Soldiers from New York: Jewish Soldiers in The New York Times, in World War Two: 2 Lt. Wallace Franklin Kaufman – May 4, 1945 (May 24, 1945)

“For those who came back there was a cleaning shower and a clean bunk to purge their weariness. 

But for those who did not there were many possibilities, all of them brutal and tragic.” 

Kevin Herbert, Maximum Effort (1983)

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“וְגִלְּתָ֚ה הָאָ֙רֶץ֙ אֶת־דָּמֶ֔יהָ וְלֹֽא־תְכַסֶּ֥ה ע֖וֹד עַל־הֲרוּגֶֽיהָ…”

“…and the land shall reveal its blood and it shall no longer conceal its slain ones.” (Isaiah 26:12)

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Continuing with my ongoing series of posts about the military service of Jewish soldiers in WW II, “this” post, like other preceding it, concerns Jewish soldiers who were either military casualties (killed, wounded, or missing) or, who received military awards or decorations, for action on a specific calendar date during that conflict.  For the purpose of these posts, that calendar date is based on information in news reports or obituaries about Jewish military casualties published in the The New York Times, most such news items appearing in 1945.  As such, the above-mentioned “date” which serves as the criterion for these posts is the date on which a serviceman was a casualty, when he performed or participated in action for which he was the recipient of military awards, or, if he was involved in any other significant, news-or-memory-worthy event – rather than the date on which a news item was published in the Times

In ironic hindsight, the fact that a soldier was a Jew was neither the criterion nor the focus of the Times’ reporting, since the nominal acceptance – let alone an unapologetic and positive assertion! – of Jewish collective identity; Jewish peoplehood – has long been anathema to the animating ideology of the Times.  As of 2021, that worldview remains undiminished in intensity and taken-for-granted-acceptance, and will probably persist until the arrival of an informational or sociological “black swan event“.  

As for these posts themselves, the order in which they’ve appeared here at TheyWereSoldiers is alphabetical, with servicemen thus far profiled encompassing Navy Hospital Apprentice Stuart E. Adler through Army PFC Harry Kaufman.

And with that, a “new” name makes its appearance:  Second Lieutenant Wallace Franklin Kaufman (serial number 0-931082), a B-24 Liberator navigator in the Army Air Force.  Born in Brooklyn on February 14, 1922, he was the son of Louis (12/23/88-9/5/78) and Lillian (7/23/98-1/17/95) Kaufman, the family residing at 456 Schenectady Avenue.

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Via Apartments.com, here’s a quite contemporary image of 456 Schenectady Ave.  (East Flatbush.)

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More than a nominal record in a Missing Air Crew Report (MACR 14351 to be specific, or the WW II Honor List of Dead and Missing for New York), Lt. Kaufman’s fate is directly associated with a brief newsreel, and a series of photographs, that because of their dramatic, haunting, and terrifying nature, have become etched into the photographic record and popular culture of WW II aviation in particular, and, news coverage of the Second World War, in general.

A member of the 867th Bomb Squadron of the 494th (“Kelly’s Cobras“) Bomb Group, Lt. Kaufman was one of the eleven crew members aboard Brief (44-42058), a B-24M liberator piloted by 2 Lt. Glen R. Custer, when that aircraft was shot down by a direct hit from anti-aircraft fire during a bombardment mission to Koror, in the Palau Islands, on May 4, 1945.  The only crewman of Brief to escape (and to even have had a chance to escape) from the mortally damaged bomber, Lt. Kaufman was captured shortly after landing by parachute in – probably – the Ngurumetegol Strait.  You can read a succinct and detailed summary about this incident at PacificWrecks.

But, by August 15, when Emperor Hirohito read the Imperial Rescript on the Termination of the War, Lt. Wallace Kaufman was no longer alive:  On May 24 – almost three weeks after falling into Japanese captivity – he had been murdered. 

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Well, here’s notice of Lt. Kaufman’s death, as published on page 31 of Times on November 4, 1945, almost three months after the war’s end.  Notably, three significant aspects of the article are not entirely correct.  First, Lt. Kaufman was not personally and immediately captured by Lieutenant Katsuyama and was not the Japanese Lieutenant’s personal prisoner – that’s a real oversimplification.  Second, Lt. Katsuyama himself (full rank and name: First Lieutenant Tetsuji Katsuyama) actually acted under orders of Lt. Col. Toshihiko (“Yoshie”) Yajima, who himself was under orders of of Lt. General Sadae Inoue.  Third, Lieutenant Katsuyama survived the war.  As revealed in late 1947, Lt. Kaysuyama and some comrades concocted a story to the effect that he’d committed suicide, when in reality he went into hiding commencing with the postwar occupation of the Palaus by American forces.  He returned to Japan in early 1946 under the name of Mikio Koyama, a Japanese soldier who had actually been killed in battle, the full story only coming to light some time later.  

Well, anyway.  Here’s the text of the Times’ article…

Second Lieutenant  Wallace Franklin Kaufman
Tuesday, February 14, 1922 / 17 Sh’vat 5682
(Friday, May 4, 1945 / 22 Iyyar 5705)
Thursday, May 24, 1945 / 13 Sivan 5705

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה –
תהא נפשו צרורה בצרור החיים

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Brooklyn Flier Slain By a Japanese Officer

Second Lieut. Wallace F. Kaufman, Army Air Forces, a former lightweight boxing champion at Brooklyn College, was murdered by the Japanese last May 24 after the B-24 bomber of which he was navigator was struck by enemy anti-aircraft fire and he had parachuted to safety.

Details of the murder were disclosed in a letter received yesterday from the War Department by his parents, Mr. and Mrs. Louis Kaufman of 456 Schenectady Avenue, Brooklyn.  Lieutenant Kaufman, who was 23, has been reported missing in action since May 4.

A Japanese, Lieutenant Katsuyama, took the navigator prisoner after the plane was struck near Koro Island, Palau Group of the Caroline Islands.  Katsuyama killed his prisoner and later committed hara-kiri to prevent falling into American hands, according to the War Department.  The other ten members of the B-24 crew perished in the falling ship.

Born in Brooklyn, Lieutenant Kaufman was graduated from Boys High School and Brooklyn College.  He enlisted with the AAF in February, 1943, and was sent overseas last February. 

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…and here’s page 31 in its fullness, showing the above article’s setting amidst a variety of advertisements.  It’s 1946:  Life goes on.

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The shoulder-patch of the 13th Air Force…

…the emblem of the 494th Bomb Group (“Kelly’s Cobras”) (found at EBay)…

…and, the insignia of the 867th Bomb Squadron, posted to Pinterest by Nikolaos Paliousis.

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Between September 3, 1944, and June 23, 1945, the 494th Bomb Group was based at Angaur Island, the southernmost island of the Palau Archipelago, or (more accurately) the Republic of Palau.  This Oogle map shows the Palau Islands, with Angaur (outlined in blue), and Koror, (outlined in red).  The air distance between the two is a mere and ironic 37 miles.  

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Here’s the video of the fall of Brief:  Available through the War Archives YouTube channel, this luridly titled British Pathé film, “AIR DEATH – B-24 Shot Down In Carolines Raid” shows the last moments of B-24M 44-42058.  Uploaded in August of 2011, the video has attained many views. 

(I’ve been ambivalent about including the video in this post, but, well, here it is…)  

(I t h i n k the sounds of aircraft engines, falling bombs, explosions, and other sounds in the film were actually recorded in real time, but were instead were dubbed into the film prior to its distribution by British Pathé.  For example, at 00:40 seconds – for the string of 12 bombs – the sound s e e m s (?) akin to that of a single bomb being dropped from a German Ju-87 dive-bomber.)

From 00:07 to 00:10 seconds, the camera focuses on the 867th Bomb Squadron B-24J Liberator 44-40729, alias Hay Maker, an aircraft which survived the war.

This image of Hay Maker’s nose art, originally for sale through EBay, is from ww2aircraft.netforum…  Note that the canvas cover draped over the nose turret is marked with the digits “729”, suggesting that each 494th BG aircraft had its “own” set of protective coverings…  

…while this picture appears in Ken Rust’s 7th Air Force Story.

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Here’s the utterly un-“pronouned” and un-“woke” nose art of Brief.  The aircraft nickname, and, the design of the winged-star symbol, were probably (?!) inspired by the 7th Air Force magazine of that name.    

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This image of the matzevot of Lt. Kaufman and his mother, at Mount Hebron Cemetery, in Flushing, New York (Block 81, Reference 2, Line PP4, Grave 2, Sam D. Johnson Association Society) at FindAGrave, is by Knickerbocker Chapter DAR, New York, N.Y.  The matzeva of his father Louis (cut off in the image) is immediately to the left.  

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Via FindAGrave researcher Chuck, this image shows the collective grave of Brief’s crew.  The location?  Long Island National Cemetery, in Farmingdale, New York- Section J, Grave 13630.  Listed alphabetically below the image (neither by crew position nor rank!) are the names, serial numbers, home towns or cities of residence, and crew positions of the ten.  The group burial took place on August 31, 1949.  

Sgt. Floyd Collins Bennett, 14185619 – Blue Mountain, Ms. – Passenger
2 Lt. Irving R. Brown, 0-778710 – Detroit, Mi. – Co-Pilot
2 Lt. Glen Ruben Custer, 0-2058730 – Mo. / San Diego, Ca. – Pilot
2 Lt. Norbert J. Giese, 0-929814 – Chicago, Il. – Bombardier
Sgt. Richard E. Grimes, 32974352 – Mahopac, N.Y. – Flight Engineer
Cpl. Albin Rynkiewicz, 4205866 – Nanticoke, Pa. – Gunner (Tail)
Cpl. Robert Neil Shillenn, 33576063 – Clearfield, Pa. – Gunner (Ball Turret)
T/Sgt. James F. Tenney, 32677148 – Oswego County, N.Y. – Radio Operator
Cpl. Irving Topp, 12177268 – Brooklyn, N.Y. – Gunner (Dorsal Turret)
Cpl. Victor B. Wilson, 13195222 – Dunmore, Pa. – Gunner (Nose Turret)

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News articles about Lt. Kaufman appeared in the following publications on these dates…

Brooklyn Eagle – 11/6/45, 4/25/46, 10/29/49
New York Times (Casualty Lists) – 7/4/45, 8/29/45
New York Times (News Articles) – 11/4/45, 11/21/45, 7/16/62
New York Times (Obituary Section – “In Memoriam”) 2/14/46, 5/24/46
American Jews in World War II – 360

Nearly two years later, Associated Press news articles pertaining to the trial and sentencing of Lt. Katsuyama appeared in the national news media on December 5, 1947.  (As for the postwar fate of Lt. Col. Toshihiko Yajima and Lt. General Sadae Inoue, I have no further information.)  There, however, the story did not end: In July of 1962 news relating to Tetsuji Katsuyama, no longer a lieutenant and having been released from prison some years before, again appeared in the news media.  This time, the news pertained to Mrs. Anna Topp’s (mother of Cpl. Irving Topp) continuing search for definitive information about her son’s fate.         

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Lt. Kaufman’s fate paralleled that of the overwhelming majority of Allied aviators who were captured in Pacific islands occupied by Japanese military forces, and, that of approximately 47 per cent of the Allied airmen captured after having been shot down during combat missions to the Japanese Home Islands, as determined through the dedicated, remarkably thorough, and above all conscientious research and analysis of the late Tōru Fukubayahsi of POW Research Network Japan.  This manner of treatment of aviator POWs commenced with that of the eight airmen captured after the Doolittle Raid on April 18, 1942, and continued from 1944 through 1945, even after the Emperor’s broadcast on August 15, of which the fate of this crew is only one example.

In terms of the number of Allied aviators taken captive by the Japanese, during combat missions during which they specifically served as air crew members  in any capacity (as opposed to having been captured early in the war during in “ground action” ((for lack of a better phrase)) – for example, during the fall of Singapore, or, the Philippines), who survived as POWs, I’ve determined that 664 of these men lived to see the war’s end.  

Breakdown by nation and air arm follows:

United States
United States Army Air Force – 498
United States Navy – 130
United States Marine Corps – 6
American Volunteer Group – 3

Australia
Royal Australian Air Force – 8

Canada
Royal Canadian Air Force – 7

Netherlands
Netherlands East Indies Air Force – 1

New Zealand
Royal New Zealand Air Force – 1

England
Royal Air Force – 10

Parsing the total of 662 by the aircraft they’d been fly-“ing” (or, flying “in”) when captured, the numbers are the following:

British Commonwealth

Beaufighter – 2
Beaufort – 2
Blenheim – 6
Mohawk – 1
Liberator – 2
Catalina – 6

United States Army Air Force

A-24 Banshee – 1
A-36 Invader – 4
B-17 Flying Fortress – 11
B-24 Liberator – 113

B-25 Mitchell – 40

The total of 40 includes 1 airman from the NEIAF, Sgt. Van Burg of No. 18 Squadron.

B-26 Marauder – 2

B-29 Superfortress – 258

Three B-29 crews (33 men of the 258) survived intact:

1 Lt. John B. Boynton, 6th Bomb Group, 24th Bomb Squadron, B-29 42-24759, 15 // Blind Date / Lady’s Delight, May 23, 1945 (MACR 14482) – 11 crew members; Mission to Tokyo

1 Lt. William C. Grounds, 6th Bomb Group, 40th Bomb Squadron, B-29 42-24916, 54 // The Peacemaker, March 28, 1945 (MACR 13465) – 11 crew members; Mine Laying Mission to Minefield “Mike”

Capt. Robert C. Shanks, Jr., 40th Bomb Group, 45th Bomb Squadron, B-29 42-24574, 293, December 14, 1944 (MACR 10376) – 11 crew members; Mission to Bangkok

C-46 Commando – 10

Includes one fully intact crew:

Capt. Frank E. Cowart, Air Transport Command, 30th Transport Group, C-46 41-12294, December 27, 1943 (MACR 1555) – 4 crew members; Mission – cargo flight from Mohanbari, India, to Chungking (Chongqing), China; crew parachuted 2 miles from Canton, China

P-38 Lightning – 13
P-40 Warhawk – 14
P-47 Thunderbolt – 7
P-51 Mustang – 23
F-4 Lightning – 1
F-5 Lightning – 1
F-6 Mustang – 1
Glider – 1
L-5 Sentinel – 1
OA-10A Catalina – 1

United States Navy / United States Marine Corps

F4U Corsair – 8

United States Navy

F4F Wildcat – 2
FG-1D Corsair – 3
F6F Hellcat – 18
PB4Y Liberator – 24
PBY Coronado – 16
SB2C Helldiver – 30
SBW Helldiver – 1
SBD Dauntless – 3
TBD Devastator – 6
TBF Avenger – 16
TBM Avenger – 16

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So, in light of all the above, the basis of this post is the calendar date of May 4, 1945 (not May 24, the date of Lt. Kaufman’s murder), for in essence and fact, given Japan’s WW II-era cultural, ideological, and racial attitudes concerning enemy military captives (and captive enemy airmen, in particular), Lt. Kaufman’s story was tragically predetermined the moment he took to his parachute, even as the broken Brief and her ten crewmen fell towards the island of Koror. 

Yet, more than the events pertaining to the immediacy of Lt. Kaufman’s fate, this story, especially its postwar aspects, is part of a far larger whole.  It is a reflection (one of many, many such reflections) of the postwar devolution in attitude and policy towards Japanese war criminals: When the cynical winds of realpolitik (commencing even before the war’s end, as explained by Edward Behr in Hirohito – Behind the Myth), economic interests, bureaucratic apathy, institutional inertia, postwar prosperity, and the natural and inevitable (?) desire that society “move on” and leave the past behind – all of these, in the context of the Cold War – made justice incommensurate, inconsistent, and fleeting.  In all this, there are undeniable and solid parallels with the postwar policy of the WW II Allies towards German war criminals, as explored in great and disillusioning depth by Tom Bower in Blind Eye to Murder.   

Sometimes, it seems, the only justice available to men lies in the act of memory. 

This is a meagre second to “reality”, but it is better than no justice, at all.

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There is far, far more that I can relate concerning this utterly numbing story.  But (for now) I’ll hold any such future post in abeyance, for I have other topics to cover; other eras to explore; other subjects to address. 

(For, now.)

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Yet…  Here are two news items from the late 1940s, when Lt. Kaufman’s story was yet fresh in memory.  Both were found via Thomas M. Tryniski’s Fulton History database / website. 

This article was published in the Brooklyn Eagle on April 25, 1946, and covers the establishment of a Jewish War Veterans Post, in Brooklyn, named in honor of Lt. Kaufman.

New J.W.V. Post To Be Named for Late Lt. Kaufman

Institution of the Lt. Wallace F. Kaufman Post, 416, of the Jewish War Veterans of the United States, and installation of the post’s officers will be held Saturday night at the Congregation Shaari Zedek of Brooklyn, Kingston Ave. and Park Place.

Lt. Wallace F. Kaufman, in whose honor the new post is named, was an only son of Mr. and Mrs. Louis Kaufman of 456 Schenectady Ave. and a nephew of Benjamin Kaufman, past national commander of the J.W.V. and World War I Congressional Medal of Honor winner.  He was killed by the Japanese on May 24, 1945, after the B-24 bomber of which he was navigator was struck by enemy anti-aircraft fire and he had parachuted to safety.

The other ten members of the bomber, which crashed near Koror Island in the Palau group of the Caroline Islands, lost their lives in the crash.  After landing in the water, Lieutenant Kaufman was taken prisoner and 20 days later was killed by his captor, a Jap lieutenant, who, fearful of retribution, committed hari-kiri, according to the War Department.

The 23-year-old Army Air Force lieutenant, a native of Brooklyn, was graduated from Boys High School and Brooklyn College, where he was lightweight boxing champion.  He enlisted in the service in February, 1943, and was sent overseas in February, 1945.  His uncle, Benjamin Kaufman [see here, here and here], was his “idol”.

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Via Ancestry.com, here’s Sergeant Benjamin Kaufman’s Abstract of Military Service, filed in 1920.

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At Brooklyn College, Kaufman won the college’s intramural boxing medal and studied business administration in preparation for a law career.

Harry Finkelstein, chief of staff of Kings County Chapter, J.W.V., will be in charge of the post’s institution ceremonies.  Others participating will include Col. William Berman, past J.W.V. national commander, and Municipal Court Justices Harold J. McLaughlin and Daniel Gutman.

Old Newspapers

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Two years later, on February 27, 1948, the following announcement – concerning a Leap New Year’s Eve Annual Dance at the Lt. Wallace F. Kaufman Post – appeared in The New York Post.  

New York State Digital library

I’m not sure, but I guess that the Lt. Wallace F. Kaufman Post 416 Post no longer exists. 

This past is not only a different time, it is a different place.     

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Though the fact that “May 4, 1945”, marking a point in time only four days from Second World War’s end in Europe (May 9 is an alternative date, as explained here and here) might suggest few-“er” casualties and therefore fewer names and events for “this” post, this is hardly so:  Even if the war in Europe was concluding, the war with Japan continued; entirely unabated and with undiminished ferocity.  And so, though most names presented below occur in the context of the Pacific Theater of war, names are also present for Jewish servicemen who were casualties in the European theater – even at this “late” date.  And, along with the names of American Jewish soldiers, I’ve included the names of Jewish soldiers who were casualties while serving in the armed forces of other Allied nations (France, Poland, and the Soviet Union). 

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Yet, the ironic abundance of information pertaining to this date has eventuated in my creating – unlike my unusual practice – three separate posts: “this” post, for Army ground forces. 

A second post, for other members of the Army Air Force.  

And a third post, for the Marine Corps and Navy.  But…!  Due to the plethora of events and the abundance of information pertaining to May 4, 1945 in the Pacific Theater, that will be the lengthiest of this set of three posts, and will take a measure of time to complete.  But, I hope to get it up and viewable eventually. 

(Well, hey, my posts do tend to be on the longish side: The intentional antithesis of the ethos (is there an ethos, other than a gnostic interpretation of reality, such as here, here, and here) of those at the commanding heights (or plutonian depths?!) of the “tech elite” of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.  Oh…  Er…  Uh..  I mean, y’know, Twitter and Facebook.  (Gag.))

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So, ground forces…

Friday, May 4, 1945

21 Iyyar 5705

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United States Army

Pacific Theater

Killed in Action

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה –
תהא נפשו צרורה בצרור החיים

Berman, Irvin Leslie, T/5, 20316073, Purple Heart, at Negros Island, Philippines
B Battery, 222nd Field Artillery Battalion, 40th Infantry Division
Born Philadelphia, Pa., 12/15/21
Mr. and Mrs. Israel L. and Melissa Berman [later Prestia] (parents), 2231 N. 8th St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Kenneth Lane Prestia (half-brother)
Manila American Cemetery, Manila, Philippines – Plot E, Row 3, Grave 22. Symbolic matzeva at Mount Sharon Cemetery, Springfield, Pa. (Section N), inscribed with date “5/5/45”
Casualty List 6/1/45
Jewish Exponent 6/8/45
Philadelphia Bulletin 6/2/45
American Jews in World War II – 511

Here’s an image of T/5 Berman’s matzeva at Mount Sharon Cemetery, in Springfield, Pennsylvania.  

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Katz, Abraham (Avraham bar Mordechay HaCohen), PFC, 12042839, Silver Star, Purple Heart
A Company, 306th Infantry Regiment, 77th Infantry Division
(Previously wounded; approximately 9/1/44)
Born 6/26/21
Mr. Max Katz (father), 378 Pennsylvania Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y.
Wellwood Cemetery, Pinelawn, N.Y. – Section 3, Block 49, Row 2, Grave 4, Plot A-12, Society Jewish Postal Workers Welfare League of New York; Buried 2/27/49
Casualty Lists 11/1/44, 6/14/45
American Jews in World War II – 358

Via, FindAGrave.com, this image of PFC Katz’s matzeva is by Marie M. Bennett.

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Kletter, Benny, PFC, 32821733, Purple Heart, at Okinawa
A Company, 306th Infantry Regiment, 77th Infantry Division
Born Essen, Germany, 1/24/23
Mr. Louis Kletter (father), 1970 East 18th St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
34 Bond St., New York, N.Y.
Mount Hebron Cemetery, Flushing, N.Y. – Block 12, Reference 11, Section F, Line 30, Grave 5
Casualty List 6/26/45
American Jews in World War II – 364

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European Theater

Killed in Action

Perlis, Benjamin (Benyamin bar Yitzhak), Pvt., 42138962, Purple Heart
A Company, 324th Infantry Regiment, 44th Infantry Division
Born Brooklyn, N.Y., 6/28/26
Mr. and Mrs. Isidore and Ida Perlis (parents), 264 Rochester Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y.
Montefiore Cemetery, Springfield Gardens, N.Y. – Block 26, Row 008R, Grave 3, (Society: Graiever Young Men’s Benevolent); Buried 1/16/49
Casualty List 6/11/45
American Jews in World War II – 404

These two images – of Pvt. Perlis’ matzeva, and, his photographic portrait mounted thereon in ceramic – are by FindAGrave contributor Matt Flyfisher.  

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Horowitz, Irving (Yitzhak bar Moshe), PFC, 32769169, Purple Heart, French Cross
Born 9/7/25
Mrs. Ida Horowitz (mother), 150 Governor St., Paterson, N.J.
Riverside Cemetery, Saddle Brook, N.J. – Map 165, Block O, Section 53, Society Anshe Leibowitz
Casualty Lists 5/24/45, 6/22/45

This image of PFC Horowitz’s extremely simple matzeva is by Mark Pollack, a contributor to FindAGrave.com.  

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Summerfield, Norman Sylvan, Pvt., 34720133, Purple Heart, in Austria
L Company, 409th Infantry Regiment, 103rd Infantry Division
Born Memphis, Tn., 12/26/23
Mrs. Fannie Summerfield (mother), 1056 Linden St., Memphis, Tn.
Lorraine American Cemetery, St. Avold, France – Plot B, Row 24, Grave 1
American Jews in World War II – 568

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Continental United States

Died Non-Battle

Satloff, Herman (Hayyim bar Shlomo), Cpl., 33340623, at Camp Blanding Florida
Born Philadelphia, Pa., 6/13/21
Mrs. Nancy (Katz) Satloff (wife), Washington, D.C.
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel and Fannie Satloff (parents), 1704 West 65th Ave., Philadelphia, Pa.
Montefiore Cemetery, Jenkintown, Pa. – Section 12C, Lot 64, Grave 1
American Jews in World War II – Not Listed

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Soviet Union

Red Army
РККА (Рабоче-крестьянская Красная армия)

Killed in Action

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה –
תהא נפשו צרורה בצרור החיים

Bukrinskiy, Mikhail Efimovich / Khaimovich [Букринский, Михаил Ефимович / Хаимович]
Junior Lieutenant [Младший Лейтенант]
SU-76 (Self-Propelled Gun) Commander  (You can read more about the SU-76 – in English – at Wikipedia, while ru.Wikipedia’s coverage of the SU-76 includes production figures for the vehicle.  Images and video of an SU-76 before, during, and after restoration can be viewed at Aregard (“Rear Guard”).) 
1204th Self-Propelled Artillery Regiment, Northwestern Front
(Lightly wounded previously – on 8/24/44)
Born 8/17/23, city of Kiev, Ukraine
Mrs. Sofya Markovna Bukrinskiy (mother)

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Goldich, Ushar / Usher (Ushir) Ideleevich / Idelevich [Гольдич, Ушар / Ушер (Ушир) Иделеевич / Идельевич]
Junior Lieutenant [Младший Лейтенант]
Platoon Commander – Battery Operations
408th Mortar Regiment, 42nd Army
Born 3/23, Ukraine
Mr. Idel Pinkhovich Goldich (father)
Buried in Latvia

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Guterman, Petr Grigorevich [Гутерман, Петр Григорьевич]
Guards Lieutenant [Гвардии Лейтенант]
Chief – Chemical Services
158th Guards Artillery Regiment, 78th Guards Rifle Division
(Wounded previously – on 3/1/42, 5/22/42, and 5/21/43)
Born 1910, city of Pertikov, Belorussia
Mrs. Mariya Dubova Guterman (wife)
Buried in Benedorf, Germany

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Magaziner, Mikhail Davidovich [Магазинер, Михаил Давидович / Давыдович]
Lieutenant [Лейтенант]
Platoon Commander – Rifle Platoon
332nd Rifle Regiment, 241st Rifle Division
Born 1907, city of Berdichev, Ukraine
Mrs. Klara Eyzikovna Magaziner (wife)
Buried in Czechoslovakia

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Shulman, Ilya Abramovich [Шульман, Илья Абрамович]
Lieutenant [Лейтенант]

Headquarters Translator
1099th Rifle Regiment
(Wounded previously – on 8/15/43)
Born 1923
Mrs. R.I. Shulman (mother)
Buried in city of Tsibinka, Poland

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Vayner, Isaak Ilich [Вайнер, Исаак Ильич]
Senior Technician-Lieutenant [Старший Техник-Лейтенант]
Chief – Assistant Technical Department for Procurement
1531st Self-Propelled Artillery Regiment, 134th Rifle Corps, 2nd Belorussian Front
Born 11/9/19, city of Mariupol, Ukraine

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Poland

Polish People’s Army

Killed in Action

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה –
תהא נפשו צרורה בצרור החיים

Feder, Chaim, Pvt. (Operation Brand Berlin)
35th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Chylowys Feder (father?)
Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945 – 85

Feldman, Leon, W/O
Born 1924
Mr. Sakowicz Feldman (father)
Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945 – 20

Filhaber, Abram, Pvt. (Operation Brand Berlin)
35th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Szlomo Filhaber (father)
Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945 – 85

Ginzberg, Wolf, Pvt. (at Kitten, Germany)
Intelligence Company, 7th Infantry Division
Born 1914, Lwow
Mr. Zacharia Ginzberg (father)
Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945 – 24

Rejchman, Jozef, Cpl. (at Lieske, Germany)
25th Infantry Regiment
Born 1918; Zalesie, Lubelskie, Poland
Mr. Wladyslaw Rejchman (father)
Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945 – 95

Sztern, Icek, Cpl. ((Operation Brand Berlin), Orianenberg, Brandenburg, Germany)
16th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Abraham Sztern (father)
Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945 – 68

Sztynzak, Adam, Pvt.
35th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Hersz Sztynzak (father)
Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945 – 98

________________________________________

Wounded in Action

United States

Pacific Theater

Cominsky, Joseph, PFC, 33177055, Purple Heart, at Okinawa
I Company, 307th Infantry Regiment, 77th Infantry Division
(Philadelphia Bulletin lists date as 5/5/45; Previously wounded on 7/26/44)
Born Philadelphia, Pa., 5/12/14
Mr. and Mrs. Robert and Fannie Cominsky (parents), 103 Roseberry St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Jewish Exponent 11/24/44
Philadelphia Record 11/1/44, 6/21/45, 6/22/45
Philadelphia Bulletin 6/21/45
Ours to Hold It High – 467
American Jews in World War II – 516

__________

Kushner, Jerry, PFC, 13127158, Purple Heart, at Okinawa
I Company, 306th Infantry Regiment, 77th Infantry Division
Born Philadelphia, Pa., 3/31/24
Mrs. Bessie Kushner [Zatlin] (mother), 5018 N. 10th St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Jewish Exponent 6/29/45
Philadelphia Inquirer 6/21/45
Philadelphia Record 6/22/45
Philadelphia Bulletin 6/21/45
Ours to Hold It High – 514
American Jews in World War II – 534

France

Europe

Armée de Terre

Tordjam, Jacques, Soldat de 2ème Classe, Croix de Guerre (at Baviere, gorges d’Inzell)
Regiment de Marche du Tchad
Had been severely wounded by several bullets in the body by assaulting strongly held emplacements.  [A été grièvement blessé de plusieurs balles dans le corps en se jetant des emplacements fortement tenus.]
Livre d’Or et de Sang – 167

________________________________________

Here’s a reference..

