller’s central character, Yossarian, is an “Assyrian” crewman on a B-25. While Isaacs is far more earnest and less flamboyant than Yossarian – essentially he’s realistic rather than surrealistic – he is just as determined not to die, just as eager to finish 50 missions and go home – or, alternatively, convince a doctor that he’s too ill and emotionally unstable to go back into the air again. But just as Doc Daneeka bluntly tells Yossarian, “It’s not my business to save lives,” Doc Brown tells Isaacs, “My job is to keep the men in fighting shape, not on ground status.”
So weather and decrepit planes permitting, the two men continue to fly off to bomb unseen enemies for unknown reasons. Like Isaacs, Yossarian doesn’t wear a single flak jacket to protect his chest. He swaddles his whole body in flak jackets. Whenever they’re not airborne and on the brink of death, the characters in both books pass their time drinking, complaining, fretting, crying, playing cards, playing cruel jokes, fighting, visiting brothels and meeting Italians who are either childlike or cunning, venal or full of old world wisdom. Rain occasionally plays havoc with the flight schedule, keeping airmen safe on the ground, but this exposes them to the dangers of jaundice, hepatitis, deadly fevers and the fraying nerves of barracks mates who throw knives and fire off guns.
Focusing on the underbelly of war, Falstein, no less than Heller, populates his fictional world with bizarrely named characters. Mel Ginn, Cosmo Fidanza, Chester Kowalski, Charles Couch, Billy Poat and Jack “Doolie” Dula might have been transformed by Heller into Colonel Cathcart, Colonel Korn, Major Major Major Major and Captain “Aarfy” Aardvark. Falstein’s Master Sergeant Sawyer, like Heller’s Milo Minderbinder, skims off military supplies and foodstuffs to sell them on the black market, while at the same time hustling pornographic photographs. Men in both books have pet cats that sleep on their faces and have to be peeled off each morning. One of Falstein’s characters drives everybody crazy by tinkering with a broken radio, just as a Heller character puts Yossarian into a homicidal rage by disassembling and reassembling a stove. On the first page, Ben Isaacs meets a “stringy young Texan” who never misses an opportunity to fulminate about “niggers.” The title of Heller’s first chapter is “The Texan” and this character exhibits the same savage vocal racism. In both books, a man shrieks every time a bomb drops from the plane, another deals cards in a snappy explosive fashion, and yet another paints a bomb on his flight jacket to mark each successful mission. Everybody watches the red ribbon on the map that marks the advance of American troops and the bomb-line. As the ribbon approaches Vienna, a Falstein character comes down with diarrhea that keeps him from flying. When the ribbon in Catch-22 closes in on Bologna, an epidemic of diarrhea breaks out on the airbase.
In a sense, this best exemplifies the difference between The Sky Is a Lonely Place and Catch-22. In every instance, Heller pushes things further.
Taking as its motto, Whatever is worth doing is worth doing to excess, his novel is three times longer, more ambitious and relendessly comic, but also more repetitive and, in its weaker sections, sophomoric. Where Falstein heightens tension and sustains the narrative momentum in a conventional manner with crash landings, mid-air dogfights and fatal miscalculations, Heller raises the stakes and darkens the laughter in phantasmagorical scenes. Yet it must be remarked that compared to almost any author except Heller, Falstein displays an unparalleled gift for grand guignol violence and subversive humor. He describes military censors who delete words and reduce every letter, even the most banal love note, to gibberish (Heller does the same). He writes of a sergeant who is broken “to the rank of private for being apprehended in a House of Prostitution…without his identification tags” – not unlike Heller’s Yossarian, who is arrested in a brothel for being off base without a pass.
In The Sky Is a Lonely Place, a Christmas party dissolves into a bacchanal of singing, screaming and sobbing, and ends with an outbreak of gunfire that the men mistake for an enemy attack. “There were several more carbine pings, and somebody answered fire with a forty-five pistol.” Late in Catch-22, there’s a Thanksgiving “celebration [that] lasted long into the night, and the stillness was fractured often by wild, exultant shouts and by cries of people who were merry or sick. There was the recurring sound of retching and moaning, of laughter, greetings, threats and swearing, and of bottles shattering against rock.” Heller ends his scene, too, in gunfire as Yossarian charges out of his tent with a forty-five.
Finally, for fans of the X-Files, on page 128 of the British edition of Falstein’s novel, a plane carrying 10 men crashes onto the runway, disappearing so completely medics “couldn’t even find dog tags.” On the same page in the British paperback of Catch-22, a plane flies into a cloud, “disappearing … mysteriously into thin air with every member of the crew.” Coincidence? Or imitation as the sincerest form of flattery?
Granted, Heller had a point when he responded to questions about these similarities by observing that a great deal of war fiction depends on variations on the same themes and archetypes. But a careful reader of both texts could be forgiven for concluding that even at the level of language and linguistic play Heller has written an oblique homage to Falstein. Both authors chronicle the absurdity of existence, the capriciousness of authority and the emptiness of words leeched of meaning by constant abuse. Like the chaplain in Catch-22 who is ordered to compose a funeral prayer that doesn’t mention God or death, the narrator in The Sky Is a Lonely Place learns an early lesson in “airwar language” when he is warned, “never use the word Killed … we say a guy Went Down.”
On every page, the books uncannily echo one another as scabrous jokes, racial epithets, sexual ribaldry and sheer hair-curling craziness pour out of people. Again, Heller pushes it over the top, taking each trope to its limit. But both authors achieve a kind of demotic poetry, as when Falstein writes, “Grazie, Nazi,” and another soldier replies, “Prego, dago.” In Heller there’s rhyming dinner table dialogue, ‘Pass the salt, Walt/ Pass the bread, Fred/ Shoot me a beet, Pete.”
Of course, in a universe of pure contingency where chaos reigns and wars are won or lost by accident, not design, and soldiers survive or perish despite their courage or cowardice, it’s perhaps perfectly possible that two men, neighbors no less, would write hauntingly similar novels, would never meet or read one another and would then slip under the lid of the earth at the far ends of a spectrum that runs from utter obscurity to universal recognition. Talk about Catch-22!
[One of the principal characters in The Thin Red Line, Captain “Bugger” Stein, a career infantry officer and company commander, in an event clearly motivated by antisemitism, is unfairly relieved of his command and sent back to the “Zone of the Interior”, his military career effectively ruined. He vanishes from the story well prior to the novel’s end. Throughout James Jones’ novel, in his depiction of Stein’s personality, character, and confrontation with antisemitism, the author displayed a remarkable degree of perception, if not empathy, with the Captain’s predicament. How does this relate to Malick’s film? Well, though I haven’t viewed it (and have no plans to do so), it’s my understanding that Stein’s identity as a Jew – not entirely central to, but nonetheless a critical part of the novel’s plot and intentionally so – was entirely eliminated from the film, something remarked upon in only a few 1998 reviews. Just sayin’.]
Mentioned Above…
Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950
Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999
Heller, Joseph, Catch-22, Dell Publishing, New York, N.Y., 1968
Subsequent to Face of a Hero, Louis Falstein authored five additional books – all novels. Listed here in order of publication, they are Slaughter Street (1953), Sole Survivor (1954), Spring of Desire (1959), Laughter on a Weekday (1965), and, The Man Who Loved Laughter (1968). He was also the main author of a sixth book: The Martyrdom of Jewish Physicians in Poland (1964). Only one of the novels – Sole Survivor – has any similarity to Face of a Hero, but that similarity is very slight.
But first, a major caveat: Of these six works, I’ve only read The Man Who Loved Laughter. So, my comments about the other four novels are based on intuition – I hope correct! – given their paperback format, cover art, and descriptive blurbs.