Case File 48-0-26 / 48-44, Records Group 153, United States National Archives, College Park, Maryland, “Report of Investigation Division, Legal Section, GHQ, SCAP”, Inv. Div. No. 1349, Title: “Corporal Irving TOPP”.  “Synopsis of Facts: Statements from Onose, Hamano, Doi, Ogaki and Watanabe set out.  Witnesses report only one survivor from plane crash on 4 May 1945; execution of survivor, Lt. Kaufman, performed by order of Inoue; executor Katsuyama, believe to be still alive and in Japan.”  (Includes interviews of Ichiro Onose (Intelligence Section of Inoue-Butai Headquarters, Babelthuap Island; Norio Doi, commander of forces stationed on Koror Island; Daiichi Ogaki)

Here are some books about history…

Behr, Edward, Hirohito – Behind the Myth, Villard Books (Random House), New York, N.Y., 1989

Bower, Tom, Blind Eye to Murder – Britain, America, and the Purging of Nazi Germany – A Pledge Betrayed, Granada Publishing Limited, London, England, 1981

Chiche, F., Livre d’Or et de Sang – Les Juifs au Combat: Citations 1939-1945 de Bir-Hakeim au Rhin et Danube, Edition Brith Israel, Tunis, Tunisie, 1946

Dublin, Louis I., and Kohs, Samuel C., American Jews in World War II – The Story of 550,000 Fighters for Freedom, The Dial Press, New York, N.Y., 1947

Herbert, Kevin, Maximum Effort: The B-29s Against Japan, Sunflower University Press, Manhattan, Ks., 1983

Meirtchak, Benjamin, Jewish Military Casualties in the Polish Armies in World War II: I – Jewish Soldiers and Officers of the Polish People’s Army Killed and Missing in Action 1943-1945, World Federation of Jewish Fighters Partisans and Camp Inmates: Association of Jewish War Veterans of the Polish Armies in Israel, Tel Aviv, Israel, 1994

Rogers, David H.; Sigler, Alvin L.; Wilcox, Charley F.; Martin, Briton; 494th Bombardment Group (H) Association, 494th Bombardment Group (H) History WWII: From Orlando, Wendover, Mountain Home, and Kauai to Corregidor, Zamboanga, Koror, Shanghai, and Hiroshima with the Liberators of Kelley’s Kobras and Back Home After All That, 494th Bombardment Group (H) Association, Annandale, MN (c/o E.R. Glazier, 135 E. Park St., Annandale 55302-0336), 1997

Rust, Kenn C., Seventh Air Force Story, Historical Aviation Album, Temple City, Ca., 1979

No specific author…

Ours To Hold It High: The History of the 77th Infantry Division in World War II, Infantry Press, Washington, D.C., 1947 (A very rich source of information, Ours to Hold It High, digitized by Oogle (isn’t everything, including “us”?!), can be accessed and downloaded via Archive.org.)

Here’s a book about gnosticism…

Voegelin, Eric, Science, Politics and Gnosticism, Regnery Gateway Inc., Chicago, Il., 1968

Soldiers of The Great War: Jewish Military Service in WW I, as Reported in l’Univers Israélite (The Jewish World) – Sur la mort d’un héros (On the Death of a Hero – Sous-Lieutenant André Fraenckel), April 16, 1915 [Updated post…]

[Dating back to 2016, “this” post – about French World War One Sous-Lieutenant André Fraenckel – is one of my earlier efforts pertaining to the military service of Jews in the “Great War”.  The initial version of the post pertaining solely to the French Army, it’s now been updated to include the names of German Jewish soldiers who were also killed in action on March 4, 1915 – the day … over a century and six years ago … when Fraenckel himself fell in battle.  The names of these nine men, all found in the 1932 book Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch, appear towards the “end” of the post.  Note that the oldest of these soldiers, Soldat (“Wehrmann”) Gottlieb Schwarz, was fourty-four years old.  

In the meantime, a variety of posts are in the “pipeline” for eventual (!) appearance here at TheyWereSoldiers, and at my two brother blogs, ThePastPresented and WordsEnvisioned.]

A week after l’Univers Israélite – in its issue of April 9, 1915 – presented a moving account of a Pesach Seder held among Sephardic soldiers, the periodical published an account covering the military career, death, and family background of a fallen officer: Sous-Lieutenant André Fraenckel.

Born in Elbeuf in June of 1893, Andre was the only son of Mr. and Mrs. Paul Fraenckel, his father having been President of the Chamber of Commerce of Elbeuf, and, vice president of the religious association of Elbeuf. 

The article presents an account of his nonchalant attitude after having been wounded in January, and, an extract from a letter Andre wrote to either his parents, or, the editor of l’Univers.  The article continues with a transcript of a letter written to Andre’s parents by a Captain Vital (first name not given), Company Commander of a Battalion of Chasseurs, which details about Andre’s death, and, information about Andre’s family. 

As with prior – and hopefully future – blog posts concerning Jewish World War One Casualties in the French army, I have included “Partie À Remplir Par Le Corps” cards from the Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale (Died for France in the First World War) database. 

__________________

Sur la mort d’un héros

On the Death of a Hero

l’Univers Israélite
April 16, 1915

The Jewish World
April 16, 1915

A la mémoire du sous-lieutenant André Fraenckel
tombé en Champagne, le 4 Mars 1915

In memory of Second Lieutenant Andre Fraenckel
fallen in Champagne, March 4, 1915

Il nous était revenu an début de janvier, la téte emmaillottée de linges blancs, blessé pour la deuxième fois.  “Ce n’est rien, disait-il, une balle morte”.  Une citation à l’ordre de l’armée disait ce qu’il passait sous silence: là blessure reçue en organisant, debout sous le feu, un saillant enlevé par ses chasseurs.

He had returned year early at the beginning of January, head swathed in white cloths, wounded for the second time.  “It is nothing, he said, a dead ball.”  A quote from an order of the Army and he was silent: The wound was received by organizing a defensive position under fire; a salient removed by his chasseurs.

Il décrivait la vie là-bas, dans une forêt de l’Argonne: au flanc d’un ravin, la tranchée; sur le versant opposé, la tranchée allemande; entre les deux une vallée fauchée par les balles.  Il parlait avec enthousiasme de ses chefs et de ses homes; ces belles amitiés d’officiers en campagne, auxquelles la présence de la mort et l’éloignement de tous les intérêts du monde imposent tant de confiance et de profondeur, devaient plaire à cette âme loyale et absolue.

He described life there, in a forest of the Argonne: the side of a ravine, the trench; on the opposite slope, the German trench; a valley between the two swathed by bullets.  He spoke with enthusiasm of his leaders and their homes; these beautiful friendships of officers on campaign, which the presence of death and the removal of all worldly interests require so much confidence and depth, should please this loyal and absolute soul.

Il avait presque la nostalgie du front, tant les préoccupations de ceux qui ne se battaient pas lui paraissaient mesquines.

He was almost nostalgic at the front, so that the concerns of those who did not fight to him seemed petty.

“Il ne faut pas croire, disait-il, que notre vie soit triste ou effrayante.  Je me rappelle un soir où l’on nous a prévenus que nous aurions à attaquer le lendemain matin.  C’etait la pente du ràvin a descendre, en tête de nos hommes, sous le feu des mitrailleuses allemandes.  Nous avons passé la nuit à fumer des cigarettes.  L’air était très calme, le ciel tout plein d’étoiles.  Nous n’avions aucune tristesse, aucune arrière-pensée.  Nous savions que nous allions mourir de la plus belle des morts, et la certitude de mourir est un sentiment très doux qùi ne laisse de place pour aucune crainte.  Avant le matin, l’attaque fut décommandée: nous l’avons tous regrette.”

“Do not believe,” he said, “that our life is sad or frightening.  I remember one evening when we were warned that we would have to attack the next morning.  It was the slope of the lower ravine, our forward men, under the fire of German machine guns.  We spent the night smoking cigarettes.  The air was calm, the whole sky full of stars.  We had no sadness, no ulterior motive.  We knew we were going to die the most beautiful of deaths, and the certainty of death is a very sweet feeling that leaves no room for fear.  Before the morning, the attack was called off: we all regretted it.”

Il devait retrouver, hélas! l’occasion attendue de ce sacrifice.  Quelques semaines après son départ ses lettres cessèrent d’arriver.  Un jour son capitaine écrivit qu’il était blessé, puis grièvement blessé, et le lendemain vint celle belle lettre d’un admirable chef:

He should find, alas, the expected time of this sacrifice.  A few weeks after leaving his letters stopped coming.  One day his captain wrote that he was hurt, and hurt badly, and next came the beautiful letter of an admirable leader.

Le 19 mars 1915

On March 19, 1915

Monsieur,

Sir

Je ne veux laisser à aucun autre la douloureuse mission de vous révéler la triste vérité.  La peine que j’ai éprouvée moi-méme m’a fait différer de vous écrire, pensant bien que l’absence de lettres quotidiennes vous préparerait un peu a l’idée d’un malheur.  Vous excuse-rez aussi les mensonges de mes dernières lettres destinées uniquement à amortir le choc un peu brutal de la cruelle vérité.  Voire fils Andre est tombé en héros, à la tête de sa troupe, le 4 mars dernier, frappé d’une balle au cœur, sans une plainte, sans avoir souffert aussi, comme le témoignait le calme de ses traits.  C’est la belle mort du soldat qui l’a fauché dans un élan superbe, dont une citation à l’ordre de l’armée consacrera le souvenir.

I will leave no other painful passion to reveal the sad truth.  The trouble I have proven my same made me defer to write to you, thinking that the absence of daily letters to you prepares little to you the idea of a misfortune.  You also excuse the lies of my last letters, intended only to soften the somewhat brutal shock of the cruel truth.  Your son Andre became a hero at the head of his troops, last March 4, struck by a bullet in the heart, without a complaint, without suffering too, as evidenced by the calm of his features.  This is the beautiful death of the soldier who broke into a superb momentum, including a citation in army dispatches consecrating his memory.

Permetez-moi, Monsieur, de m’associer à votre douleur paternelle, en tant que chef et en tant qu’ami.  La vie de campagne créé des liens indissolubles, et je m’étais très sincèrement attaché a ce jeune homme si vivant et si vibrant qu’était votre enfant.  L’ardeur qu’il mettait en tout, il l’a manifestée dans cette attaque de tranchée pour la prise de laquelle il a donné sa vie.  Avec vous je pleure la nature généreuse et la belle âme d’officier qui en était en lui.

Allow me, Sir, to associate myself with your father’s pain, as leader and as a friend.  Country living created indissoluble bonds, and I was sincerely attached to this young man, so alive and vibrant was your child.  The passion he put into everything he manifested in this trench attack the decision for which he gave his life.  With you I cry generously for the beautiful soul of the officer that was within him. 

Que la beauté de cette mort soit pour vous une atténuation à votre peine.  C’est du sang jeune, abondamment répandu, que sortira notre régénération.  J’aurais voulu pouvoir donner le mien pour épargner sa vie: la balle est folle et ne choisit pas.

May the beauty of this death be for you an attenuation to your sentence.  It is the young blood, fully given, that will release our regeneration.  I wish I could give mine to save his life: the bullet is crazy and does not choose. 

Je me hâte de répondre à une question que je devine.” Le corps de votre fils, mis en bière, repose dans le petit cimetière de….., côte à côte avec ceux de ses compagnons d’armes.  Lorsque le bataillon a défilé devant lui, pour la dernière fois, beaucoup ont fait serment de le venger.

I hasten to answer a question I guess.  “The body of your son, placed in a coffin, is buried in the small cemetery of …, side by side with those of his fellow soldiers.  When the battalion parades before him, for the last time, many have sworn to avenge him. 

Pardonnez-moi encore, Monsieur, de vous porter un coup si cruel.  J’ai préféré vous annoncer moi-même la pénible nouvelle, sans recourir à la voie administrative.  Je m’incline respectueusement devant votre douleur paternelle et je vous prie d’accepter l’expression de mes plus sincères et mes plus profondes condoléances.

Forgive me again, sir, for dealing you a blow so cruel.  I preferred to tell you the painful news myself, without resort to administrative means.  I respectfully bow to your father’s pain and I beg you to accept the expression of my profound and deepest condolences. 

Signé:
Capitaine Vital,
commandant la… compagnie du… bataillon

de chasseurs à pied

Signed
Captain Vital
Commandant of the … Company of the … battalion
of chasseurs à pied

On a su depuis, par une lettre d’un de ses camarades, que tout, autre que lui eût pu être sauvé.  Dès le début de l’attaque, il avait été blessé à la tête par un éclat d’obus.  Il aurait dû aller se faire panser.  Mais c’était une conscience qui ne marchandait pas avec elle-même.  En toute chose il ne comprenait que le don total de soi.  Souvent, silencieux, il nous écoutait discuter autour de lui; puis brusquement, de sa voix jeune et un peu bourrue, il donnait son avis : c’était ton-jours le plus généreux.  Pour tôus ceux qu’il aimait, pour toutes les causes qui lui paraissaient justes, etait toujours prêt à s’offrir tout entire.

We have since learned, by a letter from one of his comrades, of everything else that could have been done to save him.  From the beginning of the attack, he had been wounded in the head by shrapnel.  He should have gotten [the wound] dressed.  But he had a consciousness that had not bargained with itself.  In everything, he did not understand the total gift of self.   Often silent, he listened to us talk about him; then suddenly, in his little young and gruff voice, he gave his opinion: it was the most in the most generous tone.  For all those he loved, for all cases which he considered fair, was always ready to offer himself whole.

C’est un privilège de ceux qui meurent à vingt ans d’avoir conservé jusqu’au bout cette belle foi joyeuse dans la vie: c’est un de leurs privilèges aussi de demeurer éternellement jeunes dans la mémoire de ceux qui les ont aimés.  Ce beau jeune home, ardent et vibrant, bien pris dans son uniforme bleu foncé, restera, pour tous ceux qui l’ont connu, un souvenir lumineux et sans tache, et, à la tristesse de l’avoir perdu se mêlera toujours pour les siens la douceur de conserver de lui une image si fraîche et si pure.

It is a privilege of those who die at twenty to have been preserved through this beautiful joyful faith in life: it’s one of their privileges as to remain young forever in the memory of those who loved them.  This beautiful young man, ardent and vibrant, well caught in his dark blue uniform, will remain, for all those who knew him, a bright and spotless memory, and the sadness of losing him will always mingle with his gentleness to keep him pictured so fresh and pure. 

Pour moi, je le verrai toujours vivant et fort, courant à la tête de ses chasseurs, dans un élan superbe, sur ce coin de la terre de Champagne pour lequel il a donné son sang, avec sur le visage l’expression que donnent une volonté héroique et cette certitude de mourir que ne laisse de place pour aucune crainte.

For me, I see him still alive and strong, running at the head of his fighters with a superb momentum, on this corner of the land of Champagne for which he gave his blood, with his face in an expression that gives heroic determination in the certainty of death that leaves no room for fear. 

E.
(Dépéche de Rouen)

E.
(Disptach from Rouen)

André Fraenckel était le fils unique de M. Paul Fraenckel, président de la Chambre de Commerce d’Elbeuf et vice-président de l’Association cultuelle d’Elbeuf, et de Mme Paul Fraenckel.  Il avait fait sa premierè année de service à Rouen au 74e d’infanterie.  Il achevait la seconde année comme élève officier dans un bataillon de chasseurs à pied lorsque la guerre éclata.

André Fraenckel was the only son of Paul Fraenckel and Mrs. Paul Fraenckel, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Elbeuf and vice president of the religious association of Elbeuf.  He had his first year of service at Rouen in the 74th Infantry.  He finished the second year as a student officer in a battalion of Chasseurs when war broke out. 

Il ne tarda pas à se distinguer par sa conduite au feu, qui lui valut une citation à l’ordre du jour de l’armée; il revint deux fois blessé.  Il était parti il y a quelques semaines pour reprendre son poste sur un point du front où la lutte était particulièrement active.

He will soon be distinguished by his conduct against fire, which earned him a citation in the orders of the army.  He returned twice wounded.  He had been there a few weeks to resume his position on the point of the front where the fight was particularly active. 

Toute la ville d’Elbeuf, où le jeune André Fraenckel comptait autant de sympathies que parmi ses camarades de bataillon, s’est associée à la douleur d’une famille justement considérée et qui, venue d’Alsace après 1870, paie de la vie d’un fils unique la reprise du pays natal toujours regretted.

The whole town of Elbeuf, where the young André Fraenckel had many sympathies among his battalion comrades, is associated with the pain of a family and it is rightly considered that, from Alsace after 1870, it is regretted that the homeland is always paid with the life of an only son. 

M. Marc Bernheim, président de l’Association cultuelle du canton d’Elbeuf nous a écrit pour nous dire, en son nom et au nom de tous ses coreligionnaires d’Elbeuf et de la région, la part sincère qu’ils prennent au cruel deuil qui vient de frapper la famille Fraenckel.  Nous nous associons de tout coeur à ces condoléances.

Mr. Marc Bernheim, president of the religious association of the canton of Elbeuf wrote to us saying, in his name and on behalf of all his coreligionists of Elbeuf and the region, they take cruel mourning that has struck the Fraenckel family with a sincere hand.  We join wholeheartedly in these condolences. 

__________________

Andre was not the only Jewish soldier to lose his life on Thursday, March 4, 1915 (18 Adar, 5675).  

Some other names include:

French Army

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה –

תהא
נפשו
צרורה
בצרור
החיים

Sous-Lieutenant Leon Eugene Bauer; 41ème Bataillon de Chasseurs a Pied
At La Chapelotte, in Cher
Born at Le Havre, on June 19, 1893
Mentioned in l’Univers Israélite on September 10, 1915
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française – 8

Sergent Major Armand Levy; 170ème Regiment d’Infanterie
At Hurlus, in Marne
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française – 53
(“Partie À Remplir Par Le Corps” card could not be found or identified at the Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale (Died for France in the First World War) database, at Mémoire des Hommes (Memories of the Men) website.)

Soldier (Soldat) Max Levy; 149ème Regiment d’Infanterie
Died of wounds at a Temporary Hospital, at Hay-les-Mines, in Pas-de-Calais
Born at Alsace-Lorraine, on August 10, 1876
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française – 56

Sous-Lieutenant Henri Leon Rothschild; 370ème Regiment d’Infanterie
At Neuville-Saint-Vaast, in Pas-de-Calais; Missing in action [“Porté disparu”]
Born at 9ème Arrondissement of Paris, on September 15, 1887
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française – 72

Sergent Robert See; 313ème Regiment d’Infanterie
At Vauquois, in Meuse
Born at Colmar, in Alsace-Lorraine, on January 19, 1878
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française – 77

Lieutenant André Wahl; 18ème Bataillon de Chasseurs (André’s own Battalion)
Died of wounds, at Fortin de Mesnil les Hurlus, in Marne
Born at Doaui, in Nord, on February 23, 1884
Mentioned in l’Univers Israélite on March 17, 1916
(Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française – 85

German Army

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה –

תהא
נפשו
צרורה
בצרור
החיים

Bergmann, Ismar Isaak, Soldat
5 Kompanie, 2 Bataillon, 17 Infanterie Regiment
Born 8/5/90, Karlsruhe (Bad.)
Resided in Zalesie bei Schildberg
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 274
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 252

Cohen, Felix, Soldat
2 Kompanie, 1 Bataillon, 23 Feldartillerie Regiment
Born 12/1/94, Koln
Resided in Koln
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 239
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 260

Heim, Joseph, Soldat
7 Kompanie, 2 Bataillon, 142 Infanterie Regiment
Born 3/14/87, Mullheim (Bad.)
Resided in Mullheim
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 222
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 290
Missing

Jacob, Salo, Soldat
5 Kompanie, 2 Bataillon, 49 Reserve Infanterie Regiment
Born 11/21/81, Breslau
Resided in Breslau
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 228
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 179

Levy, Sally Samuel, Soldat
11 Kompanie, 3 Bataillon, 29 Reserve Infanterie Regiment
Born 8/28/81, Julich
Resided in Gr. Boslar
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 474
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 251

Meyer, Hermann, Gefreiter
4 Kompanie, 1 Bataillon, 5 Landwehr Ersatz Regiment
Born 4/15/78, Berlin
Resided in Fordon
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 1861
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 153
Declared legally dead

Orgler, Loeble, Soldat
5 Kompanie, 2 Bataillon, 59 Reserve Infanterie Regiment
Born 6/13/93, Kattowitz
Resided in Myslowitz
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 217
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 255

Schwarz, Gottlieb, Soldat (Wehrmann)
1 Kompanie, 1 Bataillon, 60 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment
Born 12/20/76 (? – !), Illingen (Saar)
Resided in Illingen
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 177
Place of burial: Kriegsgräberstätte in Lagarde (Frankreich), Grab 19
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 250

Wollheim, Georg, Soldat
8 Kompanie, 2 Bataillon, 63 Infanterie Regiment
Born 1/6/93, Koschmin, Provinz Posen
Resided in Sehmiegel
Casualty Message (Verlustmeldung) 178
Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen – 380

References

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (Israelites [Jews] in the French Army), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve [Forward to the Second Edition], Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2006

Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch, Reichsbund Jüdischer Frontsoldaten, Forward by Dr. Leo Löwenstein, Berlin, Germany, 1932

Created 2016; Updated April 23, 2017 & March 25, 2021

 

A Rabbi at The Battle Front: Adon Olam in the Trenches – A Tale From The Jewish Exponent, August 27, 1915

Like The Jewish World of Britain, The Jewish Exponent during the early years of the First World War occasionally included works of fiction within its pages, some of which – inevitably, given the tenor of the times – pertained to military service of Jews soldiers in the armies of the Allied and Central Powers.  The item below is one such example.

Appearing on the front page of the Exponent’s edition of August 27, 1915, this brief piece by Mabel Lyon (about whom I have no further information!) focuses on the experiences of a rabbi in the army of France.  As presented by Lyon, the initial impetus for the rabbi’s military service is an ardent sense of patriotism inspired by the legacy and example of the Maccabees and Bar Kochba (at least, as imagined!) with the military genius and valor of Emperor Napoleon, Marshall Ney, and the Old Guard.  However, the rabbi’s confrontation with the machine-like nature of war in the twentieth century soon dispels his ardor and idealism.  This is replaced by a sense of grim resolution that is at first inspired through solidarity with his fellow Jewish soldiers, but then – sparked by the words of the hymn Adon Olam – this sense of idealism becomes universalized.  Interestingly, however, the closing sentence of Lyon’s story returns to a focus on Jewish peoplehood.

You can read the full text of Lyon’s piece below, followed by three different interpretations of Adon Olam: From Wikipedia, Chabad, and the Ha Siddur Ha Shalem prayer book.

ADON OLMAN

A Rabbi at the Battle Front

By MABEL LYON

(Written for The Jewish Exponent)

The Jewish Exponent
August 27, 1915

“There are no less than twenty-five chief rabbis and rabbis attached to field ambulances at various points along the French line of defense.  Since the outbreak of the war no rabbi has been allowed to leave the army for a single day’s furlough.  The relationship between the rabbis and the Catholic priests is most friendly.  At Verdun a joint service for fallen soldiers was held last December, at which the rabbi first read prayers in Hebrew, the Catholic in Latin, and the Protestant in French.  Many of the rabbis have distinguished themselves by their heroism and by the important service they have rendered in the war.”  – Jewish Exponent

“Teach me the Law during the time that I stand on one leg,” once said a heathen boy mockingly to Hillel.

“Thou shalt love they neighbor as thyself,” was the gentle reply.  “This is the whole creed of Judaism, all the rest is commentary.  Genesis, the holy writings and the prophets, all are contained in these simple hymns.”

________________________________________

Adon Olam was his favorite.  It embodied all the others, he would say.

The war came and the young rabbi obeyed the call of his country to minister to the wounded and the dying of his people.  The thrill that came to him as he said good-bye to his friends, to his congregation, and last of all to his nearest and dearest, was soon dissipated as he saw the battle field for the first time.  He had pictured war as something sublime and all the fire of youth and the fighting spirit of the prophet, had been stirred to enthusiasm in anticipation of his work.

Often had the young French rabbi taken this story for his text, and he would draw an analogy between this and the all-embracing significance of the songs of Israel.  “Let me teach you the creed of Israel in a word,” he would say, “and I will repeat for you the ‘Shema,’ the ‘En Kelohenu,’ ‘Yigdal’ or ‘Adon Olam.’

He had dreamed of the glorious wars of the Maccabees, fighting superbly against fearful odds; of the siege of Rome against Jerusalem and the unparalleled courage of its defenders, and to him the fruitless heroism of Bar Kochba, defying Rome a hundred years later, even in its utter failure, was sublime.  The rabbi had often tried to picture the Napoleonic battles and to visualize the scenes suggested by Tschaikovsky’s 1812 Overture.  He heard the Marseillaise, intermingling its stirring notes with the wild Russian hymns of battle; he saw the cuirassiers in their picturesque uniforms and his beloved tricoleur waving.  And with it all sounded the tragically prophetic tones of the French retreat from Moscow.  Napoleon’s campaign, too, had been a fight for selfishness and ambition, but at least it had the inspiration of one great dominating genius.  The rabbi idolized Napoleon, forgetting his military crimes because of the statesman’s virtues and achievements.  As a Frenchman the rabbi could understand the spirit of a Ney and the Old Guard, who were willing to follow their Emperor to exile or to death.

But here on the field of battle today what were men striving for?  There was no Marseillaise to thrill and to inspire; no stirring national hymns were heard to instill new life into the wearied ranks of men.

There were no plumes of cuirassiers, no glittering corselets.  No vari-colored uniforms to give life and brilliancy to the scene.

All was silent, save for the booming of cannon and the shrieks of shells.  There was no temple to defend, no fight for liberty to give motive to this blind war.  Machine-like men, blindly following leaders, asked vaguely, “Why?”  But no answer came.  They were machines operating machines against machines.

There was naught to mitigate the horrors which the young rabbi saw before him; nought of that which could inspire men with the frenzy of battle and make them forget pain and danger in its thrill.

The rabbi sickened; he felt faint; he longed to leave this scene of carnage and horror, but the pride of his race was stirring within him.  He was not there to kill or maim; he was there to minister to those who needed him, and he must not turn away.

There were brothers of his faith near him; he knew them, he sat beside them.  There was little time for words; there were so many there that looked to him for help.

“Shema Yisrael!” he cried alone.  “Shema Yisrael!” repeated those who could follow his words.

But it was not alone men of his own faith that called to him.  Protestants and Catholics, Mohammendans and even agnostics appealed to him for comfort.

He forgot the terror of the battle; he felt only the supreme emotion inspired by the presence of death; he asked not: “Are you Jew or Gentile, Mohammedan or agnostic?”

But “Shema Yisrael” was a prayer intended only for the Jew.  Then came to his lips his favorite: “Adon Olam”.  This would serve for all; for he knew no other credo.  Adon Olam, a prayer for the dying; Alon Olam, a prayer of cheer for the living; Adom Olam, a prayer for the sorrowing.

“He is my God, my living God;
To Him I flee when tried in grief;
My banner high, my refuge strong,
Who hears and answers when I call.
My spirit I commit to him,
My body, too, and all I prize,
Both when I sleep and when I wake.
He is with me, I shall not fear.”

Often the young rabbi had asked himself: “What was it that had made Judaism survive through the ages?”

What was it but this very creed, simple and abiding, strong in faith but based on reason; universal, yet strengthening the sense of brotherhood between Jew and fellow Jew.

“The Lord of all did reign supreme
Ere yet this world was made and formed,
When all was finished by His will,
Then was His name as King proclaimed.
He still will rule in majesty;
He was, He is and shall remain
His glory never shall decrease.”

________________________________________

Three versions of Adon Olam…

Wikipedia

Eternal master, who reigned supreme,
Before all of creation was drawn.

When it was finished according to his will,
Then “King” his name was proclaimed to be.

When this our world shall be no more,
In majesty he still shall reign.

And he was, and he is,
And he will be in glory.

Alone is he, there is no second,
Without division or ally.

Without beginning, without end,
To him is the power and sovereignty.

He is my God, my living redeemer
Rock of my affliction in time of trouble.

He is my banner and refuge
Filling my cup the day I call.

Into his hand I commit my spirit
When I sleep, and I awake.

And with my spirit, my body
The Lord is with me, I will not fear.

Chabad (Avraham Friedman)

Lord of the universe, who reigned
before everything as created,

at the time when by His will all things were made,
then was His name proclaimed King,

and after all things shall cease to be,
the Awesome One Will reign alone.

He was, he is and
He shall be in glory.

He is One and there is no other
to compare to Him, to consort with Him.

Without beginning without end,
power and dominion belong to Him.

He is My G‑d and my ever-living redeemer.
The strength of my lot in time of distress.

He is my banner and my refuge,
my portion on the day I call.

Into His band I entrust my spirit,
when I sleep and when I awake.

With my soul, my body too,
the L-rd is with me, I shall not fear.

Ha-Siddur Ha-Shalem (Hebrew Publishing Company – 1949)

He is the eternal Lord who reigned
Before any being was created.

At the time when all was made by His will,
He was at once acknowledged as King.

At the end, when all shall cease to be,
The revered God alone shall still be King.

He was, He is, and He shall be
In glorious eternity.

He is one, and there is no other
To compare to Him, to place beside Him.

He is without beginning, without end;
Power and dominion belong to Him.

He is my God, my living Redeemer,
My stronghold in times of distress.

He is my guide and my refuge,
My share of bliss when I call.

To Him I entrust my spirit
When I sleep and when I wake

As long as my soul is with my body
The Lord is with me; I am not afraid.

References

Adon Olam, Interpretation / Arrangement by Avraham Friedman, at Chabad.org

Adon Olam, at Wikipedia

Daily Prayer Book – Ha-Siddur Ha-Shalem, Translated and Annotated with an Introduction by Philip Birnbaum, Hebrew Publishing Company, New York, N.Y., 1949

Ha-Siddur Ha-Shalem, at Open Prayer Book

The Ambivalence of Acceptance – The Acceptance of Ambivalence III: “The Jews and The War”, by Maurice Barres – Correspondence from French Jewish Soldiers

To have a “place” can mean different things: A place can be a physical location; it can be a relationship to others, be they family, friends, or strangers; it can imply a sense of familiarity with and belonging to the zeitgeist of a particular age.  And sometimes, it can be all these definitions – changing in degree and intensity – at once.

For the French writer, journalist, and politician Auguste-Maurice Barrès’, the “place” of the Jews of France during that nation’s hour of crisis in the First World War was addressed by the chapter “The Israelites” in his 1917 book Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France (The Various Spiritual Families of France), the full text of which you can read in English, and, the (original) French.

While the above-mentioned chapter (one of eleven within his book) comprises 23 pages, his monograph includes a “Notes and Appendix” section of 41 pages (page 268 through page 309).  For chapter Five – “The Israelites” – relevant material can be found on pages 282 through 292, correlating to footnotes #12 through #14 in chapter Five.

As a supplement to my earlier posts covering the “The Israelites”, and to fully appreciate Barrès’ writings Jews in the French Army, you can read a translation of the relevant pages of the Notes and Appendix section, below.  And, (yet!) further below, near the end of the post) you can read the text in the original French. 

Intriguingly, from the Notes and Appendix section of the book, it can be seen that despite his attitude towards French Jewry during the Dreyfus affair, by 1917 Barrès’ had been engaging in correspondence with Jewish soldiers serving in the French Army, and, some representatives of the Jewish community of France.  Similarly, paralleling the contents of Chapter Five, in the Notes and Appendix Barrès alludes to three Jewish soldiers who fell for France:

The first (anonymous) soldier –  Aged 33, sergeant to the 360th Infantry Regiment, this Jewish soldier took part in the fighting of Reméreville, Crévic, Bois Saint-Paul, Velaine-sôus-Ainance, from August 25 to September 14, 1914.”  The second soldier – mentioned by name – Charles Halphen, who served in the 39th Artillery Regiment, and was killed in action on May 15, 1915.  The third soldier – also mentioned by name – Captain Raoul Bloch, killed on May 12, 1916, near Verdun.  The information about the anonymous 33-year-old sergeant was of such accuracy that I was immediately able to identify him, based on his archival record from the SGA, and, information in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française.  He was Sergent-Major Max Jean Francois Claude Levy.

It’s particularly notable that the biographical backgrounds of Bloch, Halphen, and Levy, all deeply patriotic, encompass a wide spectrum of religious belief (particularly represented by Max Levy) and represent different levls of acculturation. 

Paralleling my post aboutThe Israelites, this post presents “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” Cards for Levy, Halphen, and Bloch, and includes biographical information about each soldier as derived from both the Cards and other sources, such as l’Univers Israélite (reviewed at the Dorot Jewish Division of the New York Public Library), and the above-mentioned Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française.  And…just like my prior post…to enable you to distinguish between my additions and the original text more easily, “my” information is presented in maroon-colored text, like this.  (Refer to my earlier post, Three Soldiers – Three Brothers? – Fallen for France: Hermann, Jules, and Max Boers) for a longer discussion about information in “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” Cards.)

In addition, this post lists the names of French Jewish soldiers who lost their lives on the same dates as Levy, Halphen, and Bloch.  The record for each of the soldiers comprises that soldier’s 1) rank, 2) country or land of birth, and, 3) the geographic location where he was killed.  All these names were obtained from the SGA’s Base des Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale (Database of Killed for France in the First World War) database.

So, to begin, the title and table-of-contents of Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France…

______________________________

______________________________

MAURICE BARRÈS

OF THE FRENCH ACADEMY
PRESIDENT OF THE LEAGUE OF PATRIOTS

THE VARIOUS SPIRITUAL FAMILIES OF FRANCE

PARIS
EMILE-PAUL FRÈRES, EDITORS
100, RUE DE FAIBOURG-SAINT-HONORÉ. 100
PLACE BEAUVAU
1917
______________________________

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapters.                                                                                                   Pages.

I          Our diversities disappear on August 4, 1914                        1
II        … And reappear in the army                                                       9
III       The Catholics                                                                                  19
IV       The Protestants                                                                              51
V        The Israelites                                                                                   67
VI      The Socialists                                                                                   90
VII    The Traditionalists                                                                       137
VIII   Catholics, Protestants, Socialists, all defending France, defend their particular faith                                                                                                                193
IX      An already legendary night (Christmas 1914)                   205
X       Twenty-year-old soldiers devote themselves to creating a more beautiful France                                                                                                            215
XI    This profound unanimity, we will continue to live it     259

Notes and Appendix                                                                               269

PRINTING CHAIX, RUE BERGERE, 20, PARIS – 842-1-17. (Lucre Lurilleux)

______________________________

NOTES AND APPENDIX

(12) NOTE FROM PAGE 74. – “I would like to know more about the war activity of the Israelites in Algeria than I could have obtained …”

Someone authorized to speak in their names writes [to] me:

“They serve, for the most part, in the Zouaves and were there (until lately) in the proportion of a quarter.  They took part in the battles of Belgium, the Marne (particularly at Chambry), Soissons, Arras, Yser, Champagne, Verdun, the Somme, Dardanelles, Serbia.  It is especially the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 8th Zouaves, constituted in Algeria, who set them at the beginning.  The 45th division, formed at Oran of reservists and territorials, was the one that crossed Paris in the first days of September, and was immediately sent by Gallieni to the vicinity of Meaux, to carry the blow which was decisive.”

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(13) NOTE FROM PAGE 78. – “The documents which I possess on the moral elite of the Israelites only make known to me consciences which seem emptied of their religious tradition …”

On this subject, a young Jewish, industrial, Lorraine officer, who was the object of a beautiful citation by the order of the army, writes me an interesting letter which begins with these words: “I am a Jew, sincerely believing and attached to my religion …”  I leave some fragments:

“Let us take as an example,” said the officer, “an Israelite of what is called the good bourgeoisie, that is, the second lieutenant who writes to you …  I had a medium education (classical studies to Carnot, then beginning of right).  My parents are from Alsace, and under Louis-Philippe, one of my grandparents was Mayor of Altkirch.  For my part, I did my military service, like all the young people I knew, without much pleasure or enthusiasm, and only thought of the war when my father told me about his campaign of 1870.

Suddenly comes the period of tension in 1914, then mobilization.  I would have liked you to see our joy, to we Jews who, according to you, sir, do not have real love of their country or have it only by gratitude for a country where they have not been martyred …  I remember that Saturday night, when my parents accompanied me to Paris-Lyon-Méditerranée.  My mother was crying and my father laughed with joy despite having tears in the corner of his eye.  For my part, I give you my word of honor and [as a] soldier; I was happy without calculation, happy to fight for my country that I loved …  All my friends to whom I said goodbye, without doubt that it was goodbye to me, had the joy at heart of the idea of taking over Alsace, of which we for the most part are native.

I insist on this instinctive sentiment of patriotism; I would like us to know each other better, we other Jews, who are not ashamed of our race and who do not use our fortune to offer hunts to people ruined by fragments.  I believe you only see two kinds of Jews:

First of all, the little aristocracy, with enormous fortunes, and which is not very interesting (characterized by its platitudes toward the great names of Catholicism).

Then, there are the Polish Jews who clutter our country and who, to eat, do all the trades (the latter are only interesting by the misfortunes they have endured in Russia).

But there are also the believing Jews, sincere, profoundly fond of their country, not seeking to dazzle others by their fortune and their luxury of bad taste: in short, the good bourgeoisie.  You believe too much that Jews are beings apart, who have a special mentality.  Between the “Nucingen” and the “Gobseck”, there is something else.

I had a hard time at the front because during the first winter we were not yet used to this war of “moles” and in the Vosges (col de Sainte-Marie) we suffered a lot from the cold.  For men, physical suffering alone counted; but as an officer I had painful days.  This inaction weighed on me.  The loneliness in our wooded mountains breeds melancholy, bad feelings; in short weariness.  It was then that my faith intervened and saved me morally.  I remembered the prayer I was making at night, before kissing my mother and who is very similar to your “Pater noster”.  I prayed and the Lord supported me; gave me calm.  Whenever I had a decision to make, I thought of Him and I was quiet.

At the moment of the attack itself, the duty imposes on you enough work so that one can think only of the orders received and the means to execute them for the best.  But before!  The half hour preceding the offensive attack or reconnaissance has a tragic grandeur.  Every one, Catholic, Protestant, or Jew, collects himself, and the true believers recognize themselves in their calm, which at this moment can not be feigned.

I write to you in all sincerity.  Whenever I saw that I had to go to death, I thought of “Him,” and my duty seemed natural, without merit.  When I was buried, I thought myself wounded to death and my first thought was still for my God.

The Jewish religion is not made for the people, because it is not composed of small external practices, but only of the idea of God and the survival of the soul.  That’s why there are few true believers.

It happened to me, wanting to gather me, to go to a church and I do not think I committed sacrilege.

This is my state of affairs, which I am simply exposing to you, feeling sympathy for you.”

(Letter from Second Lieutenant L., December 29, 1916.)

______________________________

On the same subject a letter signed by an important name in Parisian society:

I do not want to let you believe that the consciences of the Israelites who died for France with love “are emptied of their religious tradition”.  However, I can only bring you “texts” by formally asking you to take them only as anonymous.  By modesty first, and by justice also for unknown heroes, I desire that the name of my son be piously guarded by you without being published …

I regretfully conform to this desire; I will not mention the name of the hero, who held a high office; I limit myself to analyzing the small file that is communicated to me.

Aged 33, sergeant to the 360th Infantry Regiment, this Jewish soldier took part in the fighting of Reméreville, Crévic, Bois Saint-Paul, Velaine-sôus-Ainance, from August 25 to September 14, 1914.  [Max Jean Francois Claude Levy]  At this date, he writes to his parents a letter that will be the last:

Papa, adored mama.  Thank you for your tender cards and letters that I receive very well, but in package.  Last night those of August 31st and September 1st.  You are, I am sure, an admirable nurse, but I will not need your care for this time.  We are now held back for a long time from the line of fire where we have been since August 26, especially since September 2.  I did not have an attack, not a scratch, and yet I felt almost sure, so much I had the powerful feeling of God’s protection that he granted me for all and by you my admirable parents.  So that I had no merit in feeling no hesitation in throwing myself between bullets and shells; I saw them veer around me.  I did not commit any act of valor, at all, I hasten to say it, I just went where I was told to go.

Three days later, having proposed to conduct a reconnaissance, he enters the village of Bezange-la-Grande.  A young peasant advises him to “turn around”.  He answers: “I am charged with a reconnaissance, one must go farther …”, and almost immediately he falls, hit in the head by an explosive bullet.  He had said to his father on leaving him: “I will bring you back Lorraine, or I will stay there.”  The inhabitants buried him and the mayor was able to send the parents the medal of piety found on their son; it bore the traditional inscription: “You shall love the LORD.”  [This is a reference to the Shema Yisrael prayer, in Deuteronomy 6, Verses 4-5 The full text: 

4) Hear, O Israel: the LORD our God, the LORD is one.
שְׁמַע, יִשְׂרָאֵל: יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵינוּ, יְהוָה אֶחָד.
5) And thou shalt love the LORD thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy might.
וְאָהַבְתָּ, אֵת יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ, בְּכָל-לְבָבְךָ וּבְכָל-נַפְשְׁךָ, וּבְכָל-מְאֹדֶךָ.]

On the paper he had prepared before his departure and where he expressed his last wishes, he invoked the sacred word: He walked with God all the days of his life.  Suddenly we no longer saw him because God had taken him.”  [A reference to Chapter 5, Verse 24, in GenesisThe actual text: And Enoch walked with God, and he was not; for God took him.  וַיִּתְהַלֵּךְ חֲנוֹךְ, אֶת-הָאֱלֹהִים; וְאֵינֶנּוּ, כִּי-לָקַח אֹתוֹ אֱלֹהִים.]

And again: “For myself, I know that my Redeemer lives and that He will raise me up from the earth, and that when my flesh is destroyed, I will see God.  I will see Him with my eyes.”  [A reference to Verses 25 through 27, in Chapter 19 of the Book of Job The actual text:

25) But as for me, I know that my Redeemer liveth, and that He will witness at the last upon the dust;
וַאֲנִי יָדַעְתִּי, גֹּאֲלִי חָי; וְאַחֲרוֹן, עַל-עָפָר יָקוּם.
26) And when after my skin this is destroyed, then without my flesh shall I see God;
וְאַחַר עוֹרִי, נִקְּפוּ-זֹאת; וּמִבְּשָׂרִי, אֶחֱזֶה אֱלוֹהַּ.
27) Whom I, even I, shall see for myself, and mine eyes shall behold, and not another’s. My reins are consumed within me.]
אֲשֶׁר אֲנִי, אֶחֱזֶה-לִּי–וְעֵינַי רָאוּ וְלֹא-זָר: כָּלוּ כִלְיֹתַי בְּחֵקִי.]

[Perhaps Max Levy’s “medal of piety” referred to by Barrès’ was a Mezuzah in the form of an amulet…?]

Max Jean Francois Claude Levy

Sergent Major, 16063 / 16635, France, Armée de Terre, Infanterie, 360eme Regiment d’Infanterie, 22eme Compagnie
Killed by the enemy [Tué a l’ennemi] at Carency, Pas-de-Calais, France, May 9, 1915
Born August 9, 1887, 10eme Arrondissement, Paris, France

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française, p. 56
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française lists name as “Levy, Max”, and gives date and location as May 5, 1915, Villers-aux-Bois”

Buried at Necropole Nationale “Notre-Dame-de-Lorette”, Ablain-Saint-Nazaire, Pas-de-Calais, France – Tombe Individuelle, Carre 87, Rang 4, No. 17468
SGA burial record gives name as “Levy, Max”

______________________________

On Israel believing, still this document of the sacred union.  M. Lancrenion, priest, medical aide-major in the 1st group of the 39th artillery, writes to the mother of the young Charles Halphen, lieutenant of the 39th artillery, fallen on the field of honor on May 15, 1915, a letter of which here is the end:

The friendship, linked by me with your son, has turned into respect and admiration for his heroic death.  And I want to tell you too, the infinitely powerful and merciful God, in whom we all believe, though different from religion, in which your son believed (he told me), took from him, I hope, the right and loyal soul, who sacrificed himself for duty, and he took it for immortality …  I prayed from the bottom of my heart yesterday, today, this God of mercy, to receive your son to him, and to gather you to him, when the time will come for an eternal and happy meeting …  May this word of a minister of God not calm your pain, but bring you hope, support your courage, help you bear the sacrifice.

Charles Nathan Halphen

Lieutenant, 65, France, Armée de Terre, Artillerie
39eme Regiment d’Artillerie de Campagne
Killed by the enemy [Tué a l’ennemi], at Neuville-Saint-Vaast, Pas-de-Calais, France, May 15, 1915
Mr. Georges Halpen (father)
Born December 3, 1885, 17eme Arrondissement, Paris, France

l’Univers Israélite 10/8/15, 1/26/17
The Jewish Chronicle 7/30/15
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française, p. 41
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française gives name as “Halphen, Charles” and date as May 12, 1915

l’Univers Israélite: “Professeur au college Chaptal; Cite a l’ordre de l’armee; Il etait fils de feu Georges Halphen, membre de l’Academie des sciences”

Buried at Cimetiere Militaire “Ecoivres Milit. Cemetery”, Ecoivres – Mount Saint Eloi, Pas-de-Calais, France – Tombe Individuelle, Rang 23, No. 731, 65

______________________________

(14) NOTE FROM PAGE 92. – I am told: “You have seen exceptional Israelites, newly arrived among us or great intellectuals”, and I am given to read the correspondence of Captain Raoul Bloch, killed on May 12, 1916 before Verdun, who belonged to the business world.  His letters, in a firm tone, exude the most salutary patriotic and family feeling.

Raoul Bloch

Capitaine, France, Armée de Terre, Infanterie
306eme Regiment d’Infanterie
Killed [Tué], May 12, 1916, at Mort Homme, Fromerville, Meuse, France
Born April 11, 1872, Auxerre, Yonne, France

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921, p. 17
American Jewish Yearbook V 21, p. 38

Place of burial unknown (None?…)

Aged forty, assigned to the service of the [reserves], he asks to go into active [service].  “I am anxiously waiting to do my duty as I desire and understand it; as French and Jew, I have to do it twice.  The country is at this moment in need of all its men valid for defense, arms in hand; – I am in a service that can be done very well with men of age and less nimble, my duty is to offer my services elsewhere …»

On the 6th of January, 1915, he sends to his wife this page full of the earthly piety of an Alsatian Israelite:

With what joy I will go to the side of Alsace and what memories by penetrating into uniform in this country of our dreams!  Our poor fathers would flinch in their graves!  Finally, the “revenge” of which they spoke so much, whose heart overflowed! and my brave brother, my old under the hood, and in what tragic moments! with what pleasure I will avenge him and Robert my brother too soon disappeared!  What a note to pay the Bandits and how I will be fierce creditor!

Tell them all, brothers and sisters, that never can our hearts have vibrated so much in unison and have so intensely communicated.  I often think of all those who surround you at this moment with such tender affection, and help you to bear valiantly the heavy contribution of the country that I imposed on you as well as myself.  To be one of those who have contributed directly to your home birthplace will be for me a sweet joy and a complement to our life so united and so tender.  What a beautiful anniversary of our twenty years of cleaning, the “rue de la Mésange” once again French! what more beautiful gift can I dream to bring you!  And Lauterbourg, Niederbronn, Bionville, all in our three colors!  You must understand why I wanted and had to leave, the whole family tradition is not with me?  To be able to take you and our darlings to Alsace-Lorraine and tell them: Papa has helped in the measure of his strength to return these two beautiful countries to France, what a better reward for me?

 __________________________

______________________________

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה
תהא

נפשו
צרורה
בצרור
החיים

May 9, 1915 – Max Jean Francois Claude Levy

The books Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (in combination with the SGA database) and Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch, reveal the names of approximately 90 French Jewish soldiers, and 27 German Jewish soldiers – killed in action or died of wounds – for the above date.

May 15, 1915 – Charles Nathan Halphen

Freyberg, France, Seine-Maritime; Rouen; l’Hopital (“Partie a Remplir par le Corps” card could not be found or identified in SGA database; name from Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française
Koskach, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 16850, Belgique; Het Sas
Midowitch, Kiel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 20493, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Zerbib, Messim Emile, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 10859, Pas-de-Calais; Roclincourt

The names of Midowitch and Zerbib do not appear in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française.

May 12, 1916 – Raoul Bloch

Bernheim, Lucien Germain Edouard, Aspirant, France, 6473, Meuse; Vauquois
Darmon, Mimoun, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 17288, Meuse
Walter, Stephan, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne – Lodz), Meuse; Thierville; 1600 m a l’ouest de

Walter’s name does not appear in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française.

______________________________

______________________________

NOTES ET APPENDICE

(12) NOTE DE LA PAGE 74. — «J’aimerais avoir sur l’activité guerrière des Israélites d’Algérie des précisions que je n’ai pu me procurer…»

Quelqu’un d’autorisé à parler en leurs noms m’écrit:

«Ils servent, pour la plupart, dans les zouaves et s’y trouvaient (jusqu’à ces derniers temps) dans la proportion d’un quart.  Ils ont pris part aux combats de Belgique, de la Marne (particulièrement à Chambry), devant Soissons, à Arras, sur l’Yser, en Champagne, sous Verdun, dans la Somme, aux Dardanelles, en Serbie.  Ce sont surtout les 1er, 2e, 3e, 4e et 8e zouaves, constitués en Algérie, qui les ont encadrés à l’origine.  La 45e division, formée à Oran de réservistes et de territoriaux, est celle qui a traversé Paris dans les premiers jours de septembre et qui a tout de suite été expédiée par Galliéni dans les environs de Meaux, pour y porter le coup qui fut décisif.»

(13) NOTE DE LA PAGE 78. — « Les documents que je possède sur l’élite morale des israélites ne me font connaître que des consciences qui paraissent vidées de leur tradition religieuse…»

Là-dessus, un jeune officier israélite, industriel lorrain, qui a été l’objet d’une belle citation à l’ordre de l’armée, m’écrit une lettre intéressante qui commence par ces mots: «Je suis juif, sincèrement croyant et attaché à ma religion…»  J’en détache quelques fragments:

«Prenons comme exemple, me dit cet officier, un israélite de ce que l’on appelle la bonne bourgeoisie, c’est-à-dire le sous-lieutenant qui vous écrit…  J’ai eu une instruction moyenne (études classiques à Carnot, puis commencement de droit).  Mes parents sont originaires d’Alsace, et, sous Louis-Philippe, un de mes grands-parents était maire d’Altkirch.  Pour ma part, j’ai fait mon service militaire, comme tous les jeunes gens que je connaissais, sans grand plaisir ni enthousiasme, et ne pensais à la guerre que lorsque mon père me racontait sa campagne de 1870.

»Tout à coup arrive en 1914 la période de tension, puis la mobilisation.  J’aurais voulu que vous puissiez voir notre joie, à nous juifs qui, d’après vous, Monsieur, n’ont pas l’amour réel de leur patrie ou ne l’ont que par reconnaissance pour un pays où ils n’ont pas été martyrisés…  Je me souviens de ce samedi soir, lorsque mes parents m’ont accompagné au Paris-Lyon-Méditerranée.  Ma mère pleurait et mon père riait de joie en ayant malgré tout use larme au coin de l’œil.  Pour ma part, je vous en donne ma parole d’honneur et de soldat, j’étais heureux sans calcul, heureux de me battre pour mon pays que j’aimais…  Tous mes amis à qui j’ai dit au revoir, sans me douter que c’était un adieu, avaient la joie au cœur à l’idée de reprendre cette Alsace dont nous sommes pour la plupart originaires.

»J’insiste sur ce sentiment instinctif de patriotisme; je voudrais que I’on nous connaisse mieux, nous autre juifs, qui n’avons pas honte de notre race et qui n’usons pas de notre fortune pour offrir de chasses aux gens ruinés à particule.  Je crois que vous ne voyez que deux sortes de juifs :

»D’abord la petite aristocratie, aux fortunes énormes, et qui est peu intéressante (caractérisée par sa platitude envers les grands noms du catholicisme).

»Ensuite, les juifs polonais qui encombrent notre pays et qui, pour manger, font tous les métiers (ces derniers ne sont intéressants que par les malheurs qu’ils ont endurés en Russie).

»Mais il y a aussi les juifs croyants, sincères, aimant profondément leur pays, ne cherchant pas à éblouir les autres par leur fortune et leur luxe de mauvais goût: bref, la bonne bourgeoisie.  Vous croyez trop que les juifs sont des êtres à part, qui ont une mentalité spéciale.  Entre le «Nucingen» et le «Gobseck», il y a autre chose.

»J’ai passé au front de durs moments, car pendant le premier hiver nous n’avions pas encore l’habitude de cette guerre de «taupes» et dans les Vosges (col de Sainte-Marie) nous souffrions beaucoup du froid.  Pour les hommes, la souffrance physique seule comptait; mais, comme officier, j’avais de pénibles journées.  Cette inaction me pesait.  La solitude dans nos montagnes boisées engendre la mélancolie, les mauvais sentiments, bref la lassitude.  C’est alors que ma foi est intervenue et m’a sauvé moralement.  Je me suis souvenu de la prière que je faisais tout petit, le soir avant d’embrasser ma maman et qui ressemble beaucoup à votre «Pater noster».  J’ai prié et le Seigneur m’a soutenu, m’a donné le calme.  Chaque fois que j’avais une décision à prendre, je pensais à Lui et j’étais tranquille.

»Au moment de l’attaque même, le devoir vous impose suffisamment de travail pour que l’on ne puisse penser qu’aux ordres reçus et aux moyens de les exécuter pour le mieux.  Mais avant!  La demi-heure qui précède l’attaque ou la reconnaissance offensive, possède une grandeur tragique.  Chacun, catholique, protestant ou juif se recueille, et les véritables croyants se reconnaissent à leur calme, qui, à ce moment, ne peut être feint.

»Je vous écris en toute sincérité.  Chaque fois que je voyais qu’il fallait aller à la mort, je pensais à «Lui», et mon devoir m’apparaissait naturel, sans mérite.  Lorsque j’ai été enseveli, je me suis cru blessé à mort el ma première pensée a été encore pour mon Dieu.

»La religion juive n’est pas faite pour le peuple, car elle n’est pas composée de petites pratiques extérieures, mais uniquement de l’idée de Dieu et de la survie de l’âime.  C’est pourquoi il y a peu de véritables croyants.

»Il m’est arrivé, voulant me recueillir, d’aller m’agenouiller dans une église et je ne crois pas avoir commis un sacrilège.

»Voilà mon état dame que je vous expose simplement, sentant chez vous une sympathie.»

(Lettre du sous-lieutenant L., 29 décembre 1916.)

Sur le même sujet une lettre signée d’un nom important dans la société parisienne:

Je ne voudrais pas vous laisser croire que les consciences des Israélites morts pour la France avec amour «sont vidées de leur tradition religieuse».  Je ne peux cependant vous apporter des «textes» qu’en vous demandant formellement de ne les prendre que comme anonymes.  Par modestie d’abord, et par justice aussi pour les héros inconnus, je désire que le nom de mon fils soit par vous pieusement gardé sans être publié …

Je me conforme à regret à cette volonté; je tairai le nom du héros, qui occupait une haute charge; je me borne à analyser le petit dossier que l’on me communique.

Agé de 33 ans, sergent au 360e régiment d’infanterie, ce soldat israélite a pris part aux combats de Réméreville, Crévic, Bois Saint-Paul, Velaine-sôus-Ainance, du 25 août au 14 septembre 1914.  A cette date, il écrit à ses parents une lettre qui va être la dernière:

Papa, maman adorés.  Merci de vos tendres cartes et lettres que je reçois très bien, mais en paquet.  Hier soir celles du 31 août el du 1er septembre.  Vous êtes, j’en suis sur, une infirmière admirable, mais je n’aurai pas pour celle fois besoin de vos soins.  Nous sommes aujourd’hui retenus en arrière pour longtemps de la ligne de feu où nous sommes depuis le 26 août, surtout depuis le 2 septembre.  Je n’ai pas eu une atteinte, pas une égratignure, et pourtant je me sentais presque sûr, tellement j’avais sur moi la sensation puissante de le protection de Dieu qu’il m’accorda pour tous et par vous mes admirables parents.  De sorte que je n’ai eu aucun mérite à n’éprouver aucune hésitation à me jeter entre les balles et les obus; je les voyais dévier autour de moi.  Je n’ai d’ailleurs commis aucun acte de valeur, du tout, je m’empresse de le dire, je me suis contenté d’aller là où l’on me disait d’aller.

Trois jours plus tard, s’étant proposé pour conduire une reconnaissance, il pénètre dans le village de Bezange-la-Grande.  Un jeune paysan lui conseille «de faire demi-tour».  Il répond: «Je suis chargé d’une reconnaissance, il faut aller plus loin…», et presque aussitôt il tombe frappé à la tête d’une balle explosible.  Il avait dit à son père en le quittant: «La Lorraine, je vous la rapporterai ou j’y resterai.»  Les habitants l’ensevelirent et le maire a pu faire parvenir aux parents la médaille de piété trouvée sur leur fils; elle portait l’inscription traditionnelle: «Tu aimeras l’Éternel.»  Sur le papier qu’il avait préparé avant son départ et où il exprimait ses dernières volontés, il invoquait la parole sacrée: Il chemina avec Dieu tous les jours de sa vie.  Tout à coup on ne le vit plus parce que Dieu l’avait pris.»  Et encore: «Pour moi, je sais que mon Rédempteur est vivant et qu’il me ressuscitera de la terre, et que lorsque ma chair aura été détruite, je verrai Dieu.  Je le verrai de mes yeux.».