Assuming that all these books came to the attention of the literary world, only Sole Survivor and The Martyrdom of Jewish Physicians in Poland ever received reviews, the former almost perfunctory.
______________________________
To start, the cover blurb of the 1953 Lion Books’ edition of Slaughter Street states, “Mr. Falstein takes you down the dark back alleys of Slaughter Street, leads you past the prowling criminals and city scum, shows you the bleeding heart of people engaged in the everyday battle with evil and lust,” while the line atop the cover of Spring of Desire, “She loved both the men she was married to,” suggests that the two books – fast-paced, popular literature? – might be urban variations on themes of the socially marginal, violent, or damaged characters exemplified by the works of Flannery O’Connor. Maybe there was something “to” Slaughter Street after all, for the book went through five printings.
Here are images of covers of Slaughter Street.
This is Lion Books’ first edition from June, 1953, with cover art by Robert Maguire. You can view the digitized novel at Hathi Trust, where, though it’s downloadable, it can only be downloaded on an individual page by individual page basis. (Verily, “Aaaaargh!”)
Republished twice by Lion Books in 1957, this edition features cover art by Lou Marchetti:
With cover art by Victor Kalin, this edition was published by Pyramid in 1959. This edition isn’t listed at Worldcat.
According to WorldCat, the book was also published in Sydney, Australia, in the 1950s. Its last printing was by Hamilton, & Co., in 1961.
______________________________
Sole Survivor – simply going by the book’s cover art and descriptive blurb – takes a very different turn. The novel’s resonance with Face of a Hero lies inthe persisting impact and legacy of the Second World War. Protagonist Antek Prinz, a survivor of the Shoah living in postwar New York City, seeks justice against the former concentration camp guard who murdered his family, a theme that’s long been explored in other books, on television, and in the cinema. An immediately obvious commonality (is it the only one?) between the two novels’ main characters – Sergeant Ben Isaacs, and Prinz – is that they are both Jews whose formative years have compelled them to seek, in however different the manner, a form of justice that is both personal and transcendent. Published four years after Face of a Hero gained nationwide attention and positive reviews, Sole Survivor garnered a mere two-sentence review by Anthony Boucher (at the time, primary editor of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction) in the “Criminals at Large” section of The New York Times Book Review.
Criminals at Large
Anthony Boucher The New York Times Book Review October 10, 1954
A Polish-Jewish DP recognizes, in New York, a vicious Nazi prison-camp guard who has escaped war-crime prosecution; the Jew’s newly established American life must count for nothing as he sets out, partly for personal revenge, but chiefly to strike at the conscience of a world which has lightly and easily forgotten Buchenwald. This is the theme of Louis Falstein’s SOLE SURVIVOR (Dell, 25 c) – a theme so powerful and so deeply felt that one can overlook awkwardness of style and construction.
Here’s Dell’s sole printing of Sole Survivor, with evocative cover art by John McDermott:
______________________________
Now we come to Monarch Books’ 1959 edition of Spring of Desire, illustrated by Jim Bentley. The book was republished by World Distributors in 1960.
______________________________
Laughter on a Weekday, published by I. Obolensky, appeared in 1965, I believe only in hardback. To the best of my knowledge, the book takes a markedly different turn from Lou Falstein’s previous efforts, in presenting an upbeat, humorous view of the Americanization of a Jewish family with roots in Eastern Europe.
______________________________
The Martyrdom of Jewish Physicians in Poland, of 1963, for which Lou Falstein was the main – not only – author, marked a complete turn from his previous books in terms of genre, purpose, and content. By nature a work of non-fiction, the 500 page book is a work of history, and, a memorial album. Not presently having access to it I don’t know if the book contains any statement as to how, and why, Louis Falstein became its main author. Perhaps this was via his social and intellectual circle, in light of the awareness and sensitivity he displayed regarding the fate of East European Jewry in Face of a Hero, and, Sole Survivor.