Sur Israël croyant, encore ce document d’union sacrée.  M. Lancrenion, prêtre, médecin aide-major au 1er groupe du 39e d’artillerie, écrit à la mère du jeune Charles Halphen, lieutenant au 39e d’artillerie, tombé au champ d’honneur le 15 mai 1915, une lettre dont voici la fin:

L’amitié, liée par moi avec votre fils, s’est transformée en respect et en admiration devant sa mort héroïque.  Et je veux vous le dire aussi, le Dieu infiniment puissant et miséricordieux, dans lequel nous croyons tous, quoique différents de religion, dans lequel votre fils croyait (il me l’a dit), a pris auprès de lui, je l’espère, l’âme droite et loyale, qui s’est sacrifiée pour le devoir, el il l’a prise pour l’immortalité …  J’ai prié du fond de mon cœur hier, aujourd’hui, ce Dieu de miséricorde, de recevoir votre fils auprès de lui, et de vous réunir à lui, quand le temps sera venu pour une réunion éternelle et heureuse…  Puisse cette parole d’un ministre de Dieu, non pas calmer votre douleur, mais vous apporter l’espérance, soutenir votre courage, vous aider à supporter la sacrifice.

(14) NOTE DE LA PAGE 92. — On me dit:  «Vous avez fait voir des israélites d’exception, nouvellement venus parmi nous ou bien grands intellectuels», et l’on me donne à lire la correspondance du capitaine Raoul Bloch, tué le 12 mai 1916 devant Verdun, qui appartenait au monde des affaires.  Ses lettres, d’un ton ferme, respirent le plus salubre sentiment patriotique et familial.

Agé de quarante ans, affecté au service des étapes, il demande à passer dans l’active.  «J’attends impatiemment de faire mon devoir comme je le désire et le comprends; comme Français et Juif, je dois le faire doublement.  Il faut au pays en ce moment tous ses hommes valides pour la défense les armes à la main; — je suis dans un service qui peut se faire fort bien avec des hommes d’âge et moins ingambes, mon devoir est d’offrir mes services ailleurs…»

En date du 6 janvier 1915, il envoie à sa femme celte page toute pleine de la piété terrienne d’un Israélite alsacien :

Avec quelle joie je m’en irai du côté de l’Alsace et quels souvenirs en pénétrant en uniforme dans ce pays de nos rêves!  Nos pauvres papas en tressailleraient dans leurs tombes!  Enfin, la «revanche» dont ils ont tant parlé, dont leur cœur débordait! et mon brave frère, mon ancien sous la capote, et dans quels tragiques moments ! avec quel plaisir je le vengerai ainsi que Robert mon frère trop tôt disparu!  Quelle note à faire payer aux Bandits et combien je serai féroce créancier!

Dis-leur à tous, aux frères et sœurs, que jamais peut être nos cœurs n’ont tant vibré à l’unisson et n’ont communie d’une façon aussi intense.  Je pense souvent à tous ceux qui t’entourent en ce moment d’une affection si tendre et t’aident à supporter vaillamment la lourde contribution du pays que je t’ai imposée ainsi qu’a moimème.  Être de ceux qui auront contribué directement à te rendre ton berceau natal sera pour moi une bien douce joie et comme un complément à notre vie si unie et si tendre.  Quel bel anniversaire de nos vingt ans de ménage, la «rue de la Mésange» redevenue française ! quel plus beau cadeau pourrai-je rêver de t’apporter!  Et Lauterbourg, Niederbronn, Bionville, tout cela sous nos trois couleurs!  Tu dois comprendre pourquoi je voulais et devais partir, toute la tradition familiale n’est-elle pas avec moi?  Pouvoir emmener toi et nos chéris en AIsace-Lorraine et leur dire: Papa a aidé dans la mesure de ses forces à rendre ces deux beaux pays à la France, quelle plus belle récompense pour moi?

References and Suggested Readings

Barrès, Maurice, Les diverses familles spirituelles de la France, Paris, Émile-Paul frères, Paris, France, 1917, at Archive.org

Maurice Barrès, at Wikipedia

Maurice Barrès, at For and Against Dreyfus

Maurice Barrès, at Radical Right Analysis

Englund, Steven, An Affair As We Don’t Know It (Book Review of An Officer and A Spy, by Robert Harris), at Jewish Review of Books, Spring, 2015

Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch, Reichsbund Jüdischer Frontsoldaten, Forward by Dr. Leo Löwenstein, Berlin, Germany, 1932

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (Israelites [Jews] in the French Army), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve [Forward to the Second Edition], Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2000)

“Died for France in the First World War” “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” forms, at Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale

French Military War Graves, at Sépultures de Guerre

Mechon Mamre, at Mechon-Mamre.org

The Ambivalence of Acceptance – The Acceptance of Ambivalence II: “The Jews and The War”, by Maurice Barres, in The Jewish Exponent, July 26, 1918 (Original French Text)

Here’s Auguste-Maurice Barrès “Les Israélites”, the fifth chapter in Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France (The Various Spiritual Families of France), in the original French.  You can read the chapter’s English-language translation, with added commentary, here.   

LES DIVERSES
FAMILLES SPIRITUELLES
DE LA FRANCE

MAURICE BARRÈS

DE L’ACADÉMIE FRANÇAISE
PRÉSIDENT DE LA LIGUE DES PATRIOTES

LES DIVERSES FAMILLES SPIRITUELLES DE LA FRANCE

PARIS
EMILE-PAUL FRÈRES, ÉDITEURS
100, RUE DE FAIBOURG-SAINT-HONORÉ. 100
PLACE BEAUVAU
1917
______________________________

TABLE DES MATIÈRES

Chapitres. – Pages.

I  Nos diversités disparaissent au 4 août 1914 … – 1
II  …Et réapparaissent à l’armée – 9
III  Les Catholiques – 19
IV  Les Protestants – 51
V  Les Israélites – 67
VI  Les Socialistes – 90
VII  Les Traditionalistes – 137
VIII  Catholiques, Protestants, Socialistes, tous, en défendant la France, défendent leur foi particulière – 193
IX  Une nuit déjà légendaire (Noël 1914) – 205
X  Les soldats de vingt ans se dévouent pour que naisse une France plus belle – 215
XI  Cette unanimité profonde, nous continuerons à la vivre – 259

Notes et appendice – 269

PRINTING CHAIX, RUE BERGERE, 20, PARIS – 842-1-17. (Lucre Lurilleux)

______________________________

CHAPITRE V

LES ISRAÉLITES

Une grande affaire d’Israël dans son éternelle pérégrination, c’est de se choisir une pairie.  Il ne la tient pas toujours de ses aïeux ; il l’acquiert alors par un acte de volonté, et sa nationalité est sur lui comme une qualité dont il se préoccupe de prouver qu’il est digne.

Beaucoup d’israélites, fixés parmi nous depuis des générations et des siècles, sont membres naturels du corps national, mais ils sont préoccupés que leurs coreligionnaires nouvellement venus fassent leurs preuves de loyalisme.  Aux premiers jours de la guerre, quand une émotion hostile se produisit dans l’ancien ghetto parisien (au 4e arrondissement) autour des juifs de Russie, de Pologne, de Roumanie et de Turquie, une réunion se tint chez l’un des rédacteurs du journal le Peuple juif, qui en donne le récit : «Ne croyez-vous pas, dit quelqu’un, qu’il soit nécessaire d’ouvrir une permanence spéciale pour les engagés juifs étrangers, afin que l’on sache bien que les juifs eux aussi ont donné leur contingent?»

Le jour même, un appel en français et en yiddisch fut lancé aux Juifs immigrés, les invitant à venir s’inscrire dans les salles de l’Unîversité populaire juive, 8, rue de Jarente.  Ils l’accueillirent avec enthouiasme, comme un bouclier, et, dit le Peuple juif, «pas un commerçant juif des quartiers juifs ne s’abstint d’en apposer un exemplaire à sa devanture, bien en évidence…  Dès le lendemain, une foule énorme se pressait dans les salles de l’Université populaire juive…  Chacun voulait être inscrit au plus tôt et être en possession de la carte attestant son engagement ; carte magique qui rompait les files d’agents dans les service d’ordre et apaisait le courroux des concierges et des voisines trop zélées.» (Le Peuple juif, octobre 1916.)

Des jeunes gens de bonne volonté, des intellectuels ce semble, interrogeaient, renseignaient, prêchaient, inscrivaient ces recrues disparates.  Le plus zélé était un israélite de vingt-deux ans, élève de l’École des ponts et chaussées, petit, chétif, les yeux ardents, presque fébriles, d’une âme forte et envahissante.  Enthousiaste, il rêvait de mettre debout une véritable légion juive.  Rothstein était un sioniste.  Par ce gage donné à la France, il ne doutait pas de servir la cause d’Israël.

Comment l’entendait-il?  Pensait-il obtenir de la victoire des Alliés la réalisation des projets si curieux, qui ne vont pas sans grandeur, du docteur Herzl, ou plus simplement et plus sûrement voulait-il augmenter par des sacrifices la force morale, I autorité d’Israël?  Un mot qu’il prononça ne laisse pas de doute sur la vigueur et la direction de sa pensée.  Il donnait rendezvous à ses amis après la guerre en Palestine.

Quand tous furent engagés, lui-même signa la feuille d’enrôlement.

Parti simple soldat, Amédée Rothstein fut promu sous-lieutenant, puis cité à l’ordre de l’armée pour avoir «montré une fougue et un sang-froid remarquables, qui ont fait l’admiration des officiers d’infanterie et de ses hommes», enfin nommé chevalier de la Légion d’honneur pour «s’être particulièrement distingué le a5 septembre 1915 en sortant le premier des tranchées et en entraînant vigoureusement ses hommes, ce qui a contribué à donner un élan superbe à la première vague d’assaut».

On aimerait connaître les pensées, les étonnements, les sympathies, les espérances de ce jeune héros d’Israël au milieu des soldats et des paysages de la France, dans une atmosphère morale si différente de son propre esprit, mais dont il s’enivrait et voulait s’enrichir.

J’ai lu de lui une analyse de la thèse de Pinès sur la «littérature judéo-allemande», analyse écourtée, bien sèche, qui fait regretter un travail plus considérable «trop subjectif, trop personnel», nous dit-on, qu’il avait consacré au même sujet.  Telles quelles, ces dix pages, où il écoute le peuple juif parler, montrent son idée fixe, son obsession des souffrances et des espoirs d’Israël, et son regard tourné vers la Palestine.  II semble mettre au-dessus de tout le sentiment de la fierté nationale qu’il se préoccupe de concilier avec l’idéal humanitaire.

Nous possédons ses Ultima verba dans une lettre adressée à son aumônier, M. Léon Sommer : «Actuellement, dit-il, je tiens ma vie comme entièrement sacrifiée, mais si le sort veut bien me la laisser, a la fin de la guerre je la considérerai comme ne m’appartenant plus, et, après avoir fait mon devoir envers la France, je me dévouerai au beau et malheureux peuple d’Israël dont je suis issu.  Mon cher aumônier, au cas où je viendrai à disparaître, j’aimerais bien dormir sous l’égide de David.  Un «Maguem David» me bercerait peut-être d’un dernier frisson, et mon esprit se complaît à la pensée de dormir mon sommeil éternel à l’ombre du symbole de Sion».

Le 18 août 1916, le sous-lieutenant Rothstein tombait à la tête de ses hommes, frappé d’une balle au front.

Il y a quelque chose de douloureux et d’attachant dans celte destinée d’un jeune esprit qui regarde le monde et la vie exclusivement à travers la nation juive el qui meurt au service de ceux qu’il aime le plus, mais dont il tient à se distinguer.  C’est une des épreuves innombrables d’Israël errant.

Maintenant approchons-nous d’un pas, et de cet ami du dehors venons à nos adoptés.

Les juifs d’Algérie, durant cette guerre, nous font voir Israël qui vient de se lier à la civilisation française et qui désire ardemment coopérer à nos droits, à nos devoirs et a nos sentiments.  Il y a quarantecinq ans, ils ne participaient à aucun droit.  Crémieux soudain leur accorda un privilège qui a fort bouleversé les Arabes.  Il les décréta citoyens français.  La noblesse de ce titre, les prérogatives qui lui sont attachées et notre éducation semblent les avoir transformés en patriotes.  Leurs pères ne connaissaient que le commerce, mais eux vibrèrent a l’appel aux armes.  Ils partirent, me dit-on, avec un grand enthousiasme.  In témoin m’assure qu’on les entendit s’écrier : «Noua courrons aux Boches, et nous leur enfoncerons nos baïonnettes dans le ventre au cri de l’Éternel».

Le cri est superbe et emmène notre imagination vers les vieux temps bibliques et l’épopée des Macchabées.  J’aimerais avoir sur l’activité guerrière des Israélites d’Algérie des précisions que je n’ai pu me procurer (12); mais, passant à un autre compartiment de ce même chapitre des adoptés qui se conduisent en bons Français pour payer et justifier leur adoption, j’apporte un témoignage certain qui nous met devant une âme noble et véhémente, el nous introduit au milieu des tourments intimes de l’Israël francisé.

J’ai entre les mains la correspondance familiale de Robert Hertz, élève de l’École normale supérieure, professeur de philosophie au lycée de Douai, fondateur des Cahiers du socialisme, fils d’un israélite allemand.  Et c’est ce dernier point qui fait le tragique de sa position et de sa pensée.  Ses lettres à sa femme sont admirables de plénitude et de chaleur.  Je lui fais tort si je ne vous dis pas son amour de son foyer, sa vigoureuse curiosité intellectuelle qui s’exerce de la manière la plus originale au cours même de la guerre, sa pleine satisfaction dans cette discipline militaire où il satisfait ce qu’il appelle sa «nostalgie de la cathédrale absente», enfin sa volonté indomptable et bien réfléchie d’aller a jusqu’au bout».  A plusieurs reprises, mon nom blâmé, loué, revient sous sa plume, et j’écoute nos accords et nos désaccords avec la plus grande attention, car la guerre ne laisse rien en nous que nous refusions de reviser.  Mais je ne m’arrêterai pas; j’ai hâte d’aller presque brutalement, c’est pour l’honneur de ce Robert Hertz, jusqu’à sa pensée toute nue et frémissante, «Si je tombe, écrit-il à sa femme, je n’aurai acquitté qu’une toute petite part de ma dette envers le pays…»

Et là-dessus, ce morceau capital:

Chère, je me rappelle des rèves de quand j’étais tout petit, et plus tard lycéen, là-bas, dans la chambre près de la cuisine, avenue de l’Alma.  De tout mon être je voulais être Français, mériter de l’être, prouver que je t’était, et je rêvais d’actions d’éclat à la guerre contre Guillaume.  Puis ce désir d’«intégration» a pris une autre forme, car mon socialisme procédait de la pour une large part.

Maintenant le vieux rêve puéril revit en moi plus ardent que jamais.  Je suis reconnaissant aux chefs qui m’acceptent pour leur subordonné, aux hommes que je suis fier de commander, eux, les enfants d’un peuple vraiment élu.  Oui, je suis pénétré de gratitude envers la patrie qui m’accepte et me comble.  Rien ne sera trop pour payer cela, et que mon petit gars puisse toujours marcher le tête haute, et dans la France restaurée ne pas connaître le tourment qui a empoisonné beaucoup d’heures de notre enfance et de notre jeunesse.  «Suis-je Français?  Mérité je de l’être?»  Non, petit gars, tu auras une patrie et tu pourras faire sonner ton pas sur la terre en te nourrissant de cette assurance: «Mon papa y était et il a tout donné à la France».  Pour moi, s’il en faut une, cette pensée est la plus douce récompense.

Il ý avait dans la situation des Juifs, surtout des Juifs allemands nouvellement immigrés, quelque chose de louche et d’irrégulier, de clandestin et de bâtard.  Je considère cette guerre comme une occasion bien venue de «régulariser la situation» pour nous et pour nos enfants.  Après ils pourront travailler, s’il leur plaît, à l’œuvre supra et inter nationale, mais d’abord il fallait montrer par le fait qu’on n’est pas au dessous de l’idéal national…  (Lettres communiquées.)

L’auteur de ce testament l’a signé de son sang, certifié de sa mort.  Robert Hertz a été tué le 13 avril 1915 à Marchéville, étant sous-lieutenant au 330e d’infanterie.  Je ne crois pas qu’il soit possible de trouver un texte où s’affirme avec plus de force et d’émotion le désir passionné d’Israël de se confondre dans l’âme française.

Voilà des Israélites nouvellement venus parmi nous el chez qui la part irraisonnée, quasi animale qu’il y a dans notre amour de la patrie (comme dans notre attachement à notre mère), n’existe pas.  Leur patriotisme est tout spirituel, acte de volonté, décision, choix de l’esprit.  Ils préfèrent la France; la patrie leur apparaît comme une association librement consentie.  D’ailleurs, ils peuvent trouver dans cette situation même une raison de se dévouer, et Robert Hertz, fils d’Allemand, nous fait voir en termes admirables que se connaissant comme un adopté il veut se conduire de manière à mériter son adoption.  Mais il est d’autres Israélites en grand nombre, enracinés depuis des siècles et des générations dans le sol de France et mêlés familièrement aux bonheurs, aux malheurs de la vie nationale.  Je me demande ce qu’ils trouvent de soutien patriotique dans leur religion.  Que subsiste-t-il en eux du vieil Israël pieux, et quel secours celui-ci offret-il à ses fils engagés dans la guerre?

M. le grand rabbin du Consistoire central de France, dans une lettre que j’ai sous les yeux, répond : «Mes aumôniers et moi, nous avons constaté depuis le début de la guerre chez les soldats israelites une grande recrudescence de foi religieuse s’alliant à l’enthousiasme patriotique».  Cependant je n’ai pas detextes.  J’indîque en toute bonne foi les lacunes de mon enquête.  Les documents que je possède sur l’élite morale des Israélites ne me font connaître que des consciences qui paraissent vidées de leur tradition religieuse (13).  Ce sont des libres-penseurs.

Les libre penseurs issus du catholicisme ou du protestantisme vivent, pour one grande part, du vieux fonds chrétien ; durant des siècles, ils furent préparés dans les petites églises de village.  Mais ces israélites, de quoi sont faits leur dévouement et leur acceptation?  Que leur a dit la Sagesse qui repose dans l’ombre de la vieille synagogue?  Vers quel synonyme de Jéhovah sont-ils inclinés quand ils prononcent le Fiat voluntas tua?  Et comment se nuance leur consentement sur cette gamme morale qui va de l’attente douloureuse au joyeux appétit du sacrifice?

Un jeune juif nous donne une réponse à ces grandes questions.  Roger Cahen, sorti depuis peu de l’école normale supérieure, âgé de moins de vingt-cinq ans, est sous-lieutenant dans les bois de l’Argonne.  Sous le feu allemand, il se livre avec volupté à des examens de conscience dont ses lettres nous donnent le dessin.  Claires et fortes, avec tous les germes qui annoncent le grand talent, elles respirent la confiance d’un jeune intellectuel qui, parlant à sa famille, à des amis sûrs, à son ancien maître, M. Paul Desjardins, ne craint pas d étaler sa fierté et sa liberté spirituelle.  Ce sont autant de petites méditations où l’on voit que le jeune soldat ne cherche et ne rencontre que lui-même dans tout le chaos de cette guerre.  Roger Cahen ne s’aventure pas au delà du cercle de clarté que répand sa petite flamme intérieure: «Je ne crois à aucun dogme d’aucune religion», écrit-il.  C’était son opinion avant la guerre; il s’y confirme en décembre 1915, deux mois avant sa fin héroïque.  «Je viens de lire la Bible.  Elle est pour moi un recueil de contes, de vieilles et charmantes histoires.  Je n’y cherche el n’y trouve pas autre chose que des émotions poétiques.»

Ce sont des émotions poétiques encore qu’il cherche dans la guerre, et il en trouve de fort belles.  Je le crois tout à fait quand il écrit: «J’ai en moi une abondance de gaieté indéfiniment renouvelable, une âme toute fraîche et nette, accueillante, à tous et à toutes les sensations.  J’ai chaque matin l’impression que je viens seulement de naître et que je vois le vaste monde pour la première fois…»  Certaines de ses lettres écrites sur ses genoux, à la lueur d’une pauvre bougie, à cinq mètres sous terre, sont d’un grand lyrique.  Ecoutez avec piété ce fragment de l’éternelle poésie:

Splendeur du jour naissant, aucun hymne n’égalera celui qui monte dans l’Ame des hommes qui veillent dans les tranchées quand, après des heures d’attente, ils sentent, puis voient apparaître et grandir le jour triomphant.  Aces instants-là, j’ai tout un orchestre en moi.  Si je pouvais noter ces chants intérieurs qu’aucun concert ne me rendra jamais!  Si vous saviez combien elles sont riches et belles les émotions que donne la venue au monde do jour bien-aimé!

Je n’entendrai jamais les prisonniers de Fidelio monter sur la tour, sans associer à la musique sublime de Beethoven cette voix du petit sous-lieutenant…  Une nuit, voyant venir dans le ciel, à la lueur des fusées, une flotte de nuages chargés de pluie, il les salue en lui-même du chant des mariniers du premier acte de Tristan.  Au fond des tranchées, en première ligne, il note que les seuls événements de son histoire «ce sont les changements de l’ordre naturel, la tombée de la nuit, la naissance du jour, un ciel couvert ou étoile, la chaleur ou la fraîcheur de l’air.  Cette confusion avec la vie du monde donne à notre vie une grandeur, une beauté incomparables…»

Ainsi attaché à la splendeur universelle, il défie le destin.  «J’ai confiance que quoi qu’il arrive aujourd’hui, demain, dans huit jours, je me suis monté assez haut pour dominer les événements et ne les regarder qu’avec curiosité».  Et le voilà qui lève son regard: «Le ciel est tout bleu.  Bourdonnement d’avions.  Nous assisterons encore aujourd’hui à des luttes.  A voir les avions se chercher, foncer l’un sur l’autre, se mitrailler, reprendre le large, revenir à la charge jusqu’à ce que l’un des deux s’enfuie ou tombe, je retrouve tout pur le plaisir passionnant des courses de taureaux: émotion pareille, l’arène est en haut.»

Tout cela se résume dans cette profession de foi:

Au risque de vous paraître fou, je déclare en mon âme et conscience que j’aime être ici; j’aime la tranchée de première ligne, comme un «pensoir» incomparable: on y est ramassé sur soi-même, toutes ses forces rassemblées ; on y jouît d’une entière plénitude de vie.  J’y suis comme sous un réflecteur, je m’y vois dans une clarté toute crue, avec une lucidité qui mieux que n’importe quel bureau de travail facilite l’analyse…  Je lis peu, j’ai plus de plaisir à voir autour de moi, à essayer de démêler et de coordonner mes impressions; travail de prolongement et d’approfondissement, ce que mes hommes font pour les boyaux, je le fais en moi-même.

Si vous étiez disposé à la longue à trouver ce dilettantisme un peu voulu, hâtez-vous de reconnaître dans cette volonté, qui de toute manière serait méritoire, un fond bien touchant de tendresse.  Ces lettres, le courageux enfant les écrit à ses parents.  A-t-il cette tranquillité toujours dans son cœur?  Je le crois.  Mais je suis sûr aussi qu’il veut la donner aux siens.  Eh! ne cesse-t-il de leur répéter, en fin de compte, c’est un enrichissement d’images el de sensations:

Je suis heureux comme un homme à qui l’on offrirait une touffe de roses à respirer.  Et puis l’habitude de ne contempler que des spectacles de la plus grande poésie m’agrandit l’âme…  Cette campagne aura été pour moi, comme je m’y attendais, une excellente épreuve.  Elle m’aura fait un homme; elle m’aura appris que je puis m’assurer toujours sur moi-même.  Elle m’aura élargi la vue (toute ma vie intérieure est devenue plus facile, plus large – large comme une avenue où j’aimerais voir aller et venir beaucoup de passants) — surtout en me montrant les effets que peuvent avoir sur les autres un visage égal, souriant, accueillant à n’importe quelle heure, et quelques bonnet paroles.

A chacune de ses lettres, sa conclusion ne manque jamais d’être qu’il se tient désormais pour un bon et solide instrument.  C’est le refrain et le ressort de sa pensée quotidienne.  Il a trouvé sa règle et sa voie.  II est sûr de lui.

Pour définir sa méthode et son état d’esprit, son culte ou sa culture du moi, il trouve une quantité d’expressions pleines d’esprit: «Réjouissez-vous, écrit-il à ses parents, mais non d’une joie de primitif, à la façon des Boches, d’une joie critique.»  Un autre jour, voulant indiquer la monotonie des journées et des heures et son repos quasi-monastique d’esprit, il écrit : «Je jouis du sentiment de la continuité.»  Et encore : «J’étais fait pour cette vie aventureuse…  Je jouis de l’exercice voluptueux de ma volonté.»

Son refrain dans cette dure vie ne varie pas un instant.  Chaque jour, il note : «Je crois faire de sérieux progrès intérieurs.  Je rapporterai une magnifique collection d’images et d’impressions.»

A la longue, on s’en offenserait.  Vraiment, dans un tel drame, cette volupté de collectionneur…  Eh! il est à la peine, ce vaillant, nous n’allons pas lui chicaner son droit de prendre son réconfort où il le trouve: admirons plutôt qu’il se crée de la volupté, là où tant d’autres gémiraient.  Une nuit qu’il est de garde dans la tranchée, entre une et quatre heures, et que les halles et les grenades s’écrasent contre le parapet, il note les combinaisons et le scintillement des étoiles, et ajoute : «Il faudra que j’apprenne l’astronomie.»

Cela est très beau.  Et cela lui est utile pour être un brave.  C’est en suivant sa volupté qu’il s’achemine ù l’héroïsme.

Notons-le en passant.  Roger Cahen est justifié par Pascal, qui disait dans sa haute sainteté : «L’homme est esclave de la délectation; ce qui le délecte davantage l’attire infailliblement.»  Pascal avec les jansénistes présentait là une doctrine de saint Augustin, qui lui-même l’avait prise chez Virgile.  A leurs yeux, c’était en outre une vérité de sens commun : «On ne quitte les biens de la terre que parce qu’on en trouve de plus grands au service de Dieu.»  Roger Cahen, qui aimait lire Virgile dans sa tranchée, aurait pu prendre pour devise Trahit sua quemque voluptas.  Telle était sa voie pour prononcer à son tour et à sa manière le Fiat voluntas tua.

Je tache de mettre à profit mon isolement et l’acuité que donne le danger pour mieux me connaître.  Si vous saviez avec quelle simplicité on se considère et on se juge dans ce pays!  J’ai réussi jusqu’à présent à me maintenir dans un état d’égalité et d’insouciance philosophique, de constante acceptation.

Le voilà, le mot de tous, l’acceptation!  Et ce n’est pas le mol seulement, c’est bien la pensée.  Toute chaude, toute noble, profondément douloureuse pour ceux qui l’écoutent avec une parfaite sympathie, mais pour lui nuancée de paix joyeuse:

Je me suis interdit de porter des jugements de valeur sur les événements de ma vie; je les accepte tous comme des occasions que m’offre te sort pour mieux me connaître et m’améliorer.

Et encore :

Je regarde.  Je me laisse émouvoir.  Ne suppose pas que je fais des efforts d’intelligence pour voir les choses et les hommes à leur place dans le tout: aucun vraiment.  J’ai fait cet effort-là autrefois, dans la première partie de la vie, avant la guerre.  Maintenant le pli est pris.  Délivrance de toute tension.  La vie me paraît simple, simple, et toujours si admirable que je ne comprends pas qu’on ne s’y prête pas avec reconnaissance…

Un des jeunes amis à qui il adresse ces belles lettres cherche à le classer et lui dit : «Tu es fataliste.»  Roger Cahen proteste avec vivacité: «Ni fataliste, ni déterministe ; j’accepte seulement avec amour tous les événements qui sont créateurs de sentiments nouveaux, de forces nouvelles; je suis celui qui espère toujours, je suis persuadé que le Messie est à venir.»

Un autre jour, il écrira : «Je suis d’une àme très pieuse, mais ma piété est celle de Jean Christophe: «Sois pieux envers le jour qui se relève.»  Mon Dieu, c’est le Temps, le Temps très bon et très puissant.»

Enfin, à la veille de sa mort, cette belle page :

J’ai été purement stoïcien entre quinze et dixsept ans; j’avais alors Marc-Aurèle constamment sur ma table et je me grisais à froid d’Epictète…  Depuis la guerre, j’ai dépassé et abandonné la doctrine stoïcienne; je n’avais plus besoin de cet échafaudage, je l’ai mis bas.  J’étais mal à l’aise dans son déterminisme, et puis elle me paraissait vraiment trop sèche et manquer de cœur.  Je continue à croire que la principale vertu est l’effort de la raison pour voir les choses à leur place dans l’ensemble, pour les «remettre au point» en toute vérité et simplicité, et à mon détriment s’il le faut, quelque douloureux que ce soit, mais je ne crois pas que le monde soit pénétré déraison.  Je constate qu’il est mené uniquement par les sentiments et les passions.

Quelle solitude dans ces réflexions!  On peut hardiment supposer que ce petit recueil de lettres exprime une manière de penser qui fut à peu près unique dans les ravins de la Fille Morte.  Roger Cahen est seul en face de la nature.

J’ai été habitué de longue date à la solitude; j’ai appris à l’aimer et a la rendre féconde; je travaille intérieurement le plus possible; je sais vivre au milieu des gens qui me sont indifférents comme si j’étais seul, sans récriminations insensées contre eux et sans me ronger moi-même, en toute paix, avec un complet détachement de ceux auprès desquels je dois vivre.  Enfin, tout ce que je vois autour de moi, pays, ciel, forêt el scènes humaines, tout est si beau, si beau que la joie de la contemplation est constamment la plus forte.  Avec les camarades, je me contente de relations de politesse, avec la nature, j’ai d’intimes, émouvantes et très douloureuses relations d’affection.

C’est vrai qu’il est différent, mais comment le lire sans l’aimer, ce jeune intellectuel, mort à vingt-cinq ans pour la France!  Certes, il est heureux qu’a côté de lui il y ait eu Péguy, Psichari, Marcel Drouet, et les jeunes Léo Latil, Jean Rival Cazalis, enfants tout lumineux.  Sa liberté d’esprit, son isolement, sa nature fine et noblement voluptueuse sont tout de même une forme de courage bien élégante el bien forte.  Et puis il se rattache à notre terre par sa culture; il écrit dans sa cagna en se servant de Montaigne comme d’un pupitre, il raffole de la Chartreuse de Parme.  Seul, absolument seul jusqu’à cette heure, il nous représente, au milieu de la guerre, une attitude d’amateur qui fut celle, vis-à-vis de la vie, d’un nombre immense de jeunes lettrés.  Leurs domaines imaginaires furent submergés par un flot d’émotion qui leur monta du cœur; ils se livrèrent, dans le vaste océan, à la commune passion.  Où sont les cénacles de la Revue Indépendante, de la Revue Blanche?  Roger Cahen continue, renouvelle, élargit une conception de l’existence que nous avons tellement aimée, il y a un quart de siècle.  Il l’héroïse.  Tombé au champ d’honneur, dans cette Argonne où, durant six mois, il avait inlassablement écouté dialoguer ses pensées, il est porté à l’ordre de la 18e brigade d’infanterie et pleuré, nous dit un sergent, par les hommes de sa compagnie.

…..Roger Cahen, Robert Hertz, Amédé Rothstein, toutes ces ligures vigoureusement caractérisées offrent quelque chose de rare et de singulier.  J’aime suivre en elles les âges divers, les étapes, la formation d’un personnage, le jeune intellectuel juif, qui joue un grand rôle depuis plusieurs années en France, mais je ne les donne pas comme représentatives de la communauté Israélite française (14).  Les vieilles familles enracinées par des générations dans le sol de France aimeront mieux prendre pour héros exemplaire et pour étendard, le grand-rabbin de Lyon, qui tombe au champ d’honneur en offrant un crucifix au soldat catholique mourant.

Dans le village de Taintrux, près de Saint-Dié, dans les Vosges, le 29 août 1914 (un samedi, le jour saint des juifs), l’ambulance du 14e corps prend feu sous le tir des Allemands.  Les brancardiers emportent, au milieu des flammes el des éclatements, les cent cinquante blessés.  L’un de ceux-ci, frappé à mort, réclame un crucifix.  Il le demande à M. Abraham Bloch, l’aumônier israélite, qu’il prend pour l’aumônier catholique.  M. Bloch s’empresse; il cherche, il trouve, il apporte au mourant le symbole de la foi des chrétiens.  Et quelques pas plus loin, un obus le frappe lui-même.  Il expire aux bras de l’aumônier catholique, le Père Jamin, jésuite, de qui le témoignage établit cette scène.

Nul commentaire n’ajouterait rien à l’émotion de sympathie que nous inspire un tel acte, plein de tendresse humaine.  Un long cortège d’exemples vient de nous montrer Israël qui s’applique dans cette guerre à prouver sa gratitude envers la France.  De degré en degré, nous nous sommes élevés; ici la fraternité trouve spontanément son geste parfait: le vieux rabbin présentant au soldat qui meurt le signe immortel du Christ sur la croix, c’est une image qui ne périra pas.

References and Suggested Readings

Barrès, Maurice, Les diverses familles spirituelles de la France, Paris, Émile-Paul frères, Paris, France, 1917, at Archive.org

Maurice Barrès, at Wikipedia

Maurice Barrès, at For and Against Dreyfus

Maurice Barrès, at Radical Right Analysis

Maurice Barrès, (photographic portrait by Atalier de Nadar [Photo (C) Ministère de la Culture – Médiathèque du Patrimoine, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais / Atelier de Nadar]), at images d’art

Englund, Steven, An Affair As We Don’t Know It (Book Review of An Officer and A Spy, by Robert Harris), at Jewish Review of Books, Spring, 2015

Weber, Eugen, Inheritance and Dilettantism: the Politics of Maurice Barrès, Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer/été 1975), pp. 109-131, at JSTOR

The Ambivalence of Acceptance – The Acceptance of Ambivalence IV: The Death and Life of Rabbi Abraham Bloch – in Philippe-E. Landau’s “Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre” – 1999

Avant de faire des recherches sur le service militaire juif dans l’armée française pendant la Grande Guerre, l’histoire de Grand Rabbin Abraham Bloch m’était totalement inconnue. Grâce à diverses sources numériques et textuelles, j’ai rapidement découvert son histoire et, dans un contexte plus large, ses relations avec l’expérience du judaïsme français pendant cette guerre et au-delà.

Une excellente source d’informations sur le rabbin Bloch apparaît au sein de Philippe-E. Landau.  La monographie de Landau, Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre. Le texte intégral de son chapitre sur le rabbin est présenté ci-dessous.

Mythe et réalité: la mort du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch

Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre (page de couverture)

De 1915 à la défaite de 1940, la mort au champ d’honneur du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch symbolise la communion de corps et d’esprit de la communauté avec la nation.  Image d’Epinal autant pour la jeunesse israélite que pour les générations ayant vécu la Grande Guerre, elle représente la fidélité patriotique du judaïsme français.

Ce pieux tableau, où le grand rabbin, alors aumônier et brancardier, décède des suites de ses blessures sous une pluie de tirs ennemis après avoir apporté un crucifix à un soldat catholique agonisant, reste dans la mémoire collective « une image qui ne périra pas » selon Maurice Barrés. (1)

L’israélitisme a retenu cet événement pour revendiquer son sacrifice durant l’épreuve.  La mort du grand rabbin a d’ailleurs bénéficié d’une publicité importante, ne fût-ce que par l’article enthousiaste que lui a consacré Maurice Barrés.  L’information est ensuite diffusée par l’ensemble de la presse nationale.  Aussi, il ne s’agit pas simplement d’un épisode limité à l’histoire communautaire.  De loin, il dépasse le contexte confessionnel car il est l’image même de l’union sacrée.  On ne saurait jauger l’impact de cette mort sur la mentalité de l’après-guerre, soucieuse de perpétuer la fraternité des tranchées.

D’abord simple fait d’actualité à la fin de l’année 1914, l’événement prend de l’ampleur sous la plume de l’écrivain nationaliste qui réveille davantage l’ardeur patriotique de l’israélitisme.  Les rabbins et les notables saluent la mort glorieuse d’Abraham Bloch, mais se montrent toutefois discrets sur son fameux geste.  A-t-il vraiment apporté un crucifix?

Mais l’enthousiasme l’emporte sur la raison.  Dès 1917, une fois que la presse s’est emparée de l’histoire et que le peintre Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer a fixé pour l’éternité le geste du grand rabbin, le rabbinat accepte.  Voilà Abraham Bloch devenu « martyr » pour ses coreligionnaires et « saint » pour la nation.

Tableau de Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer représentant le rabbin Abraham Bloch tenant un crucifix devant un soldat mourant

Loin de périr, l’image se diffuse dans toutes les familles israélites sous forme de cartes postales et le souvenir du grand rabbin est relaté dans toutes les manifestations patriotiques que célèbre la communauté.

Si, dans les années vingt, cet épisode réconforte le judaïsme qui y voit la consécration, à partir des années trente, la mort du grand rabbin devient l’objet d’une récupération politique et d’une surenchère patriotique.  Les anciens combattants, notamment ceux de l’Union patriotique des Français israélites, utilisent cette image symbolique pour mieux raviver le souvenir de l’union sacrée.

UN GRAND RABBIN PATRIOTE

Né à Paris en 1859, Abraham Bloch a 55 ans lorsque la guerre est déclarée.  Malgré son âge avancé, il se propose de devenir aumônier et est affecté au 14e corps d’armée.

Le grand rabbin Abraham Bloch (image de Judaica Algeria)

Issu d’une famille alsacienne pieuse, il a un parcours strictement rabbinique.  Après des études au séminaire israélite de Paris, il est envoyé à Remiremont (1884-1897) où il démontre un zèle particulier qui lui vaut l’estime des fidèles.  Il devient ensuite grand rabbin d’Alger de 1897 à 1908.  Les manœuvres antisémites générées par l’affaire Dreyfus l’obligent à veiller aux intérêts communautaires et à soutenir la cause républicaine.  Le grand rabbin de France, satisfait de son action, décide de le promouvoir en lui offrant la responsabilité du grand rabbinat de Lyon et de sa région, poste qu’il occupe de 1908 jusqu’à la mobilisation. (2)

Le rabbin Israël Lévi, dans un article qu’il lui consacre en janvier 1915, témoigne de son ardeur patriotique alors qu’Abraham Bloch est de santé fragile: « Quand fut décrétée la mobilisation, l’autorité militaire demanda au grand rabbin de Lyon de désigner l’aumônier destiné à suivre le 14e corps d’armée.  Sourd aux objurgations de ses amis et de ses proches, Abraham Bloch n’hésita pas à revendiquer pour lui l’honneur de servir son pays. » (3)

Ce dernier s’adapte très vite à la nouvelle situation.  S’il note avec ironie et plaisir dans son carnet qu’il est le « curé juif », car sa tenue ne le distingue guère des autres aumôniers, il se félicite de l’union sacrée: « … Je suis le doyen de la bande.  Les officiers sont charmants avec nous tous. » (4)

Si, pour le moment, le grand rabbin a peu d’Israélites à réconforter, il en profite pour visiter des coreligionnaires dans la région des Vosges où il avait déjà noué de durables relations lors de son premier pastorat.

Mais l’offensive allemande interrompt ses visites amicales.  Après Fraize et Provenchères, les bataillons se trouvent en face de Saint-Dié à la date du 25 août.  Deux jours plus tard, le grand rabbin note pour la dernière fois dans son carnet: « Nous attendons l’ordre de départ pour chercher des blessés.  En attendant, on dit que c’est du côté de Saint-Dié que l’on aurait bombardé… » (5)

Ici s’achèvent les impressions d’Abraham Bloch.  Désormais, le journal des marches et opérations du 14e corps d’armée nous renseigne sur l’évolution des combats et sur les conditions de sa mort.

Le 28 août, le grand rabbin n’a ni le temps ni le loisir d’écrire, car l’attaque a repris et se fait très violente.  Les troupes, dont la 58e division, ont reçu l’ordre précis de « reprendre l’offensive coûte que coûte sur Taintrux et Anozel. » (6)  Pendant la nuit du 28 au 29 août, les secours doivent évacuer plus de 600 blessés et récupérer 150 soldats sur le champ de bataille.  Malgré les pertes subies, les troupes françaises entendent rester maîtresses des lieux alors que l’artillerie allemande se déchaîne.  Le col d’Anozel devient l’enjeu de la lutte, car l’ennemi veut prendre cette position qui lui permettrait alors d’accéder à la petite ville de Saint-Dié.

Les combats font toujours rage.  Le journal de marche mentionne la ténacité des troupes: « Pendant cette journée qui a été très dure pour notre régiment, le personnel a fait preuve du plus grand calme sous le feu des obusiers allemands. » Le 29 août, vers 12 heures, les brancardiers dont Abraham Bloch doivent transférer 450 blessés en provenance de Taintrux tandis qu’ils sont toujours confrontés « au feu de l’artillerie ennemie ».  L’abbé Dubodel, aumônier catholique et témoin oculaire, confirme l’extrême violence des combats pendant cette journée : « Alors recommence le feu, plus violent que jamais; couchant pêle-mêle à terre blessés, brancardiers, voitures d’ambulance.  A l’arrivée au poste de secours, 5 ou 6 disparus, un aumônier militaire blessé, un rabbin juif blessé. » (7)

Un rabbin peut-il être autrement que juif?  L’expression de l’abbé Dubodel, qui connaît pourtant le grand rabbin depuis le début du mois d’août, fait sourire.  Quoi qu’il en soit, il est certain que pendant plusieurs heures, entre 12 heures et 18 heures, les troupes françaises ont subi les assauts répétés des forces allemandes et sont alors obligées de se replier et de « descendre vers la Meuse afin de s’y maintenir ».

Ce serait vers 17 heures que le grand rabbin aurait été tué dans les conditions que relate le médecin-major Raymond dans le journal des marches du groupe des brancardiers de la 68e division d’infanterie:

« …  Il (le service des brancardiers) évacue d’abord les blessés du 229° installés à l’école d’Anozel (une trentaine environ), le plus près de la ligne de feu, puis ceux du poste de secours du 30e d’infanterie situé dans la grange du village.  A ce moment commence le bombardement.  Un obus tombe sur le poste de secours que le groupe est en train d’évacuer, sans blesser personne mais commençant à incendier la grange.

Ce second poste évacué, le groupe s’occupa du troisième organisé par le 229e et situé dans la dernière maison du village.  À ce moment, le bombardement bat son plein, un obus tombe sur le poste de secours, un autre sur la maison voisine qu’il incendie.  (…)  Les obus continuent à tomber autour du poste et battent la route.

L’un d’eux tue un brancardier de corps et projette violemment sur le sol le brancardier du groupe Dubodel, cette chute violente lui occasionne une fracture à la base du crâne.  Evacué, cité à l’ordre de l’armée.

Le rabbin (M. Bloch, rabbin à Lyon, section de la fémorale, mort en quelques instants) des brancardiers de corps qui transportait un blessé est également tué… » (8)

La bataille se calme dans la soirée.  Vers 21 h 45, le chef d’état-major envoie cette note au général commandant en chef : « Gros combats aujourd’hui sur tout le front du 14e corps, grosse fatigue, grosses pertes incalculables, encore en raison de l’étendue du front : 20 kilomètres dans les forêts. » (9)  Le lendemain, on dénombre plus de 1000 blessés.  Selon les autorités militaires, il est clairement admis que le grand rabbin Abraham Bloch a été tué « par un obus qui lui a emporté la cuisse gauche et une balle dans la poitrine.  A Taintrux, en évacuant un blessé». (10)  Il s’agit d’un cas banal en ce samedi 29 août 1914.

Carte “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS” pour le rabbin Abraham Bloch

LA PRESSE FAIT L’EVENEMENT

Dès le 17 septembre, Les Archives israélites annoncent à leurs lecteurs la disparition du grand rabbin, devenu la première victime rabbinique dans ce contexte où l’on s’évertue à célébrer avec force l’union sacrée.  Dans un article en page 2, le rédacteur se contente de mentionner les conditions de sa mort:

« La guerre a fait une victime dans le Rabbinat français et elle a choisi pour sa proie, l’un de ses membres les plus dignes, les plus pieux et les plus respectés: M.  le grand rabbin Abraham Bloch.

On possède sur les circonstances tragiques dans lesquelles M. le grand rabbin Bloch de Lyon a trouvé la mort sur le champ de bataille, les renseignements suivants fournis par M. l’abbé Debodel de Châteauroux, qui fut blessé au même endroit…

Vers deux heures de l’après-midi, le corps des brancardiers de la 58e division de réserve dont il faisait partie prodiguait ses soins dans une ferme de 150 blessés environ.  Une batterie allemande n’ayant pu avoir raison d’un bataillon d’alpins, dirigea ses feux sur la ferme.  On évacue les blessés…  Mais le feu de l’ennemi fait rage, couchant pêle-mêle blessés, aumôniers et brancardiers.  C’est à ce moment que le Grand Rabbin Bloch tombe pour ne plus se relever, tandis que l’abbé Debodel s’en tire avec une blessure. »

Ce court article reste fidèle à la déclaration du médecin-major et s’appuie sur le témoignage de l’abbé Debodel (en réalité Dubodel) publié dans Le Salut public de Lyon du 8 septembre 1914.  L’abbé est en fait le seul témoin oculaire qui fut proche du grand rabbin lors du bombardement.

Les journalistes ne mentionnent pas encore le crucifix que le grand rabbin aurait apporté à un soldat agonisant.  Cet acte aurait été à l’origine de sa mort.  En mai 1915, lors de l’assemblée générale ordinaire du Consistoire de Paris, le président Edouard Masse évoque le décès d’Abraham Bloch, mais sans décrire les circonstances de sa disparition.  Comme tant d’autres, il aurait été tué à l’ennemi en remplissant ses fonctions de brancardier: «…  La fin héroïque du Grand Rabbin Abraham Bloch, a montré, dès le début des hostilités, comment nos aumôniers savent, quand il le faut, mourir pour leur pays, en faisant preuve non seulement du plus admirable courage, mais encore d’une largeur d’idées dont l’opinion publique, sans distinction de cultes ou de partis, a si unanimement souligné la beauté. » (11)

La « largeur d’idées » désigne-t-elle le fameux geste du grand rabbin?  Peut-être!  Dans ce cas, Edouard Masse se montre bien sceptique et doute de la nouvelle version de la mort d’Abraham Bloch apparue dès novembre 1914.  Il en est de même pour les autres membres de l’assemblée, qui ne relèvent pas l’affirmation du président.

Pourtant, au début de l’automne 1914, une information va profondément modifier cet événement qui devient déjà un symbole de l’union sacrée.  Selon une lettre du père Jamin, aumônier catholique du 14e corps, adressée au père Chauvin alors curé à Lyon, le grand rabbin serait mort par un éclat d’obus mais après avoir trouvé et apporté un crucifix à un soldat grièvement blessé.  Saisi par ce détail qui illustre davantage l’union sacrée, le père Chauvin communique aussitôt l’information à la veuve d’Abraham Bloch le 24 septembre 1914:

«…  Avant de quitter le hameau, un blessé, le prenant pour un prêtre catholique, lui a demandé à baiser un crucifix.  M Bloch a trouvé le crucifix demandé et l’a fait baiser à ce blessé.  C’est après avoir accompli cet acte de charité qu’il est sorti du hameau accompagnant un autre blessé jusqu’à la voiture la plus proche.  L’obus l’a atteint à quelques mètres en avant de la voiture où le blessé venait de monter.

J’ai pensé que ces détails consoleraient une douleur qui doit être bien vive. » (12)

La famille du grand rabbin avertit le rabbin Israël Lévi qui fut son ami depuis leurs études au séminaire rabbinique.  Grand patriote, Israël Lévi estime que cet exemple illustre parfaitement le dévouement des Israélites pendant la guerre.  Citant la lettre du père Jamin, il rédige une note qui précise les conditions de la mort dans Les Archives israélites.  Il conclut : « …L’acte de ce rabbin allant chercher un crucifix pour le donner à baiser à un blessé — alors que les obus tirés sur l’ambulance obligeaient à une évacuation rapide et mourant presque tout de suite après, ne méritait-il pas d’être relevé? » (13)

Les Archives Israélites ne font pas grand cas de cette histoire qui est relatée dans la rubrique « Échos israélites de la guerre » entre la promotion des combattants et les actions patriotiques du baron Edmond de Rothschild.  Toutefois, la description retient l’attention des journalistes de la presse non juive, dont Gérard Bauer qui consacre un grand article sur la question intitulé « La mort d’un rabbin » et publié dans L’Écho de Paris du 7 novembre 1914.  L’auteur, en signalant le sacrifice d’un grand rabbin, glorifie l’union sacrée:

« …  Or un soir qu’il s’employait à cette mission courageuse, il entendit parmi les plaintes, l’appel d’un fantassin agonisant.  Le pauvre garçon frappé d’une façon qui ne pardonne pas s’était légèrement dressé sur un coude et d’une voix affaiblie, lui avait demandé un crucifix…

Le rabbin n’eut aucun moment d’hésitation.  À une centaine de mètres se profilait un prêtre penché lui aussi sur des mourants.  Il le rejoignit en grande hâte, lui demanda de lui prêter son crucifix, revient près du blessé et s’agenouillant à son côté, lui approche l’image du Rédempteur des lèvres.  Et le soldat expira dans ce baiser.

Mais tout à côté un autre agonisant, qui avait vu le geste du rabbin, lui demanda de le renouveler pour lui.  Cette fois non plus l’israélite n’hésita pas.  Il se releva, mais dans le moment qu’il se relevait une balle – on n’avait pas cessé de se battre – une balle vint le frapper au front.  Il s’affaissa, tombant mort à côté du moribond qu’il allait secourir, tenant dans sa main crispée le crucifix, dont pour la première fois, il avait fait usage. »

Cet article doit retenir toute notre attention car il s’agit pour la première fois d’une version romancée de la mort d’Abraham Bloch.  D’où Gérard Bauer tient-il ses informations, sinon de la note du rabbin Israël Lévi qui repose sur la lettre du père Chauvin?  Par ailleurs, il dénature les faits.  Le rabbin n’a accompli cet acte qu’une fois et a été tué par un éclat d’obus selon le témoignage du père Jamin.  Plusieurs questions se posent.  Pourquoi n’est-ce pas le prêtre catholique qui apporte l’absolution au soldat mourant?  Qui est d’ailleurs cet aumônier qui aurait pu témoigner par la suite sur le geste du grand rabbin?  Ni le pasteur Rivet ni le père Jamin ne sont aux côtés d’Abraham Bloch lors de l’offensive allemande!  Seul l’abbé Dubodel se trouve non loin du grand rabbin, mais il n’a jamais évoqué l’acte.

Pour Gérard Bauer, il faut une mort héroïque à l’image de l’union sacrée.  Un vulgaire éclat d’obus n’est pas assez digne pour un tel geste.  Mieux vaut une balle!  Une action charitable ne suffit pas.  Il faut renouveler l’acte.

Cette version fait son impression sur la mentalité de l’époque et même après.  Le rabbinat, s’il doute du geste, ne remet pas en cause l’information.  Après tout, elle sert le patriotisme du judaïsme.  La communauté a besoin elle aussi de héros et de martyrs et s’approprie cette histoire.  A l’occasion du premier anniversaire de la mort d’Abraham Bloch, le grand rabbin de Lille Édgard Sèches salue le sacrifice de son collègue: « …  Martyr, il l’a été, certes.  Ce mot, vous ne l’ignorez pas, signifie TÉMOIN.  Oui, il a été témoin de notre amour ardent pour la France.  Oui, il a rendu lui-même le témoignage que cet amour peut aller jusqu’au sacrifice complet de la vie.  (…) Sa mort a plus fait pour le judaïsme et le rabbinat français que les discours les plus éloquents. » (14)  Reprenant l’expression de Maurice Barrés, le grand rabbin de France Alfred Lévy rend aussi hommage à Abraham Bloch, mais ne mentionne pas l’objet : « …  Le nom de cette victime du devoir ne périra point; il sera la gloire, l’auréole sainte de sa famille, du rabbinat, du judaïsme français.  » Sur ce point précis, les rabbins sont très discrets.  Est-ce par conviction religieuse et par désapprobation du geste, ou tout simplement parce qu’ils doutent de la véracité de l’acte?

Préparant son étude intitulé Les Diverses Familles spirituelles de la France, Maurice Barrés conserve la version romancée dans un article paru dans L’Écho de Paris du 15 décembre 1915 et repris dans son livre.  C’est l’occasion pour l’homme de lettres nationaliste de célébrer les vertus de l’union sacrée : « …  De degré en degré, nous nous sommes élevés; ici la fraternité trouve spontanément son geste parfait: le vieux rabbin présentant au soldat qui meurt le signe immortel du Christ sur la croix, c’est une image qui ne périra pas. » (15)

Désormais, de La Dépêche algérienne à La Tribune de Genève, la presse nationale et internationale reprend à son compte cette version devenue quasiment officielle.  Cette fin tragique, mais combien symbolique, retient aussi l’attention de la classe politique et du poète Edmond Rostand qui compose en mars 1918 ces quelques vers:

« Un prêtre en bonnet de police
Veut s’élancer vers un mourant:
Il tombe.  Un rabbin le remplace,
Le porte à son frère chrétien,
Et sur ce mourant qu’il assiste
Tombe et meurt, merveilleux déiste,
Pour un Dieu qui n’est pas le sien! » (16)

Enivré par la victoire républicaine, l’israélitisme conserve dans sa mémoire la mort du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch devenue un mythe pour la génération des anciens combattants.  Nulle autorité ne remet en cause le geste.  L’histoire est trop belle et surtout elle a trop fait couler d’encre et susciter l’enthousiasme pour que le doute s’installe désormais dans les esprits.

Pourtant, en 1921, le père Jamin revient sur cet épisode dans son ouvrage Conseils aux jeunes gens de France, après la victoire, dans lequel il écrit: « …  J’ai raconté en septembre 1914, dans une lettre privée qui a été publiée la mort héroïque du Rabbin Bloch, aumônier militaire sur le champ de bataille de Saulcy, près de Saint-Dié.  Je n’y avais pas assisté moi-même, mais je tenais le récit de plusieurs témoins oculaires. » (17)

Le père Jamin ne mentionne pas les témoins dont il tient l’information.  Qui sont-ils?  L’abbé Dubodel, la personne la plus proche du grand rabbin pendant les bombardements, n’a jamais confirmé le fait.  Les combattants présents ne se sont jamais manifestés dans la presse et auprès de la famille Bloch.  Est-ce le père Chauvin de Lyon qui a amplifié l’histoire?  Dans ce cas, pourquoi n’est-il pas démenti par le père Jamin?  Ces deux prêtres ont-ils eu l’intention d’édifier une image d’Épinal dans le contexte si précieux de l’union sacrée, ne pouvant plus arrêter l’anecdote qui s’est transformée en mythe?

La mort d’Abraham Bloch immortalise l’union sacrée et la participation israélite durant le conflit.  Le peintre Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer renforce le mythe dès 1917 avec sa toile représentant le grand rabbin qui brandit un crucifix sur un blessé mourant au milieu des flammes.  Dans les années vingt, l’œuvre est reproduite sous forme de carte postale qui fait œuvre d’image pieuse.  En même temps, lors des diverses célébrations patriotiques, le rabbinat a soin de rappeler devant le public le sacrifice du grand rabbin.

L’événement, entretenu par la mémoire collective, ressurgit avec plus de violence dans le contexte timoré des années trente.  L’Union patriotique des Français israélites tente de se l’approprier afin de reproduire l’union sacrée si chère aux anciens combattants et que l’actualité vient sans cesse démentir.

UNE HISTOIRE QUI ARRANGE ET DERANGE

La mort du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch relève désormais de l’histoire.  Mort pour la patrie dans les conditions que nous connaissons, il devient un martyr aux yeux de ses contemporains, soucieux de défendre l’image de l’israélitisme dans une France républicaine.  La disparition d’un simple soldat dans le même contexte n’aurait peut-être pas retenu l’attention, mais par le fait qu’il s’agit d’un rabbin, connu et respecté de tous, l’anecdote prend alors de l’ampleur.

Le sacrifice d’Abraham Bloch symbolise la grandeur de l’union sacrée et enorgueillit la mémoire collective puisqu’il réunit tous les critères nécessaires, à savoir: l’engagement patriotique avec le volontariat, la vocation spirituelle avec l’aumônerie, la fraternité avec l’aide apportée au soldat agonisant, la tolérance avec le crucifix.

Si le grand rabbin devient un martyr pour la cause, la communauté n’en fait pas pour autant un héros dans le sens où nous l’entendons habituellement, car il n’est pas mort en combattant ou en résistant à l’ennemi comme le fit le jeune David Bloch.

L’image d’Epinal que retiennent les esprits durant plusieurs générations va pourtant devenir suspecte aux yeux de certains historiens. (18)  Le fameux geste provoque le doute.  Bien que n’apportant aucune preuve à leurs affirmations, ils considèrent comme peu plausible l’acte du grand rabbin.  C’est néanmoins pour eux l’occasion de dénigrer l’israélitisme, pour lequel ils n’éprouvent que méfiance et d’attaquer le rôle de l’Union patriotique des Français israélites dans son appropriation de l’événement.  Or, cette histoire n’est qu’un bref épisode pour l’Union patriotique.  Étudiant cette affaire, Michel Abitbol conclut: «Comme tout bon mythe qui se respecte, cette histoire ne fut jamais authentifiée.» (19)

Aussi, les circonstances de cette mort nous interpellent.  Puisque le débat est ouvert et qu’il ne sera jamais clos tant que les carnets de guerre (s’ils existent!) des véritables témoins seront introuvables, nous ne saurons pas si le grand rabbin est bien décédé un crucifix à la main en secourant un blessé.