A pithy review of the book by Polish-American writer Antoni Gronowicz was published in book review section of The Militant – why not a mainstream Jewish publication? – in December of 1966.
The book is presently (August, 2022) available through Mr. Bezos’ monopoly. Its list of martyred Jewish physicians has been digitized, access to this information being available through JewishGen.
REVIEWS and REPORTS
The Militant December 26, 1966
THE MARTYRDOM OF JEWISH PHYSICIANS IN POLAND. Studies by Dr. Leon Wulman and Dr. Joseph Tenenbaum. Research and Documentation by Dr. Leopold Lazarowitz and Dr. Simon Malowist. Edited by Louis Falstein. Published by Medical Alliance-Association of Jewish Physicians From Poland by Exposition Press [1964, c1963]. Illustrated. 500 pp. $10.00.
The history of Jewish physicians in Poland extends almost to the birth of the Polish state. One of the first descriptions of life in that country (963-965) belongs to Dr. Ibrahim-Ibn-Jacob, special representative of the Calif of Cordoba, who stayed for some time in Poland treating nobility. Years later, from Spain, Italy and Germany other Jewish physicians were arriving and settling in Warsaw, Cracow, Lwow, Wilno, Poznan and other cities.
This book, divided into three parts, give the reader an abundance of well-organized material on all aspects of the lives of Jewish doctors in towns and cities through the ages. Part one entitled “A History of Jewish Physicians in Poland” is written by Dr. Leon Wulman and has three subdivisions: “From Earliest Times to World War II,” “Outstanding Jewish Physicians During the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” and “Jewish Medical Institutions and the Role of Jewish Physicians in Their Development”
Part two, “Nazi Role in Poland and the Jewish Medical Professions” written by Dr. Joseph Tenenbaum brings to full view the tragedy of the extermination of the Jewish population in that country together with the complete destruction of the medical profession and medical institutions. It is difficult in a short review to describe Nazi cruelty, but the author who spent many years on the Investigation of Nazis in his native country, is probably the best equipped man to deal with such subjects as life in a ghetto, starvation, Nazi doctors experiments in freezing the human body, wound infections, transplant surgery and poison gas experiments.
The third and final part of this huge book is written and documented by Dr. Leopold Lazarowitz and Dr. Simon Malowist and gives 2,500 biographical sketches of Jewish physicians killed by the Nazis.
-Antoni Gronowicz
______________________________
The Man Who Loved Laughter – The Story of Sholom Aleichem, Louis Falstein’s last published book, was released by the Jewish Publication Society of America, in Philadelphia, in 1968. For a writer whose fiction manifested a grim and dark urban realism, or, focused on issues of life, death, and the meaning of course, the book marks an abrupt turn in tone, style, and pace. Let alone, subject matter. The book’s cover and interior illustrations by Adrienne Onderdonk Dudden.
Having had little prior knowledge about Sholom Aleichem (except for the 2011 documentary Sholem Aleichem: Laughing in the Darkness), on reading the book I had the immediate impression that it was oriented towards an adolescent to young adult audience, albeit more in the sense of pace and writing style than content, which, for a book of its nature, is substantive. Given that the book is completely absent of features typical of scholarly or academic works (footnotes, bibliographic references, and the like), perhaps Louis Falstein collected tales, anecdotes, and information from archives and newspapers, both contemporary and historical. Then, by imagining and constructing dialogue, mood, and setting, he created a smoothly flowing, unified tale.
Well, I felt so. I enjoyed the story, and through it, gained an appreciation for Sholom Aleichem, and his fiction.
Mentioned Above…
Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Harcourt, Brace & Company, New York, N.Y., 1950
Falstein, Louis, Face of a Hero, Steerforth Press, South Royalton, Vt., 1999
Falstein, Louis, The Man Who Loved Laughter – The Story of Sholom Aleichem, The Jewish Publication Society of America, Philadelphia, Pa., 5728 / 1968