Toute guerre engendre des mythes.  Pour preuve, retenons l’histoire du soldat Chauvin et celle de la fameuse « tranchée des baïonnettes.» (20)  Le judaïsme français, tout comme la IIIe République, a besoin de mythes pour nourrir sa dimension historique.  Déjà, à la veille de la Grande Guerre, Ernest Lavisse considérait que l’enseignement ne pouvait pas se passer des héros et de leurs légendes.  La mémoire succédant à l’histoire, elle offre de nombreuses possibilités comme le rappelle Pierre Nora: « L’histoire est la reconstruction toujours problématique et incomplète de ce qui n’est plus.  La mémoire est un phénomène toujours actuel, un lien vécu au présent éternel; l’histoire une représentation du passé.  Parce qu’elle est affective et magique, la mémoire ne s’accommode que des détails qui la confortent; elle se nourrit de souvenirs flous, télescopants, globaux ou flottants, particuliers ou symboliques, sensible à tous les transferts, écrans, censure ou projections. » (21)

Après guerre, Jean Norton-Cru est l’un des premiers à douter de l’authenticité de certains témoignages relatifs à la Grande Guerre.  Son étude critique à l’égard de l’expression « Debout les morts! » lancée par Jacques Péricard doit nous interroger.  Selon Jean Norton-Cru, le témoignage n’est jamais parfait: « Chaque témoin complète instinctivement, et suivant sa nature propre, la série de phrases rapides dont plusieurs lui ont échappé.  Il remplit les blancs instantanément et oublie désormais que c’étaient des blancs, des vides.  Ce qu’il a cru voir, il croit sincèrement l’avoir vu.  Il est donc presque impossible que sur une trentaine de dépositions on trouve deux qui concordent, même à peu près. » (22)

La Grande Guerre, dans l’enthousiasme qu’elle provoque et au travers de la victoire française, donne naissance à des mythes, à des situations qui permettent à l’imagination de dévoiler toute la grandeur du sacrifice consenti pendant les quatre années.  Verdun, l’héroïsme des combattants, les charges à la baïonnette sont autant d’exemples qui amplifient une réalité sûrement moins idéale.  Le traumatisme lié à la violence et à la souffrance tend à accentuer la déformation de l’histoire au profit de la mémoire.

Nous pouvons ainsi comprendre qu’une simple anecdote peut devenir un mythe, surtout lorsque des mystificateurs s’en emparent.  Dans le cas présent, il est certain que Maurice Barrés, en utilisant l’article de Gérard Bauer et la lettre du père Jamin, a facilité la diffusion de ce mythe.

C’est à partir de l’été 1934 que l’affaire Abraham Bloch ressurgit dans la communauté lorsque l’Union patriotique des Français israélites animée par Me Edmond Bloch se sert du geste du grand rabbin pour célébrer la fraternité des tranchées et, surtout, pour lutter contre l’antisémitisme.  Contrairement à ce que pense Maurice Rajsfus, l’Union patriotique n’a pas inventé le mythe Abraham Bloch.  Elle s’en est servi pour sa propre cause, à savoir ranimer l’unité entre les anciens combattants alors que l’intolérance se développe et que le souvenir de l’union sacrée s’efface des esprits au moment où la nation subit les effets des crises sociale et économique.  Certes, il s’agit bien d’une manœuvre politique de la part d’Edmond Bloch, qui saisit l’occasion du vingtième anniversaire de la mort du grand rabbin pour démontrer l’action de son mouvement.  Mais les membres de l’Union patriotique comme leurs coreligionnaires sont convaincus de l’authenticité du geste.  Ce symbole, tout en rendant hommage au rabbin, doit populariser cette association qui vient à peine d’être fondée.  Face à la montée des ligues et à l’engagement de nombreux Juifs dans les partis progressistes, Edmond Bloch et ses amis jugent nécessaire de regrouper des Israélites patriotes, viscéralement attachés au maintien de l’ordre républicain.

Dans ce contexte, il faut comprendre le rôle de l’Union patriotique lorsque son président décide l’érection d’une stèle à la mémoire du grand rabbin près du col d’Anozel en septembre 1934, lieu où est tombé Abraham Bloch.  S’il n’y a pas ici un aspect politique, ce monument s’inscrit dans la volonté de rendre un pieux hommage à une personnalité et de maintenir vivante la mémoire collective.

Avec les soutiens implicites des consistoires central et de Paris, en présence de nombreuses autorités rabbiniques, dont le grand rabbin de Nancy Paul Haguenauer, et politiques, comme M.  Mathieu préfet des Vosges et Georges Rivollet ministre des Pensions, Edmond Bloch prononce un discours fort remarqué qui témoigne de cette mentalité patriotique tout en apportant une nouvelle version du geste d’Abraham Bloch:

«…  Il se pencha vers un blessé, qui le prenant pour un prêtre catholique, lui demanda l’absolution.  – “Je ne suis pas catholique, mon pauvre ami, je suis rabbin.” — “Ne pouvez-vous pas au moins, m’obtenir un crucifix?”

Un prêtre catholique brancardier passait non loin de là, portant, avec l’un de ses camarades, un blessé sur une civière.  Le grand rabbin lui demanda s’il possédait un crucifix: le prêtre en avait un, mais sur la poitrine, à l’intérieur de sa capote; sans abandonner son brancard, il l’indiqua à Abraham Bloch qui ouvrit le vêtement, prit le crucifix et l’apporta au blessé… » (23)

Où et comment Edmond Bloch a-t-il pu recueillir ces nouvelles informations?  Selon René Lisbonne, membre de l’Union patriotique et ami de l’avocat, le père Jamin aurait lui-même décrit la scène. (24)  Dans ce cas, pourquoi le prêtre devenu témoin n’est-il pas invité à la manifestation pour y faire lui-même sa déclaration?  Son témoignage aurait eu certainement plus d’impact sur le public.

Aussi, chacun — faute de preuve concrète et directe – peut donner libre cours à son imagination pourvu qu’elle s’inscrive dans le sens de l’union sacrée.  Les adhérents de l’Union patriotique sont sensibles à cette idée, comme l’exprime toujours leur porte-parole: « …  Plus que les autres Français, nous nous devons à la patrie.  Les liens naturels, sentimentaux, affectifs, qui unissent tous les Français à la mère commune sont communs à tous.  Nous en ajoutons un supplémentaire : la gratitude. »

Cet événement retient l’attention de la presse communautaire qui ne voit dans l’action d’Edmond Bloch qu’un agissement d’ancien combattant s’inscrivant dans la continuité de l’union sacrée.

Fin 1937, la mort du grand rabbin est à nouveau rappelée à la communauté.  Le consistoire de Lyon propose d’ériger un monument à la mémoire de son grand rabbin sur une grande place de la ville. (25)  Edouard Herriot, le maire radical, est favorable au projet.  Dans un courrier du 31 janvier 1938, il informe le grand rabbin Bernard Schoenberg que le conseil municipal accorde la place Antonin-Gourju pour l’édification du monument.

Dès le début, le projet soulève pourtant des réactions.  Le grand rabbin de Lyon, appuyé par ses collègues du Consistoire central, dont Israël Lévi, s’oppose à l’érection d’une statue représentant le grand rabbin apportant un crucifix au blessé.  L’objection religieuse est valable.  Le grand rabbin de France rappelle l’hostilité du judaïsme à toute image sculptée selon le commandement « Tu ne feras pas d’image taillée, ni aucune figure de ce qui est dans le ciel en haut ou sur la terre en bas ou dans les eaux au-dessous de la terre » (Exode, 20).  Il est à remarquer qu’aucune communauté n’a réalisé une œuvre de ce type dans les cours des synagogues ou dans les cimetières israélites.

Mais l’hostilité est encore plus forte du côté de la population locale.  Si les Israélites, dans leur ensemble, sont favorables au projet car ils y voient la reconnaissance de la cité, les antisémites refusent l’édification d’un tel monument, comme le rapporte une note confidentielle émanant de Lucien Coquenheim, président du comité lyonnais :

«…  Mais cette objection (religieuse) qui n’était peut-être pas absolument insurmontable, est aujourd’hui, largement dépassée par l’objection antisémite, qui a brisé l’unanimité non juive, sans laquelle le projet initial perd, singulièrement, de sa signification et de sa portée.  Car dès lors, ce n’est plus une œuvre de paix sociale que poursuivra l’érection du monument, mais provoquera un combat, au cours duquel un Grand rabbin sera, injustement calomnié, atteignant ainsi tout le Judaïsme français. » (26)

En 1938, la ville du radical Herriot connaît de nombreux troubles antisémites occasionnés par des membres de l’Action française et des ligues locales.  Il est aisé de parler de coalition antisémite face au projet, car les nationalistes s’organisent et font pression sur le conseil municipal pour abandonner l’idée d’un monument dédié à un Israélite, de surcroît grand rabbin.

Selon un rapport confidentiel du comité lyonnais, il est fait mention de menaces à l’égard des membres de la communauté et de doutes de la part de la population sur le sacrifice d’Abraham Bloch.  Lucien Coquenheim est obligé de mener une enquête sur les agissements des antisémites:

« L’enquête poursuivie par les membres du comité lyonnais, auprès des survivants, ces derniers mois, leur a permis de découvrir que des émissaires ont été envoyés auprès de ces témoins pour s’assurer du sens dans lequel ils déposeront.  Donc, la campagne est prête, elle attend un prétexte pour être déclenchée; l’annonce officielle de l’érection.

La pensée du comité lyonnais est dominée par deux principes:

— Ne pas fournir à nos adversaires le “prétexte” qui déclenchera la campagne avant d’être prêt pour la lutte;

— Ne pas avoir l’air de céder au chantage antisémite. » (27)

L’Action française, par l’intermédiaire de ses camelots, se démène pour annuler le projet.  Une véritable campagne est organisée à laquelle le comité lyonnais n’entend pas répondre.  Des tracts sont distribués, des affiches collées.  Le public lyonnais demeure méfiant.  Dans ce contexte, Albert Manuel suggère à Lucien Coquenheim de mener une enquête plus approfondie sur les conditions de la mort du grand rabbin.  Le Consistoire de Paris finance les démarches du comité lyonnais, chargé de retrouver et d’interroger les témoins.  De février à juillet 1938, les survivants de cette époque sont contactés.  Lucien Coquenheim rencontre les abbés Jamin, Guyetant et Rouchouze, le pasteur Rivet, le médecin-major Raymond et l’institutrice de Taintrux, Mme Richard.

Les témoignages n’apportent rien de concret.  Bien au contraire!  Le doute persiste sur l’acte du grand rabbin.  Personne n’est capable de confirmer si le grand rabbin a bien apporté un crucifix au soldat et est mort après cet acte.

Le père Jamin et le pasteur Rivet se contentent d’expliquer leur absence à ce moment.  Confirmant sa lettre de septembre 1914, le père Jamin affirme toutefois qu’il tient l’information d’un soldat qui lui aurait fait ce récit.  Mais il est incapable de mentionner le nom du témoin en question.

L’abbé Guyetant, nullement évoqué dans les témoignages depuis 1914, mais ancien brancardier, confirme le fait que le rabbin est bien tombé à une vingtaine de mètres de lui, mais il ne mentionne pas son geste.  Pire, selon lui, le grand rabbin Abraham Bloch aurait reçu l’absolution: « …  Monsieur l’abbé a vu le rabbin tomber à 15 ou 20 mètres de lui.  Comme celui-ci portait une soutanelle, des brancardiers prêtres catholiques le prenant pour un aumônier catholique, lui donnèrent l’absolution.. .» (28)

Monseigneur Rouchouze ne se présente pas non plus comme un témoin oculaire et estime que le médecin-major est peut-être la seule personne à connaître la vérité.  Mais la déclaration de ce dernier adressée à Albert Manuel le 14 avril 1938 confirme plutôt sa déposition mentionnée dans le journal de marche du corps des brancardiers:

« …  Vers la fin de la matinée, nous terminons l’évacuation d’un poste de secours situé dans Anozel, quand ce poste a été bombardé.  Il ne restait plus que quelques blessés couchés sur brancard et un nombre de brancardiers insuffisant pour les transporter.  Les aumôniers se sont alors joints, spontanément, aux brancardiers pour emporter les derniers brancards.

C’est donc en transportant un blessé que l’un des aumôniers que j’ai appris ultérieurement, être M. le rabbin Bloch a été tué par un éclat d’obus, à quelque distance du village d’Anozel. » (29)

Vingt ans plus tard, les souvenirs du médecin-major sont intacts, à ceci près que le grand rabbin serait mort en fin d’après-midi.

Puisque, selon une version, Abraham Bloch se serait mis en quête du crucifix, il aurait pu rejoindre une maison dans l’espoir d’en trouver un.  Lucien Coquenheim contacte l’institutrice du village, présente au moment des bombardements et du retrait des troupes françaises.  Dans une lettre adressée à la fille du grand rabbin en juin 1938, elle est incapable elle aussi de mentionner les circonstances de la mort d’Abraham Bloch: « …  Les aumôniers catholiques et autres lui ont rendu immédiatement tous les devoirs.  On m’a dit que votre père avait demandé le crucifix à un confrère catholique-alors je ne sais pas s’il est allé vraiment en chercher un dans une maison, cela c’est un souvenir très précis… » (30)

En plein repli et sous une pluie d’obus, l’urgence est avant tout l’évacuation des blessés.  Peut-on imaginer Abraham Bloch abandonner sa fonction de brancardier pour aller chercher un crucifix au moment où la bataille fait rage?  D’autant plus que la maison la plus proche, où se trouve peut-être un crucifix, se situe à plus de 350 mètres.  Le grand rabbin n’aurait-il pas pu avoir la présence d’esprit de demander un crucifix en médaille à un soldat?

Quant à l’abbé Dubodel, il est impossible de recueillir son témoignage.

À l’automne 1938, faute de preuves suffisantes, le comité lyonnais abandonne définitivement le projet.  Le grand rabbinat préfère cette solution, estimant qu’il n’est pas utile d’accentuer la discorde entre Français.  Avec amertume, Lucien Coquenheim écrit: «…  la présence des Grands Rabbins délégués, chefs du judaïsme français nous paraît indispensable.  Car leur absence, en raison de la contestation élevée par nos adversaires, serait interprétée à Lyon comme un désaveu de la cérémonie ou geste ou les deux à la fois. » (31)

Même le grand rabbin de France, à savoir Israël Lévi, n’intervient plus dans le débat.  Pourtant, il fut l’ami d’Abraham Bloch et le premier à dévoiler la lettre du père Chauvin dans la presse communautaire.  A-t-il douté lui aussi du fameux geste, alors qu’en pleine union sacrée, il en était convaincu?

Le doute subsiste.  Y a-t-il eu des mystificateurs?  Dans quel but et pour quel profit?

Peut-être que le père Jamin a embelli l’histoire, à la fois par sympathie pour le grand rabbin et par souci de magnifier l’union sacrée.  L’ouverture d’esprit d’Abraham Bloch et son attitude joviale et toujours volontaire ont fortement impressionné le corps des brancardiers.  Auprès des cinq prêtres, il a montré une autre image du Juif, brisant ainsi bien des préjugés.  Voilà un rabbin patriote, dévoué à la cause et courageux!

L’abbé Dubodel n’a jamais infirmé ou confirmé l’authenticité de l’acte.  Sans doute ne souhaitait-il pas dénigrer cette image trop séduisante qui avait déjà envahi la mémoire et qui symbolisait si bien l’union sacrée…  Il en est de même pour le grand rabbin Israël Lévi qui, héritier de la science du judaïsme et professeur à l’École des hautes études, a préféré le maintien de ce mythe plutôt que de le réduire à une simple anecdote.

Symbole de l’union sacrée et glorification du patriotisme juif, même après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’image du geste du grand rabbin est encore présente dans les esprits.  Le grand rabbin de France Jacob Kaplan, lui-même ancien combattant de la Grande Guerre, retient de cet exemple la persistance de la concorde, fondamentale à toute nation:

«…  Elle ne périra pas enfin car elle parlera toujours à l’âme française qui unit en un accord si harmonieux les tendances les plus diverses, à la manière de ce splendide paysage vosgien…  oui, elle parlera toujours à l’âme de la France si comprehensive et si libérale parce que la France ne peut pas ne pas être éprise de grandeur et d’héroïsme, d’humanité et de générosité.

Le geste de Taintrux, exemple d’union sur le champ de bataille est aussi un symbole d’entente pendant la paix. » (32)

Élevée au niveau de mythe national et communautaire, l’histoire de la mort du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch n’est toujours pas close.  Le débat reste ainsi toujours ouvert…

(1) Maurice Barrés, Les Diverses Familles spirituelles de la France, Emile-Paul, 1917, p. 93.
(2) ACIP, dossier Abraham Bloch.  SIF, fonds Abraham Bloch.
(3) L’Univers israélite, 1er janvier 1915.
(4) SIF, fonds Abraham Bloch, carnet de notes, 8 août 1914.
(5) Ibid., 27 août 1914.
(6) SHAT, dossier 26 N.145.  Journaux de marche du 14e corps d’armée.
(7) Ibid.
(8) SHAT, dossier 26 N.154.  Journaux du service Santé, 29 août 1914.
(9) SHAT, dossier 22 N.1033.  Opérations du groupe des brancardiers, 29 août 1914.
(10) SHAT, dossier 26 N.154.
(11) ACIP, série PV.  Assemblée générale du 30 mai 1915.
(12) SIF, fonds Abraham Bloch.  Lettre du père Jamin à Mme Bloch, 24 septembre 1914.
(13) Les Archives israélites, 5 novembre 1914.
(14) L’Univers israélite, 8 octobre 1915.
(15) Maurice Barrés, op. cit., p. 93.
(16) La Revue des Deux Mondes, 1er mars 1916, p. 66.
(17) Fernand Jamin, Conseils aux jeunes gens après la victoire, Perrin, 1921, p. 89.
(18) Consulter David H. Weinberg, Les Juifs à Paris de 1933 à 1939, Calmann-Lévy, 1974, p. 107, Maurice Rajsfus, Sois Juif et tais-toi!, E.D.I, 1981, pp. 214-215, et Michel Abitbol, Les Deux Terres promises – Les Juifs de France et le sionisme, Olivier Orban, 1989, p. 281.
(19) Michel Abitbol, op. cit., p. 281.
(20) G. de Puymège, «Le soldat Chauvin » (pp. 45-80), et Antoine Prost, «La tranchée des baïonnettes » (pp. 111-141), Les Lieux de mémoire.  La Nation, t. 2, sous la direction de Pierre Nora, Gallimard, 1986.
(21) Pierre Nora, «Entre mémoire et histoire», Les Lieux de mémoire, t. 1, p. XIX.
(22) Jean Norton-Cru, Du témoignage, Éditions Allia, 1989, p. 25.
(23) L’Univers israélite, 7 septembre 1934.
(24) Ibid.
(25) ACIP, carton B.134.  Année 1938, projet d’érection d’un monument Abraham Bloch.
(26) Ibid.
(27) Ibid.
(28) Ibid.
(29) ACIP, carton B.134.  Année 1938, lettres reçues.
(30) SIF, fonds Abraham Bloch.  Lettre de Mme Richard à Mme Netter (fille du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch) du 17 juin 1938.
(31) ACIP, carton B.134.
(32) Journal des communautés, n° 202, septembre 1958.

abréviations

ACIP: Association consistoriale israélite de Paris
SHAT: Service historique de l’armée de terre (SHAT Vincennes)
SIF: Séminiare israélite de France (Paris)

références
 
Landau, Philippe-E., Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre – Un patriotisme républicain, CNRS Editions, Paris, France, 1999
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (1914-1918), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve, Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive, Paris, 2000)
Page listant le nom de Rabbi Abraham Bloch dans Les Israélites dans l’Armée Française (les notations et les griffonnages (!) sont les miens)
 Carte postale du tableau de Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer représentant le rabbin Abraham Bloch tenant un crucifix devant un soldat mourant (“Artiste AK Le Grand Rabbin Aumonier Abraham Bloch, rabbin comme aumônier”), sur oldthing.de
Photo de Rabbi Abraham Bloch, à Judaica Algeria

The Ambivalence of Acceptance – The Acceptance of Ambivalence IV: The Death and Life of Rabbi Abraham Bloch – in Philippe-E. Landau’s “The Jews of France and the Great War” – 1999

Prior to researching Jewish military service in the French Army during the Great War, the story of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch was entirely unknown to me.  Through a variety of digital and text sources, I soon learned more about his life, and in a larger context, the relationship of his story to the experience of French Jewry during that conflict, and beyond. 

One excellent source of information about Rabbi Bloch appears within Philippe-E. Landau’s monograph, Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre  (The Jews of France in the Great War).  His chapter on the Rabbi is presented below, translated from the French. 

Myth and Reality: The Death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch

Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre / The Jews of France in the Great War (front cover)

From 1915 to the defeat of 1940, Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch’s death on the field of honor symbolizes the community’s communion of body and spirit with the nation.  As much for Jewish youth as for the generations having lived the Great War, the image of Epinal represents the patriotic fidelity of French Judaism.

This pious picture, where the chief rabbi, then chaplain and stretcher-bearer, dies from his wounds in a shower of enemy fire after bringing a crucifix to a dying Catholic soldier, remains in the collective memory as “an image that will not perish” according to Maurice Barrés. (1)

Israelitism retained this event to claim its sacrifice during the ordeal.  The death of the chief rabbi has also benefited from important publicity, if only by the enthusiastic article that Maurice Barres has given him.  The information is then disseminated by the entire national press.  Also, it is not just an episode limited to community history.  By far, it goes beyond the denominational context because it is the very image of the Sacred Union.  We cannot gauge the impact of this death on the post-war mentality, anxious to perpetuate the fraternity of the trenches.

The first simple fact of the day at the end of the year 1914, the event is growing in the pen of the nationalist writer who awakens more the patriotic ardor of Israelitism.  The rabbis and the notables salute the glorious death of Abraham Bloch, but are however discreet on his famous gesture.  Did he really bring a crucifix?

But enthusiasm prevails over reason.  In 1917, once the press took hold of the story and the painter Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer fixed for eternity the gesture of the chief rabbi, the rabbinate agrees.  Here is Abraham Bloch becoming a “martyr” for his co-religionists and “saint” for the nation.

Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer‘s painting of Rabbi Abraham Bloch holding a crucifix before a dying soldier

Far from perishing, the image spreads in all Jewish families in the form of postcards and the memory of the Chief Rabbi is recounted in all the patriotic demonstrations that the community celebrates.

If, in the twenties, this episode comforts the Judaism which sees there the consecration, from the thirties, the death of the chief rabbi becomes the object of political recovery and patriotic outbidding.  Veterans, especially those of the Patriotic Union of French Jews, use this symbolic image to better revive the memory of the Sacred Union.

A GREAT RABBI PATRIOT

Born in Paris in 1859, Abraham Bloch is 55 when war is declared.  Despite his advanced age, he plans to become a chaplain and is assigned to the 14th Army Corps.

Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch (image from Judaica Algeria)

Coming from a pious Alsatian family, he has a strictly rabbinic background.  After studying at the Jewish seminary in Paris, he was sent to Remiremont (1884-1897) where he demonstrated a particular zeal that earned him the esteem of the faithful.  He then became chief rabbi of Algiers from 1897 to 1908.  The anti-Semitic maneuvers generated by the Dreyfus affair forced him to look after community interests and to support the republican cause.  The chief rabbi of France, satisfied with his action, decided to promote him by offering him the responsibility of the chief rabbinate of Lyon and his region, a position he held from 1908 until mobilization. (2)

Rabbi Israel Levi, in an article he devotes to him in January 1915, testifies to his patriotic ardor while Abraham Bloch is of fragile health: “When the mobilization was decreed, the military authority asked the Chief Rabbi of Lyon to appoint the chaplain to follow the 14th Army Corps.  Deaf to the objurgations of his friends and relatives, Abraham Bloch did not hesitate to claim for himself the honor of serving his country.” (3)

The latter adapts quickly to the new situation.  If he notes with irony and pleasure in his notebook that he is the “Jewish priest”, because his outfit hardly distinguishes him from other chaplains, he welcomes the Sacred Union: “… I am the dean of the band.  The officers are charming with us all.” (4)

If, for the moment, the chief rabbi has few Jews to comfort, he takes the opportunity to visit fellow Jews in the Vosges region where he had already established lasting relations during his first pastorate.

But the German offensive interrupts friendly visits.  After Fraize and Provenchères, on the 25th of August the battalions are in front of Saint-Dié.  Two days later, the chief rabbi notes for the last time in his notebook: “We are waiting for the order of departure to look for wounded.  Meanwhile, it is said that it was on the side of Saint-Dié that one would have bombed…” (5)

Here ends the impressions of Abraham Bloch.  From now on, the 14th Corps the journal of marches and operations tells us about the evolution of the fighting and the conditions of its death.

On August 28, the Chief Rabbi has neither the time nor the leisure to write, because the attack has resumed and is very violent.  The troops, including the 58th Division, have been specifically ordered to “retake the offensive at all costs on Taintrux and Anozel.” (6)  During the night of August 28 to 29, relief workers must evacuate more than 600 wounded and recover 150 soldiers on the battlefield.  Despite the losses suffered, the French troops intend to remain masters of the place while the German artillery is unleashed.  The Anozel pass becomes the stake of the fight, because the enemy wants to take this position which would then allow him to reach the small town of Saint-Dié.

The fighting is still raging.  The daily newspaper mentions the tenacity of the troops: “During this day, which was very hard for our regiment, the personnel showed the greatest calm under the fire of the German howitzers.  On August 29, around noon, stretcher bearers including Abraham Bloch were to transfer 450 wounded from Taintrux while they were still facing “enemy artillery fire.”  Abbé Dubodel, Catholic chaplain and eyewitness, confirms the extreme violence of the fighting during this day: “Then the fire recommences, more violent than ever; the wounded lying pell-mell on the earth; stretcher bearers; ambulance cars.  On arrival at the aid station, 5 or 6 missing, a wounded military chaplain, a Jewish rabbi wounded.” (7)

Can a rabbi be anything but Jewish?  The expression of Father Dubodel, who knows the chief rabbi since the beginning of August, makes us smile.  Be that as it may, it is certain that for several hours, between noon and six o’clock, the French troops suffered the repeated assaults of the German forces and are then obliged to retreat and “descend towards the Meuse in order to maintain it.”

It would be around 5 pm that the chief rabbi was killed in the conditions described by Major-General Raymond in the journal of the march of the stretcher-bearer group of the 68th Infantry Division:

“… It (the stretcher-bearer service) first evacuates the wounded of the 229th installed at the school of Anozel (about thirty), the closest to the line of fire, then those of the aid station of the 30th infantry located in the village barn.  At this moment the bomging begins.  A shell falls on the emergency station that the group is evacuating, without hurting anyone but starting to burn the barn.

This second post evacuated, the group took care of the third organized by the 229th and located in the last house of the village.  At this moment, the bombing is in full swing, a shell falls on the first aid post, another on the neighboring house that it burns. (…)  The shells continue to fall around the station and beat the road.

One of them kills a stretcher-bearer of the corps and violently throws the stretcher of the Dubodel group on the ground; this violent fall causes him a fracture at the base of the skull.  Evacuated, quoted to the order of the army.

The rabbi (Mr. Bloch, rabbi in Lyon, section of the femoral, died in a few moments) of the stretcher bearers who carried a wounded man is also killed…” (8)

The battle is calm in the evening.  At about 9:45 p.m., the chief of staff sent this note to the commander-in-chief: “Heavy fighting today on the entire front of the 14th Corps, great fatigue, large incalculable losses, again because of the extent of the front: 20 kilometers in the forests.” (9)  The next day, there are more than 1,000 wounded.  According to the military authorities, it is clearly admitted that Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch was killed “by a shell that took away his left thigh and a bullet in his chest.  In Taintrux, evacuating a wounded man.” (10)  This is a trivial case on this Saturday, August 29, 1914.

“PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS” card for Rabbi Abraham Bloch

THE PRESS MAKES THE EVENT

As early as September 17, Les Archives israélites announce to its readers the disappearance of the Chief Rabbi, who became the first rabbinic victim in this context where one strives to celebrate with force the Sacred Union.  In an article on page 2, the editor is content to mention the conditions of his death:

“The war has made a victim in the French rabbinate and it has chosen for its prey, one of its most worthy, most pious and most respected members: Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch.

On the tragic circumstances in which the Chief Rabbi Bloch of Lyons died on the battlefield, we have the following information provided by Father Debodel de Chateauroux, who was wounded in the same place …

At about two o’clock in the afternoon, the corps of stretcher-bearers of the 58th Reserve Division, of which he was a member, cared for him on a farm of about 150 wounded.  A German battery could not get the better of an alpine battalion, and directed its fires on the farm.  The wounded are being evacuated.  But the fire of the enemy is raging, waving pell-mell wounded, chaplains and stretcher-bearers.  It is at this moment that Chief Rabbi Bloch falls to no longer get up, while Father Debodel gets away with an injury.”

This short article remains faithful to the declaration of the doctor-major and is based on the testimony of abbot Debodel (in reality Dubodel) published in Le Salut of Lyon of September 8, 1914.  The abbot is in fact the only witness ocular who was close to the chief rabbi during the bombing.

The journalists do not yet mention the crucifix that the chief rabbi would have brought to a dying soldier.  This act would have been the cause of his death.  In May 1915, during the Ordinary General Assembly of the Consistory of Paris, President Edouard Masse evoked the death of Abraham Bloch, but without describing the circumstances of his disappearance.  Like so many others, he would have been killed by the enemy as a stretcher-bearer: “… The heroic end of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch showed, from the beginning of hostilities, how our chaplains know, when he it is necessary to die for their country, demonstrating not only the most admirable courage, but also a breadth of ideas of which public opinion, without distinction of cults or parties, has so unanimously emphasized beauty.” (11)

Does “breadth of ideas” refer to the famous rabbi’s famous gesture?  Perhaps!  In this case, Edouard Masse is very skeptical and doubts the new version of the death of Abraham Bloch appeared in November 1914.  It is the same for the other members of the assembly, which do not fall under the assertion of the President.

Yet, early in the fall of 1914, information will profoundly modify this event which is already becoming a symbol of the Sacred Union.  According to a letter from Father Jamin, Catholic Chaplain of the 14th Corps, addressed to Father Chauvin, then pastor in Lyon, the Chief Rabbi died by shrapnel but after having found and brought a crucifix to a seriously wounded soldier.  Seized by this detail which further illustrates the Sacred Union, Father Chauvin immediately communicated the information to the widow of Abraham Bloch on September 24, 1914:

“… Before leaving the hamlet, a wounded man, taking him for a Catholic priest, asked to kiss a crucifix.  Mr. Bloch found the requested crucifix and had it kissed.  After completing this act of charity, he left the hamlet accompanying another wounded man to the nearest car.  The shell hit him a few meters ahead of the car where the wounded man had climbed.

I thought that these details would comfort a pain that must be very lively.” (12)

The grand rabbi’s family informs Rabbi Israel Levi, who has been his friend since their studies at the rabbinical seminary.  A great patriot, Israel Levi believes that this example perfectly illustrates the dedication of the Israelites during the war.  Quoting Father Jamin’s letter, he writes a note specifying the conditions of death in Les Archives israélites.  He concludes, “… the rabbi’s act to get a crucifix to give to a wounded man to kiss – while the shells [that were] fired at the ambulance required a quick evacuation and died almost immediately afterwards, did it not deserve to be relieved?” (13)

Les Archives Israélites do not pay much attention to this story, which is narrated in the column “Jewish Echoes of the War” between the promotion of combatants and the patriotic actions of Baron Edmond de Rothschild.  However, the description caught the attention of journalists in the non-Jewish press, including Gerard Bauer who devotes a major article on the issue entitled “The death of a rabbi” and published in L’Echo de Paris November 7, 1914.  The author, by pointing out the sacrifice of a chief rabbi, glorifies the Sacred Union:

“… One evening when he was busy with this brave mission, he heard among the complaints the call of a dying soldier.  The poor boy, hit in a way that did not forgive [mortally wounded], had slightly stood on one elbow and in a weak voice, asked him for a crucifix…

The rabbi had no hesitation.  A hundred meters away, a priest was leaning over the dying.  He joined him in haste, asked him to lend him his crucifix, came back to the wounded man and kneeling at his side, [the wounded man] approached the image of the Redeemer [with his] lips.  And the soldier expired in that kiss.

But next to him another dying person, who had seen the Rabbi’s gesture, asked him to renew it for him.  This time the Israelite did not hesitate either.  He got up, but when he got up a bullet – we had not stopped fighting – a bullet hit him on the forehead.  He sank down, falling dead by the side of the dying man he was going to succor, holding in his clenched hand the crucifix, which for the first time he had used.”

This article should receive our full attention because it is for the first time a fictionalized version of the death of Abraham Bloch.  Where does Gerard Bauer hold his information, if not the note of Rabbi Israel Levi based on the letter of Father Chauvin?  Moreover, he distorts the facts.  The rabbi did this act only once and was killed by shrapnel, according to Father Jamin’s testimony.  Several questions arise.  Why is it not the Catholic priest who brings absolution to the dying soldier?  Who is this chaplain who could have testified later on the action of the chief rabbi?  Neither Pastor Rivet nor Father Jamin are with Abraham Bloch during the German offensive!  Only Father Dubodel is not far from the chief rabbi, but he never mentioned the act.

For Gérard Bauer, one needs a heroic death in the image of the Sacred Union.  Vulgar shrapnel is not dignified enough for such a gesture.  Better a ball!  Charitable action is not enough.  We must renew the act.

This version makes its impression on the mentality of the time and even after.  The rabbinate, if it doubts the gesture, does not question the information.  After all, it serves the patriotism of Judaism.  The community also needs heroes and martyrs and appropriates this story.  On the occasion of the first anniversary of the death of Abraham Bloch, the chief rabbi of Lille, Édgard Sèches, salutes the sacrifice of his colleague: “… Martyr, he was, certainly.  This word, you do not ignore, means WITNESS.  Yes, he has witnessed our ardent love for France.  Yes, he himself testified that this love can go to the complete sacrifice of life. (…)  His death did more for Judaism and the French rabbinate than the most eloquent speeches. (14)  Following the expression of Maurice Barrés, chief rabbi of France Alfred Lévy also pays tribute to Abraham Bloch, but does not mention the object: “… The name of this victim of duty will not perish; he will be the glory, the holy halo of his family, of the rabbinate, of French Judaism.”  On this point, the rabbis are very discreet.  Is it by religious conviction and disapproval of the gesture, or simply because they doubt the veracity of the act?

Preparing his study entitled The Diverse Spiritual Families of France, Maurice Barrés retains the fictionalized version in an article published in L’Echo de Paris on December 15, 1915 and included in his book.  It is an opportunity for the nationalist man of letters to celebrate the virtues of the Sacred Union: “… From degree to degree, we have risen; here the fraternity spontaneously finds its perfect gesture: the old rabbi presenting to the soldier who dies the immortal sign of Christ on the cross is an image that will not perish.” (15)

From now on, from La Dépêche Algerienne to La Tribune de Genève, the national and international press has taken over this version, which has become almost official.  This tragic, but symbolic end, also holds the attention of the political class and the poet Edmond Rostand who composes in March 1918 these few verses:

“A priest in a police cap
Wants to rush towards a dying person:
He falls.  A rabbi replaces him,
The door to his Christian brother,
And on this dying person he attends
Falls and dies, wonderful deist,
For a God who is not his!” (16)

Inebriated by the Republican victory, Israelitism keeps in memory the death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch, which has become a myth for the generation of veterans.  No authority calls into question the gesture.  The story is too beautiful and especially there has been too much ink and excited enthusiasm for the doubt [that] is now installed in the minds.

However, in 1921, Father Jamin returns to this episode in his book Advice to Young People of France, after the victory, in which he writes: “… I related in September 1914, in a private letter that was published the heroic death of Rabbi Bloch, military chaplain on the battlefield of Saulcy, near Saint-Die.  I had not assisted myself, but I was telling the story of several eyewitnesses.” (17)

Father Jamin does not mention the witnesses whose information he keeps.  Who are they?  Father Dubodel, the closest person to the Chief Rabbi during the bombing, never confirmed the fact.  The fighters present never appeared in the press and with the Bloch family.  Is it Father Chauvin from Lyon who amplified the story?  In this case, why is it not denied by Father Jamin?  Did these two priests, intending to build an image of Epinal in the precious context of Sacred Union, no longer able to stop the anecdote that turned into a myth?

The death of Abraham Bloch immortalizes Sacred Union and Jewish participation during the conflict.  The painter Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer reinforces the myth since 1917 with his canvas depicting the chief rabbi who brandished a crucifix on a dying wounded in the midst of the flames.  In the twenties, the work is reproduced in the form of a postcard which is a work of pious image.  At the same time, during the various patriotic celebrations, the rabbinate is careful to remind the public of the sacrifice of the chief rabbi.

The event, maintained by collective memory, resurfaced with more violence in the timid context of the thirties.  The Patriotic Union of the French Jews tries to appropriate it to reproduce the Sacred Union so dear to veterans and that the news constantly denies.

A HISTORY THAT ARRANGES AND DERANGES

The death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch is now history.  Dead for the fatherland in the conditions we know, he becomes a martyr in the eyes of his contemporaries, anxious to defend the image of Judaism in a republican France.  The disappearance of a private soldier in the same context may not have attracted the attention, but by the fact that it is a rabbi, known and respected by all, the anecdote then takes the extent.

The sacrifice of Abraham Bloch symbolizes the greatness of the Sacred Union and prides the collective memory since it meets all the necessary criteria, namely: the patriotic commitment with the voluntary service, the spiritual vocation with the chaplaincy, the fraternity with the help given to the dying soldier, tolerance with the crucifix.

If the chief rabbi becomes a martyr for the cause, the community does not make him a hero in the sense that we usually hear him, because he did not die fighting or resisting the enemy like the said young David Bloch.

The image of Epinal that holds the minds for several generations will however become suspect in the eyes of some historians. (18)  The famous gesture causes doubt.  Although they do not provide any proof for their claims, they consider the Chief Rabbi’s action to be implausible.  Nevertheless, it is an opportunity for them to denigrate Judaism, for which they have only mistrust and to attack the role of the Patriotic Union of the French Jews in its appropriation of the event.  But this story is only a brief episode for the Patriotic Union.  Studying this case, Michel Abitbol concludes: “Like any good myth that respects itself, this story was never authenticated.” (19)

Also, the circumstances of this death challenge us.  Since the debate is open and it will never be closed until the war logs (if they exist!) true witnesses will be untraceable, we will not know if the grand rabbi died [with] a crucifix in hand by rescuing a casualty.

Every war breeds myths.  As proof, let us retain the story of the soldier Chauvin and that of the famous “trench of bayonets.” (20)  French Judaism, like the Third Republic, needs myths to nourish its historical dimension.  Already, on the eve of the Great War, Ernest Lavisse considered that teaching could not do without heroes and their legends.  Memory succeeding history, it offers many possibilities as Pierre Nora recalls: “History is the always problematic and incomplete reconstruction of what is no more.  Memory is an ever-present phenomenon, a bond lived in the eternal present; history a representation of the past.  Because it is emotional and magical, memory only accommodates the details that comfort it; it feeds on vague memories, telescoping, global or floating, particular or symbolic, sensitive to all transfers, screens, censorship or projections.” (21)

After the war, Jean Norton-Cru is one of the first to doubt the authenticity of some testimonies relating to the Great War.  His critical study of the phrase “The standing dead!” launched by Jacques Pericard must question us.  According to Jean Norton-Cru, testimony is never perfect: “Each witness instinctively completes, and according to his own nature, the series of quick sentences, many of which have escaped him.  He fills the blanks instantly and now forgets that they were blanks; voids.  What he thought he saw, he sincerely believes he has seen.  It is therefore almost impossible that on about thirty statements there are two that agree, even approximately.” (22)

The Great War, in the enthusiasm it provokes and through the French victory, gives birth to myths, situations that allow the imagination to reveal the greatness of the sacrifice made during the four years.  Verdun, the heroism of fighters, bayonet charges are all examples that amplify a reality surely less ideal.  The trauma of violence and suffering tends to accentuate the distortion of history in favor of memory.

We can understand that a simple anecdote can become a myth, especially when mystifiers seize it.  In the present case, it is certain that Maurice Barrés, using Gérard Bauer’s article and Father Jamin’s letter, facilitated the diffusion of this myth.

It was from the summer of 1934 that the affair of Abraham Bloch resurfaced in the community when the Patriotic Union of French Jews led by Mr. Edmond Bloch uses the gesture of the Chief Rabbi to celebrate the fraternity of the trenches and, above all, to fight against anti-Semitism.  Contrary to what Maurice Rajsfus thinks, the Patriotic Union did not invent the myth of Abraham Bloch.  It has used it for its own sake, to revive unity among veterans as intolerance develops and the memory of Sacred Union is erased from the minds as the nation suffers social and economic crises.  Admittedly, it is a political maneuver on the part of Edmond Bloch, who seizes the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the death of the chief rabbi to demonstrate the action of his movement.  But the members of the Patriotic Union as their co-religionists are convinced of the authenticity of the gesture.  This symbol, while paying tribute to the rabbi, must popularize this association which has just been founded.  Faced with the rise of the leagues and the involvement of many Jews in the progressive parties, Edmond Bloch and his friends consider it necessary to regroup patriotic Jews, viscerally attached to the maintenance of the republican order.

In this context, it is necessary to understand the role of the Patriotic Union when its president decides [upon] the erection of a stele in memory of the chief rabbi near the Anozel pass in September 1934, the place where Abraham Bloch fell.  If there is not a political aspect here, this monument is part of the will to make a pious homage to a personality and to keep alive the collective memory.

With the implicit support of the central and Paris presidencies, in the presence of numerous rabbinical authorities, including the chief rabbi of Nancy Paul Haguenauer, and politicians, such as Mathieu Prefect of the Vosges and Georges Rivollet Minister of Pensions, Edmond Bloch delivers a strong speech noticed that testifies to this patriotic mentality while bringing a new version of Abraham Bloch’s gesture:

“… He leaned over to a wounded man, who took him for a Catholic priest and asked him for absolution. – “I’m not a Catholic, my poor friend, I’m a rabbi.” – “Can you not at least get me a crucifix?”

A Catholic stretcher priest was passing nearby, carrying, with one of his comrades, a wounded man on a stretcher.  The chief rabbi asked him if he possessed a crucifix: the priest had one, but on his chest, inside his cloak; without giving up his stretcher, he indicated it to Abraham Bloch who opened the garment, took the crucifix and brought it to the wounded…” (23)

Where and how was Edmond Bloch able to gather this new information?  According to Rene Lisbon, a member of the Patriotic Union and friend of the lawyer, Father Jamin himself would have described the scene. (24)  In this case, why is the priest who has become a witness not invited to the demonstration to make his own declaration?  His testimony would certainly have had more impact on the public.

Also, [for] everyone – a lack of concrete and direct evidence – can give free rein to his imagination provided that it fits in the direction of the Sacred Union.  The adherents of the Patriotic Union are sensitive to this idea, as their spokesperson always says: “… More than the other French, we owe it to our country.  The natural, sentimental, affective bonds which unite all Frenchmen to the common mother are common to all.  We add one more: gratitude.”

This event draws the attention of the community press, which sees in Edmond Bloch’s action only a veteran’s action which is part of the continuity of the Sacred Union.

Late 1937, the death of the chief rabbi is again reminded to the community.  The consistory of Lyon proposes to erect a monument to the memory of its chief rabbi on a large square in the city. (25)  Edouard Herriot, the radical mayor, is in favor of the project.  In a letter of January 31, 1938, he informed the Chief Rabbi Bernard Schoenberg that the city council grants Antonin-Gourju Place for the construction of the monument.

From the beginning, the project raises reactions.  The chief rabbi of Lyon, supported by his colleagues from the Central Consistory, including Israel Levi, oppose the erection of a statue representing the chief rabbi bringing a crucifix to the wounded.  The religious objection is valid. The Chief Rabbi of France recalls the hostility of Judaism to any image carved according to the commandment “You shall not make a carved image, nor any figure of what is in the sky above or on the earth below or in the waters below the earth.“ (Exodus, 20).  It should be noted that no community has made a work of this type in synagogue courts or Jewish cemeteries.

But the hostility is even stronger on the side of the local population.  If the Israelites, as a whole, are in favor of the project because they see the recognition of the city, the anti-Semites refuse the construction of such a monument, as reported in a confidential note from Lucien Coquenheim, chairman of the committee of Lyon:

“… But this (religious) objection, which may not have been absolutely insurmountable, is today largely overtaken by the anti-Semitic objection, which has broken the non-Jewish unanimity, without which the initial project loses, singularly, of its meaning and scope.  Since then, it is no longer a work of social peace that will continue the erection of the monument, but will cause a fight, during which a Chief Rabbi will be unjustly slandered, thus reaching all French Judaism.” (26)

In 1938, the city of the radical Herriot knows many antisemitic disturbances caused by members of the Action Française and local leagues.  It is easy to speak of anti-Semitic coalition against the project, because the nationalists are organized and put pressure on the municipal council to abandon the idea of a monument dedicated to a Jew, moreover a great rabbi.

According to a confidential report from the Lyon committee, mention is made of threats to members of the community and doubts on the part of the population about the sacrifice of Abraham Bloch.  Lucien Coquenheim is obliged to conduct an investigation into the actions of anti-Semites:

“The investigation pursued by the members of the Lyon committee, among survivors, in recent months, has allowed them to discover that emissaries have been sent to these witnesses to make sure of the meaning in which they will testify.  So, the campaign is ready, it is waiting for a pretext to be triggered; the official announcement of the erection.

The thought of the Lyon committee is dominated by two principles:

– Do not provide our opponents the “pretext” that will trigger the campaign before being ready for the fight;

– Do not seem to give in to antisemitic blackmail.” (27)

L’Action Française, through its hawkers, is struggling to cancel the project.  A real campaign is organized to which the Lyons committee does not intend to answer.  Leaflets are distributed; posters pasted.  The Lyon public remains suspicious.  In this context, Albert Manuel suggests to Lucien Coquenheim to conduct a more thorough investigation into the conditions of the death of the Chief Rabbi.  The Consistory of Paris finances the proceedings of the Lyon committee, responsible for finding and interviewing witnesses.  From February to July 1938, the survivors of this time are contacted.  Lucien Coquenheim meets the abbots Jamin, Guyetant and Rouchouze, the pastor Rivet, the doctor-major Raymond and the teacher of Taintrux, Mrs. Richard.

The testimonies bring nothing concrete.  On the contrary!  Doubt persists about the act of the chief rabbi.  No one is able to confirm whether the chief rabbi brought a crucifix to the soldier and died after this act.

Father Jamin and Pastor Rivet are content to explain their absence at this time.  Confirming his letter of September 1914, Father Jamin asserts, however, that he keeps the information of a soldier who told him this story.  But he is unable to mention the name of the witness in question.

Father Guyetant, not mentioned in the testimonies since 1914, but a former stretcher-bearer, confirms the fact that the rabbi had fallen to about twenty meters from him, but he does not mention his gesture.  Worse, according to him, chief rabbi Abraham Bloch would have received absolution: “… Monsieur l’Abbe saw the rabbi fall 15 or 20 meters away from him.  As he wore a cassock, Catholic priest stretcher-bearers mistook him for a Catholic chaplain gave him absolution.” (28)

Monsignor Rouchouze does not appear as an eyewitness either and considers that the medical officer is perhaps the only person to know the truth.  But the latter’s statement addressed to Albert Manuel on April 14, 1938, confirms his statement mentioned in the march journal of the stretcher corps:

“… towards the end of the morning, we finished the evacuation of an emergency station located in Anozel, when this post was bombarded.  There were only a few wounded left on stretchers and a number of stretcher-bearers insufficient to carry them.  The chaplains then spontaneously joined the stretcher bearers to carry the last stretchers.

It was thus while carrying a wounded man that one of the chaplains whom I later learned, Rabbi Bloch was killed by shrapnel, at some distance from the village of Anozel.” (29)

Twenty years later, the memory of the doctor-major is intact, except that the chief rabbi died in the late afternoon.

Since, according to one version, Abraham Bloch was searching for the crucifix, he could have reached a house in the hope of finding one.  Lucien Coquenheim contacted the village teacher, present at the time of the bombing and withdrawal of French troops.  In a letter addressed to the grand rabbi’s daughter in June 1938, she is also unable to mention the circumstances of Abraham Bloch’s death: “… The Catholic chaplains and others immediately gave him all the responsibility.  I was told that your father asked a Catholic confrere for a crucifix-so I do not know if he really went to get one from a house’ that’s a very accurate memory…” (30)

In full retreat and under a shower of shells, the urgency is above all the evacuation of the wounded.  Can we imagine Abraham Bloch abandoning his duties as a stretcher bearer to fetch a crucifix when the battle is raging?  Especially since the nearest house, where may be a crucifix, is more than 350 meters away.  Could not the grand rabbi have the presence of mind to ask a soldier for a crucifix?

As for Father Dubodel, it is impossible to collect his testimony.

In the fall of 1938, for lack of sufficient evidence, the Lyon committee definitively abandoned the project.  The chief rabbinate prefers this solution, considering that it is not useful to accentuate the discord between the French.  With bitterness, Lucien Coquenheim writes: “… the presence of the chief Rabbi delegates, leaders of French Judaism seems to us indispensable.  Because their absence, because of the protest raised by our opponents, would be interpreted in Lyon as a disavowal of the ceremony or gesture or both.” (31)

Even the chief rabbi of France, namely Israel Levi, no longer intervenes in the debate.  Yet he was the friend of Abraham Bloch and the first to unveil Father Chauvin’s letter in the community press.  Did he also doubt the famous gesture, while in full union sacred, he was convinced?

Doubt remains.  Have there been mystifiers?  For what purpose and for what profit?

Perhaps Father Jamin embellished the story, both out of sympathy for the chief rabbi and for the sake of magnifying the Sacred Union.  The open-mindedness of Abraham Bloch and his cheerful and always voluntary attitude strongly impressed the coprs of the stretcher bearers.  With the five priests, he showed another image of the Jew, thus breaking many prejudices.  Here is a patriotic rabbi, devoted to the cause, and brave!

Father Dubodel never denied or confirmed the authenticity of the act.  No doubt he did not wish to denigrate this alluring image which had already invaded the memory and which symbolized so well the Sacred Union …  It is the same for the chief rabbi Israel Levi who, heir to the science of Judaism and professor at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes, preferred to maintain this myth rather than reduce it to a simple anecdote.

A symbol of the Sacred Union and glorification of Jewish patriotism, even after the Second World War, the image of the gesture of the Chief Rabbi is still present in the minds.  The chief rabbi of France Jacob Kaplan, himself a veteran of the Great War, retains from this example the persistence of concord, fundamental to all nations:

“… It will not perish at last because it will always speak to the French soul which unites in a harmonious agreement the most diverse tendencies, in the manner of this splendid Vosges landscape … yes, it will always speak to the the soul of France so comprehensive and so liberal because France can not, not be in love with grandeur and heroism, humanity and generosity.

The gesture of Taintrux, an example of union on the battlefield is also a symbol of understanding during peace.” (32)

Raised to the level of national and community myth, the story of the death of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch is still not closed.  The debate thus remains open…

(1) Maurice Barres, The Diverse Spiritual Families of France, Emile-Paul, 1917, p. 93.
(2) ACIP, Abraham Bloch file.  SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds.
(3) L’Univers israélite, January 1, 1915.
(4) SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds, notebook, August 8, 1914.
(5) Ibid., August 27, 1914.
(6) SHAT, file 26 N.145.  Journals of 14th Corps.
(7) Ibid.
(8) SHAT, file 26 N.154.  Medical Service Journal, August 29, 1914.
(9) SHAT, file 22 N.1033.  Operations of the stretcher-bearer group, August 29, 1914.
(10) SHAT, file 26 N.154.
(11) ACIP, PV series.  General meeting of May 30, 1915.
(12) SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds.  Letter from Father Jamin to Mrs. Bloch, September 24, 1914.
(13) Les Archives israélites, November 5, 1914.
(14) L’Univers israélite, October 8, 1915.
(15) Maurice Barrés, op. cit., p. 93.
(16) The Revue des Deux Mondes, March 1, 1916, p. 66.
(17) Fernand Jamin, Advice to Young People After the Victory, Perrin, 1921, p. 89.
(18) See David H. Weinberg, The Jews in Paris from 1933 to 1939, Calmann-Lévy, 1974, p. 107, Maurice Rajsfus, Be Jewish and Shut Up!, E.D.I, 1981, pp. 214-215, and Michel Abitbol, The Two Promised Lands – The Jews of France and Zionism, Olivier Orban, 1989, p. 281.
(19) Michel Abitbol, op. cit., p. 281.
(20) G. de Puymege, “The Soldier Chauvin” (pp. 45-80), and Antoine Prost, “The Trench of Bayonets” (pp. 111-141), Places of memory. The Nation, t. 2, under the direction of Pierre Nora, Gallimard, 1986.
(21) Pierre Nora, “Between memory and history”, Les Lieux de mémoire, t. 1, p. XIX.
(22) Jean Norton-Cru, From the Testimony, Éditions Allia, 1989, p. 25.
(23) L’Univers israélite, September 7, 1934.
(24) Ibid.
(25) ACIP, carton B.134. Year 1938, project of erection of a monument for Abraham Bloch.
(26) Ibid.
(27) Ibid.
(28) Ibid.
(29) ACIP, carton B.134.  Year 1938, received letters.
(30) SIF, Abraham Bloch fonds. Letter from Mrs. Richard to Mrs. Netter (daughter of Chief Rabbi Abraham Bloch) of June 17, 1938.
(31) ACIP, carton B.134.
(32) Journal of Communities, No. 202, September 1958.

Abbreviations

ACIP: Association consistoriale israélite de Paris
SHAT: Service historique de l’armée de terre (SHAT Vincennes)
SIF: Séminiare israélite de France (Paris)

References

Landau, Philippe-E., Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre – Un patriotisme républicain, CNRS Editions, Paris, France, 1999

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (1914-1918) (Israelites [Jews] in the French Army), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve [Forward to the Second Edition], Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2000)

Page listing Rabbi Abraham Bloch’s name in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (the notations and “doodles” (!) are my own)

Postcard of Lucien Lévy-Dhurmer’s painting of Rabbi Abraham Bloch holding a crucifix before a dying soldier (“Künstler-AK Le Grand Rabbin Aumonier Abraham Bloch, Rabbi als Feldgeistlicher”), at oldthing.de

Photograph of Rabbi Abraham Bloch, at Judaica Algeria

The Ambivalence of Acceptance – The Acceptance of Ambivalence I: “The Jews and The War”, by Maurice Barres, in The Jewish Exponent, July 26, 1918

“I hold my life as wholly sacrificed, but if fate should be kind enough to spare me, after the war I shall consider my life as no longer belonging to me, and, after having done my duty towards France, I shall devote myself to the great and unhappy Jewish people from whom I am descended.” 

A perennial, central, and universal aspect of human nature has been the need for acceptance – and the validation of that acceptance – by one’s surrounding culture, society, and nation.  The overlapping motivations for this range from the pragmatic and material, to even the spiritual – at least in so far as politics being a substitute for religion.  The paradox with the need for validation – whether it be for an individual, or, for the “place” of a distinct group – is that typically, that very validation is accorded greater credence when it emanates from one who is unafillated with, and ultimately in opposition, to that very person or group.

A striking example of this was manifest as the cover article of The Jewish Exponent (of Philadelphia) in its issue of July 26, 1918, published only four months before the end of the Great War.  Entitled “The Jews and The War,” the essay is an English-language translation of a chapter within Maurice Barrès’ 1917 book Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France (The Various Spiritual Families of France), entitled “les Israelites” (“The Israelites”).

As such (you can view the book’s table of contents by scrolling below…) that chapter was one of five (or six, depending on how you interpret the text!) of the book’s eleven chapters, which taken together focused upon the various groups within and comprising the nation of France, whose unity Barrès deemed essential to the survival of that nation at a time of existential crisis.  Noteble is the fact that while two of these “families” – Catholics and Protestants – are defined by religious belief and doctrine; a fourth – the Socialists – can be termed political (with economics thrown in for the mix?); and the fifth – the Traditionalists – one might be deemed cultural. 

Ultimately, Barrès title subsumes and equalizes all these groups within the larger whole of France, as, families.  And, among these national families of France is the Jewish people, a family defined not only in terms of terms of the nature of its religous belief (or, disbelief, as the case may be), but simultaneously with a particular land, and ultimately, peoplehood – the Jewish people.  In his discussion about the Jews of France, rather than engage in a lengthy religious, philosophical, or political exegesis, Barrès simply presents accounts about the enlistment, military service, and death in action of three French Jewish soldiers: Sous Lieutenant Amadee Rothstein, Sous Lieutenant Robert Walter Hertz, and Caporal Robert Cahen. 

The examples of these three men – three, alas, of very many – seem to have been chosen based on their ancestry, the symbolism inherent to their stories, and finally, the sense of literary expression evident in their correspondence with friends, family, and even in literary or academic journals: Rothstein (from the fourth Arrondissement?), a proud Zionist, born in Cairo in 1891; Hertz, a student of the Normal College and professor of philosophy in the college of Douai, born in Saint Cloud in 1891, to a father of German Jewish ancestry; Cahen, a graduate of the Normal College and freethinker who wrote, “I do not believe in any dogma of any religion.”  “I have just read the Bible.  It is for me a collection of tales, of old and charming stories.  I do not look for, nor do I find in it anything else but poetic emotions.” – None and nevertheless, a Jew.  

Obviously – ! – Barrès penned his book in French, (I don’t know if an English-language translation exists, the 1917 edition being available at archive.org., while you can – I think! – more easily read the chapter in its original French text, transcribed here.)  In that light, it’s interesting that the Exponent did not mention the name of the text’s translator.  Could this person have been M. Marcel Knecht, mentioned in the article’s preface as a member of the French High Commission to the United States? 

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You can read the full text of Barrès’ article / chapter – as presented in the Exponent – below, transcribed verbatim, below. 

I’ve supplemented the text by including “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” forms (for example, see my earlier post, Three Soldiers – Three Brothers? – Fallen for France: Hermann, Jules, and Max Boers) Cards for Rothstein, Hertz, and Cahen, listing biographical information about each soldier as derived from both the Cards and other sources, such as l’Univers Israélite (reviewed at the Dorot Jewish Division of the New York Public Library), and the 2000 reprint of Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921.  To enable you to distiniguish between my textual additions and the original article, more easily, this information is presented in maroon-colored text, like this

To place the lives of these three men in greater perspective, at the “end” of this rather lengthy post, I’ve listed the names of French Jewish soldiers, and German Jewish soldiers, who lost their lives on the same dates as Rothstein, Hertz, and Cahen.  The record for each of the French Jewish soldiers comprises that soldier’s 1) rank, 2) country or land of birth, and, 3) the geographic location where he was killed.  All these names were obtained from the SGA’s Base des Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale (Database of Killed for France in the First World War) database.  And, the record for each of the German Jewish soldiers comprises the soldier”s name, rank, military unit, and (where known) place of burial.  Notably, of the eighty-eight French Jewish soldiers who were killed in action or died of wounds on May 9, 1916, the names of twenty-seven men do not appear in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française

(Amidst discussion of a stark and haunting topic, a technical point:  The databases at the SGA website give access to an extraordinary trove of historical and genealogical information.  But, while records can be searched using the soldier’s date of birth, there is no search field for the date on which a casualty was incurred.  Okay, back to the discussion…)

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What about Maurice Barrès’; what about his article?

The animating idea underlying M. Marcel Knecht’s laudatory introduction to Barrès’ article is that the circumstances of the Great War, with the nation of France in peril and its survival dependent upon the steadfast unity of all elements of its population, caused a sea-change – a “great transformation” (adopting Karl Polanyi’s appelation from an entirely different topic…), as it were – in the latter’s perception of the Jews of France.  (And perhaps indirectly – albeit unaddressed in the essay – Jews, “in general”?  But, that’s speculation…)  This changed perception centrally manifested itself in terms of a straightforward appreciation of the dedication, valor, and willingness for self-sacrifice on the part of French Jewish soldiers, and secondarily, as the consequent willingness to accord the Jews of France a place within and of the national body – a place symbolic; yet a place quite real – paralleling that of other groups which together comprise the French nation.

But, that’s simplifying things a little.  The issue at hand is more complex, for Barrès actually divides the Jews of France into two distinct groups.

One group is comprised of those Jews whose families have a long tradition of residence and ancestry in France, as evidenced in the opening paragraph, “Many Jews, settled in our midst for generations and centuries, are natural members of the national body,” and later, “But there are other Jews in large numbers, rooted for centuries and generations in the soul of France, and intimately identified with the joys and sorrows of the national life.”

Second, those Jews whose connection to France is been less immediate both temporally and geographically, their hhaving been born and raised in the country’s colonies (such as Algeria), or whose immediate ancestry even derives from the land of the nation’s foe, Germany, epitomized in the adjective “adopted”.  This is seen in such comments as as, “Passing on to another portion of this category of adopted ones who conduct themselves as good Frenchmen in order to pay for and justify their adoption, I advance positive evidence, which brings us before a noble and ardent soul and introduces us into the midst of the intimate sufferings of Gallicized Israel,” and, “Let us now come a little nearer, and from this friend from the outside let us proceed to our adopted ones.” 

In any case, however well-written the essay, Barrès’ closing and ending sentences are revealing, and a sign – perhaps intentional; perhaps taken-for-granted – of his perception of the nature and “place” (a place real; a place symbolic) of the Jewish people in the world, and in history.

First, there’s the sentence with which the very article commences, “For Israel in his eternal wandering, choosing a country is a matter of great importance.”  Israel – the Jewish people – is definied by definition and nature as a wanderer; as eternally homeless, despite finding homes – a secularized political version of a Christian theological definition.  Curiously, this seems at odds (perhaps Barrès’ himself neither perceived nor contemplated the contradiction!) with a not-so-passing reference to the re-establishment of a Jewish nation-state:Did he [Amedee Rothstein] expect to obtain from the victory of the Allies the realization of the curious plans, which are not without grandeur, of Doctor Herzl, or did he, more simply and with more certainty, desire to increase through sacrifice the moral force and prestige of Israel?  One word which he uttered leaves no doubt of the strength and direction of his thought.  He told his friends he would meet them after the war in Palestine.” 

And, the closing paragraph, in reference to the death of Rabbi Abraham Bloch:

“The old families rooted for generations in the French soil will take, as their typical hero and standard-bearer, the Chief Rabbi of Lyons, who falls on the field of Honor offering a crucifix to the dying Catholic soldiers. 

“In the village of Taintrux, near Saint-Die, in the Vosges, on the 29th of August, 1914 (on a Saturday, the sacred day of the Jews), the field hospital of the 14th Corps catches fire under the German bombardment.  The stretcher-bearers, amid flames and explosions, carry away 150 wounded.  One of the latter, mortally struck, asks for a crucifix.  He asks it of M. Abraham Bloch, the Jewish chaplain, whom he takes for the Catholic chaplain.  M. Bloch bestirs himself, he seeks, he finds, he brings to the dying man the symbol of the faith of the Christians.  And a few steps further on, a shell strikes him down.  He dies in the arms of the Catholic chaplain, Father Jamin, a Jesuit Father, whose testimony is proof of this incident. 

“No comment could add aught to the feeling of sympathy inspired in us by such an act, so full of human tenderness.  A long procession of instances has just shown us Israel striving in the war to demonstrate his attitude towards France.  Step by step we have risen; here fraternity spontaneously meets its perfect gesture; the old Rabbi presenting to the dying soldier the immortal sign of Christ on the cross is a picture that will never perish.”

Aside from the historicity (actually, the lack thereof) of Barrès’ account of Rabbi Abraham Bloch’s death (about which you can read much more in English and French, from a translation and transcript, respectively, of the chapter “Mythe et réalité: la mort du grand rabbin Abraham Bloch“, from Philippe-E. Landau’s Les Juifs de France et la Grande Guerre) I’m struck by the symbolism and power of this tale in terms of the self-identity of French Jewry.  It parallels (if it doesn’t even unintentionally anticipate!) the story of “The Four Chaplains” – at least, as reported during and promulgated after the Second World War – vis-a-vis the self-perception of American Jewry.  (There were many other Jewish men – both soldiers and Merchant Marine crewmen – who became casualties during the loss of the U.S.S. Dorchester on February 3, 1943, whose names have vanished from history.  Maybe more about that topic in the future…)

Anyway, back to Maurice Barrès’, the writer; the journalist; the politician, and simply, the man… 

Born in 1862, he was fifty-five years old when Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France was published in 1917.  He died only six years later, in 1923. 

Did the composition of “les Israelites”, within Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France, mark a genuine sea-change in his beliefs about and attitude towards the Jewish people, or did this signify only a temporary moderation, modified by expediency, from his prior beliefs about the Jews – most evident during the Dreyfus Affair?  I do not know.  Now do I know if subsequent to 1917 he penned anything further about the Jewish people.  (A cursory web search seems to yield no further writings in this vein.)  Well, it’s notable that For And Against Dreyfus mentions that he, “…deduced Dreyfus’s guilt “by his race”, while in 1897, Les Déracinés, the first volume of his trilogy Roman de l’énergie nationale, rejected the legacy of the Enlightenment, which had made a moron of France.”   However, his biography at Wikipedia (being cognizant of Wikipedia’s ideological bias) states, “During World War I, Barrès was one of the proponents of the Union Sacrée, which earned him the nickname “nightingale of bloodshed” (“rossignol des carnages”).  … During the war Barrès also partly came back on the mistakes of his youth, by paying tribute to French Jews in Les familles spirituelles de la France, where he placed them as one of the four elements of the “national genius”, alongside Traditionalists, Protestants and Socialists – thus opposing himself to Maurras who saw in them the “four confederate states” of “Anti-France”.” 

There is a winding road between these two extremes.  Perhaps Barrès took only a temporary detour from a certain well-established ideological path; perhaps hegenuinely navigated to a land of different belief.  Perhaps he remained somewhere between; perhaps the issue became moot, after a time.

In any event, onwards to his article, which you can view, and read, below.

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The Jews And The War
By Maurice Barres
Member of the French Academy

(Translation for The Jewish Exponent)

The article here presented for the first time in an English translation is notable not only because it comes from the pen of a member of the French Academy and one of the foremost European litterateurs of the day but because the glowing tribute paid to the Jewish people has been written by one who in the past has stood on the side of the enemies of the race, having lent his influence to the unenlightened activities of the anti-Semites.  His new realization of the intrinsic worth of the Jews as a people and of the immense services which the Jews have rendered to the cause of France and her Allies in the great struggle for the freedom of the world, constitutes one more conversion of striking significance and illustrates anew one of the remarkable effects of the great awakening brought forth by the war.  The author himself does not hesitate to refer to his change of views and in reviewing the correspondence of Robert Hertz, he says, “On various occasions my own name, now condemned, now praised, recurs under his pen, and I listen to our agreements and disagreements with the greatest attention, FOR THE WAR LEAVES US NOTHING, WHICH WE SHOULD REFUSE TO REVISE.”  The article consists of a chapter from “Les Diverses Families Spirituelles de la France” (The Various Spiritual Families of France), a book by M. Barres, just published, in which the distinguished author describes how the diverse population of France has been welded into one whole by the struggle against a common enemy, and pays enthusiastic tribute to the different classes of people living in the country, which have attested their loyalty by sacrifice.  M. Marcel Knecht, a member of the French High Commission to this country, who recently wrote in the Jewish press on the important role which the French Jews have played and are still playing in the present struggle, paid particular attention to the new book of M. Barres, asking for it the special consideration of the Jews in this country, “because this book contains the greatest praise for the Jewish attitude in the war.”  He said further: “This book was written by a man who, during the Dreyfus affair, and who since has always been on the other side of the barrier.  He is a Lorrainer, a great French writer, a member of the French Academy, a man occupying a great official position in the Nationalist Party of France, Maurice Barres, who was not particularly considered a friend of the Jews.  He has written in this book a great chapter on the Jews, praising their heroism.”

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MAURICE BARRÈS

OF THE FRENCH ACADEMY
PRESIDENT OF THE LEAGUE OF PATRIOTS

THE VARIOUS SPIRITUAL FAMILIES OF FRANCE

PARIS
EMILE-PAUL FRÈRES, EDITORS
100, RUE DE FAIBOURG-SAINT-HONORÉ. 100
PLACE BEAUVAU
1917
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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapters. – Pages.

I  Our diversities disappear on August 4, 1914 – 1
II  … And reappear in the army – 9
III  The Catholics – 19
IV  The Protestants – 51
V  The Israelites – 67
VI  The Socialists – 90
VII  The Traditionalists – 137
VIII  Catholics, Protestants, Socialists, all defending France, defend their particular faith – 193
IX  An already legendary night (Christmas 1914) – 205
X  Twenty-year-old soldiers devote themselves to creating a more beautiful France – 215
XI  This profound unanimity, we will continue to live it – 259

Notes and Appendix – 269

PRINTING CHAIX, RUE BERGERE, 20, PARIS – 842-1-17. (Lucre Lurilleux)

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For Israel in his eternal wandering, choosing a country is a matter of great importance.  His country is not always a heritage from his ancestors; he acquires it then by an act of his free will, and he assumes his citizenship as a quality of which he is anxious to prove himself. 

Many Jews, settled in our midst for generations and centuries, are natural members of the national body, but they are concerned that their newly-arrived co-religionists should prove their loyalty.  In the early days of the war, when a hostile feeling rose up in the ancient Parisian Ghetto (in the fourth Arrondissement) against the Jews from Russia, Poland, Rumania and Turkey, a meeting was held in the home of one of the editors of the newspaper, The Jewish People (Le People Juif), of which it published a report, “Do you not think, “ said one, “that it is necessary to organize a special service for enlisted foreign Jews in order that it may become known that the Jews have also brought forward their contingent?”

The same day an appeal in French and Yiddish was addressed to the immigrant Jews inviting them to come and register in the rooms of the Jewish People’s University, 8 Rue de Jarente.  It was received with enthusiasm, and, says The Jewish People, “Not one Jewish tradesman in the Jewish quarter failed to display a copy of it in his show window very prominently.”  On the very next day, an enormous crowd thronged the rooms of the Jewish People’s University.  Each one wished to be registered as soon as possible, and to be in possession of the card certifying to his enlistment, the magic card which opened the ranks of police officers and calmed the wrath of janitors and over-zealous neighbors.  (Le People Juif, October, 1916.)

Eager young men, intellectuals, it seems, questioned, informed, exhorted, and registered these motley recruits.  The most zealous was a 22 year old Jew, a student of the engineering school, small, frail, with gleaming, almost feverish eyes, with a strong and aggressive spirit.  This young enthusiast dreamed of creating a veritable Jewish legion.  Rothstein was a Zionist.  By this devotion given to France, he was sure that he was serving the cause of Israel. 

How did he understand it?  Did he expect to obtain from the victory of the Allies the realization of the curious plans, which are not without grandeur, of Doctor Herzl, or did he, more simply and with more certainty, desire to increase through sacrifice the moral force and prestige of Israel?  One word which he uttered leaves no doubt of the strength and direction of his thought.  He told his friends he would meet them after the war in Palestine. 

When all had enlisted, he himself signed the sheet. 

Having departed as a simple soldier, Amidee Rothstein was promoted second lieutenant then mentioned in an army order “for having displayed remarkable vigor and coolness to the admiration of the infantry officers and of his men,” and finally made a Knight of the Legion of Honor, “for having particularly distinguished himself on the 25th of September, 1915, by being the first to leave the trenches, and vigorously carrying his men along with him, which helped to give superb dash to our first wave of assault.”

We should like to be familiar with the thought, the wonderments, the sympathies, the hopes of this young hero of Israel amid the soldiers and landscapes of France, in a moral atmosphere so different from his own spirit, but with which he was intoxicated, and wished to enrich himself. 

I have read his analysis of the treatise by Pines on “Yiddish Literature,” an analysis quite brief and unadorned, which makes us regret a more considerable work, “too subjective, too personal,” we are told, which he had devoted to the same subject.  “Such as they are, these ten pages, where he hears the Jewish people speak, reveal his fixed idea, his obsession on the sufferings and hopes of Israel, his gaze towards Palestine.  He seems to place over everything the feeling of national pride, which he endeavors to reconcile with the ideal of humanity.” 

We have his ultima verba, in a letter addressed to his chaplain, Mr. Leon Sommer.  “At the present moment,” says he, “I hold my life as wholly sacrificed, but if fate should be kind enough to spare me, after the war I shall consider my life as no longer belonging to me, and, after having done my duty towards France, I shall devote myself to the great and unhappy Jewish people from whom I am descended.  My dear chaplain, in case I should die, I should very much like to sleep under the Shield of David.  A Mogen David would rock me with a last thrill and my soul would he happy in the thoughts of sleeping my eternal sleep under the shadow of the emblem of Zion. 

On the 18th of August, 1916, Lieutenant Rothstein fell at the head of his men, struck by a bullet in the forehead. 

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Sous Lieutenant Amadee Rothstein

Sous Lieutenant, 1635, France (Egypte), Armée de Terre, Legion d’Honneur
Légion étrangère, Regiment de Marche de la Legion Etranger
(“En subsistance au 4eme Regiment de Afrique”)
Killed by the enemy [Tué a l’ennemi] August 18, 1916 at Fortin Route du Fort de Vaux / Verdun a Vaux, Meuse, France
Born June 20, 1891, Cairo, Egypt

l’Univers Israélite
9/8/16 (article), 11/16/17
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921, p. 72 (“Rothstein, Amedee”)
l’Univers Israélite: “Inhume a Haudainville (Meuse), avec le ministere de M. Sommer, aumonier militaire.  Il aviat ete cite deux fois a l’ordre de l’armee en fait chevalier de la Legion d’honneur”

Specific place of burial unknown

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There is something painful and alluring in the destiny of a young spirit who regards the world exclusively through the Jewish nation, and who dies in the service of those he loves most, but from whom he insisted on being distinguished.  It is one of the innumerable trials of wandering Israel. 

Let us now come a little nearer, and from this friend from the outside let us proceed to our adopted ones. 

The Algerian Jews, during the war, show us Israel just united to French civilization, and ardently eager to partake of our rights, our duties and our sentiments.  Forty-five years ago they had not a single right.  Cremieux suddenly granted them a privilege which greatly upset the Arabs.  He decreed them French citizens.  The nobility of this title, the prerogative attached to it, and our education seem to have transformed them into patriots.  Their fathers were only familiar with commerce, but they thrilled with the call to arms.  They departed, I am told, with great enthusiasm.  A witness assures me that they were heard to exclaim: “We will throw ourselves on the Boche, and we will bury our bayonets in their bodies with the battle cry of the Eternal.” 

The cry is superb, and carries out imagination back to old Biblical times and to the Maccabaean epic.  One authorized to speak in their name writes me as follows: 

“They are serving for the most part in the Zouaves, and were there (until recently) in the proportion of one in four.  They have fought in the battle of Belgium, of the Marne (particularly at Chamigay), before Soissons, in Arras, on the Yser, in Champagne, at Verdun, on the Somme, at the Dardanelles, in Servia.  It is especially in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 8th Zouaves, which included them in the beginning.  The 45th Division, formed in Oran of reservists and territorialists, is the one which went through Paris the first days of September, and which was immediately sent by Galliene to the neighborhood of Meuse, there to deliver the blow which was decisive.”

Passing on to another portion of this category of adopted ones who conduct themselves as good Frenchmen in order to pay for and justify their adoption, I advance positive evidence, which brings us before a noble and ardent soul and introduces us into the midst of the intimate sufferings of Gallicized Israel. 

I have before me the family correspondence of Robert Hertz, student of the Normal College, professor of philosophy in the college of Douai, founder of the Socialist Memoranda, the son of a German Jew.  And it is this last circumstance which constitutes the tragedy of his position and his psychology.  His letters to his wife are admirable in their fullness and warmth.  I should not be fair to him if I did not mention his love for his hearthstone, his vigorous intellectual curiosity which operates in the most original manner even in the course of the war, his entire satisfaction with that military discipline where he satisfied what he calls his “nostalgia for the absent cathedral,” and finally his indomitable and deliberate will [to] go “to the limit.”  On various occasions my own name, now condemned, now praised, recurs under his pen, and I listen to our agreements and disagreements with the greatest attention, for the war leaves us nothing which we should refuse to revise.  But I shall not stop; I hurry on almost brutally, for the very honor of this Robert Hertz, to his naked and quivering thought, “If I fall,” he writes to his wife, “I shall have discharged only a very small part of my debt to our country.” 

And on this point this splendid passage:

“My dearest, I recall my dreams when I was very little, and later a student in d’Alma Avenue.  With all my being, I wanted to be a Frenchman, to deserve to be one, to prove that I was one, and I dreamed glorious deeds in the war against William.  Then this desire for “integration” took another form, for my Socialism proceeded largely from it.

“Now the old boyish dream lives again in me, more ardent than ever.  I am grateful to my chiefs who accept me as their subordinate, to the men whom I am proud to command, to them, the children of a people truly elect.  Yes, I am filled with gratitude to the fatherland which receives me and crowns me.  Nothing will be too much to pay for that, so my little lad can always walk with head erect, and, in the France restored, to free from the torment which poisoned many hours of our childhood and youth.  ‘Am I a Frenchman?  Do I deserve to be one?  No, little one you will have a country and yes you will be able to walk proudly on the earth, nourishing yourself with this assurance:  ‘My daddy was there, and he gave everything to France.’  As for me, if I need any, this thought is the sweetest reward.

There was something in the position of the Jews, especially in the recently arrived German Jews, which was dubious and irregular, clandestine and spurious.  I consider this war as a welcome opportunity to ‘regularize the situation’ for ourselves and for our children.  Afterwards, they will be able to work, if they so please, for the super and international ideal, but first of all, one must demonstrate by deeds that one is not beneath the national ideal.

The author of this testament signed it with his blood, certified it with his death, Robert Hertz was killed on the 13th of April, 1915, at Marcheville, at the time second lieutenant in the 330th Infantry.  I do not think it would be possible to find a text revealing with greater strength and feeling the passionate desire of Israel to lose himself in the French soul. 

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Sous Lieutenant Robert Walter Hertz

Sous Lieutenant, 453, Armée de Terre, 330eme Regiment d’Infanterie
Killed by the enemy [Tué a l’ennemi] April 13, 1915; Died on the field [Mort sur le terrain] at Marcheville, Meuse, France
Born June 22, 1881, Saint Cloud, Seine, France

l’Univers Israélite
10/8/15
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921, p. 42
l’Univers Israélite: “Eleve diplome de l’Ecole des Hautes-Etudes”

Place of burial unknown

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Such are the Jews recently arrived among us and in whom the unreasoning, almost animal part which there is in our love for our fatherland does not exist.  Their patriotism is wholly spiritual, an act of the will, a decision, a choice of the spirit.  They prefer France, that country presents itself to them as a freely constituted association.  Moreover, they are able to find in this very condition a reason for devotion, and Robert Hertz, the son of a German, shows us in admirable manner that, knowing himself to have been adopted, he wished to conduct himself in such a way as to be worthy of his adoption.  But there are other Jews in large numbers, rooted for centuries and generations in the soul of France, and intimately identified with the joys and sorrows of the national life.  I ask myself what patriotic support do they find in their religion?  What remains in them of pious Israel of old, and what aid does the latter offer to its sons engaged in the war? 

The chief rabbi of the Central Consistory of France, in a letter which I have before me, answers: “My chaplain and myself have, since the beginning of the war, established the fact that there has been a great return of faith among the Jewish soldiers which fuses with their patriotic enthusiasm.”  Nevertheless, I have no documents in my possession.  I point out in simple good faith, the gaps in my investigation.  The documents which I possess on the moral elite among the Jews introduce me only to such spirits as appear to be devoid of their religious tradition.  They are all free thinkers.  [Subsequently, Mr. Barres received a number of communications, revealing the fact that with many of the Jewish soldiers fighting and dying for France, their religion is a great element in the sum of their moral strength.]

The free thinkers who emerge from Catholicism or Protestantism subsist, in large measure, on the ancient Christian foundation; for centuries they have been prepared in the little village churches.  But these Jews, what is their devotion and resignation made of?  What has the spirit of wisdom which rests in the shadow of the old synagogue told them?  Towards what synagogue of Jehovah do they incline when they pronounce the Fiat voluntas tua?  And how do the gradations of their assent group themselves on the moral scale which runs from painful expectancy to joyful eagerness for self-sacrifice.

One young Jew gives us an answer to these great questions.  Roger Cahen, recently graduated from the Normal College, less than 25 years old, is a second lieutenant in the forests of Argonne.  Under the German fire, he gives himself up voluptuously to an inspection of his conscience of which his letters gives us a sketch.  Clear and strong, with all the buddings which promise great talent, they exhale the confidence of a young intellectual who, speaking to his family, to loyal friends, to his old teacher, M. Paul Derjardine, is not afraid to reveal his pride and his spiritual freedom.  They are like to many little meditations where it is clearly seen that the young soldier looks for and finds only himself in all the chaos of this war.  Roger Cahen does not venture beyond the circle of light which is shed by his small inner frame.  “I do not believe in any dogma of any religion,” he writes.  That was his view before the war, he confirms himself in it in December, 1915, two months before his heroic end.  “I have just read the Bible.  It is for me a collection of tales, of old and charming stories.  I do not look for, nor do I find in it anything else but poetic emotions.” 

It is poetic emotions, also, which he looks for in war, and he finds many very beautiful ones.  I believe him entirely when he writes: “I have within me a fund of joyousness without end, a soul which is fresh and pure, receptive to everybody and to every sensation.  Every morning I have the feeling that I have only just been born and that I am seeing the vast world for the first time.”  Certain of his letters written on his knees, in the light of a small wax candle, five meters under the ground, are of great lyric power.  Listen reverently to this fragment of eternal poesy:

“Splendid of the nascent day, no hymn can equal that which rises up in the soul of the men who watch in the trenches, when, after hours of expectance they first feel, and then see appear and grow the light triumphant.  At those moments, I have a whole orchestra within me.  If I could only write down this inward music which no concert will ever restore to me.  If you only knew how rich and beautiful are the emotions of the dearly beloved day into the world.”

In the bottom of the first line trenches he notes down that the only events in his history are “the changes in the natural order, nightfall, dawn, an overcast or starry sky, the war with or the coolness of the air.  This amalgamation with the life of the world gives to our own life an incomprehensible grandeur and beauty” 

Thus bound up with the universal splendor, he defies destiny.  “I am confident that whatever happens today, tomorrow, in a week, I have shown myself lofty enough to dominate events and to look at them only with curiosity.”

All that is summarized in this confession of faith:

“At the risk of appearing insane to you, I declare with all my soul and conscience that I love to be here.  I love the first line trenches as an incomparable “Thinkery.”  Here you retire into yourself, with all your powers concentrated: here you enjoy complete fullness of life.  I am here as under a reflector.  I see myself here under a very keen light with a clearness which better than any study chamber encourages self analysis.”

To each one of his letters, his conclusion is always that henceforth he considers himself a good and strong instrument.  It is the refrain and the mainspring of his daily thought.  He has found his rule of life and his road.  He is sure of himself. 

This is his manner in pronouncing in his turn the flat voluntas tua:

“I endeavor to take advantage of my isolation and of the keenness of mind induced by danger for knowing myself better.  If you only knew with what simplicity one looks upon oneself and judges oneself in this region.  I have succeeded unto the present in maintaining myself in a state of philosophic equanimity and indifference of constant resignation.”

There it is, this universal word, resignation.  And it’s not a word alone, it is indeed the thought.  Very warm and noble, profoundly painful for those who listen to it with perfect sympathy, but for him shot through with a joyful peace:

“I have forbidden myself to pass judgment on the value of the events of my life; I accept them all as opportunities which fate offers me for knowing myself better and for improving myself.”

It is true that he is unique, but how can one read him without loving him, this young intellectual who died at the age of 25 years for France.  Indeed, he is happy that besides here there were Reguy, Psichari, Marcel Drouet and the young Leo Latil, Jean Rival Cazalia, luminous children all.  His spiritual freedom, his isolation, his fine and noble voluptuous nature, are yet a form of courage very elegant and very strong.  Roger Cahen continues, revives, and broadens a conception of life which we so much loved a quarter of a century ago.  He seals it with heroism.  Having fallen in the field of honor, in that Argonne where, for six months he had indefatigably listened to his thoughts, he is cited in the order of the 18th Brigade of Infantry, and wept for, a sergeant tells us, by the men in his company.

______________________________

Caporal Roger Cahen

Caporal, 7586, Armée de Terre, 149eme Regiment d’Infanterie
Killed in combat by gunshot [Tué par coup de feu au combat] May 9, 1915
at Aix-Noulette, Pas-de-Calais, France
Born October 17, 1892, Havre, Seine-Inferieure, France

l’Univers Israélite
12/7/17
Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française 1921, pp. 21 and 26 (Name appears as both “Cahen, Roger” and “Cohen, Roger”)

Place of burial unknown.

______________________________

Roger Cahen, Robert Hertz, Amedee Rothstein, all of these strong individualized figures, present something rare and singular.  I like to follow in their various epochs, the stages, the formation of a personality, the young Jewish intellectual, who for several years has been playing a big role in France, but I do not offer them as representatives of the Jewish French community.  The old families rooted for generations in the French soil will take, as their typical hero and standard-bearer, the Chief Rabbi of Lyons, who falls on the field of Honor offering a crucifix to the dying Catholic soldiers. 

In the village of Taintrux, near Saint-Die, in the Vosges, on the 29th of August, 1914 (on a Saturday, the sacred day of the Jews), the field hospital of the 14th Corps catches fire under the German bombardment.  The stretcher-bearers, amid flames and explosions, carry away 150 wounded.  One of the latter, mortally struck, asks for a crucifix.  He asks it of M. Abraham Bloch, the Jewish chaplain, whom he takes for the Catholic chaplain.  M. Bloch bestirs himself, he seeks, he finds, he brings to the dying man the symbol of the faith of the Christians.  And a few steps further on, a shell strikes him down.  He dies in the arms of the Catholic chaplain, Father Jamin, a Jesuit Father, whose testimony is proof of this incident. 

No comment could add aught to the feeling of sympathy inspired in us by such an act, so full of human tenderness.  A long procession of instances has just shown us Israel striving in the war to demonstrate his attitude towards France.  Step by step we have risen; here fraternity spontaneously meets its perfect gesture; the old Rabbi presenting to the dying soldier the immortal sign of Christ on the cross is a picture that will never perish. 

 __________________________

______________________________

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה
תהא

נפשו
צרורה
בצרור
החיים

April 13, 1915 – Sous Lieutenant Robert Walter Hertz

Jewish Casualties in the French Army

Cahen, Rene, Caporal, France, 1957, Meurthe-et-Moselle; bois le Pretre
Israel, Lucien, Caporal Fourier, France, 17557, Meuse; Verdun; l’Hopital No. 1

Jewish Casualties in the German Army

Cohen, Siegfried, Soldat, 21 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 6 Kompagnie, at Apremont
Goldmann, Leo Alfred, Soldat, 36 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 5 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Harville (Frankreich), Grab 110
Schloss, Moritz, Kriegsfreiwilliger, I Bayerische Armee Korps, 2 Landwehr Eskadron
Steinitz, Bernhard, Unteroffizier, 93 Reserve Infanterie Regiment 93, 1 Battalion, 3 Kompagnie – Ulrichstein-Jüdischer Friedhof

May 9, 1915 – Caporal Roger Cahen

Jewish Casualties in the French Army

Aberbach, Tobie, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 25537, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Abram, Pierre, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Italie), 19535, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Abramovitch, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 20487, Pas-de-Calais; Mont-Saint-Eloi (pres); Berthonval
Astruc, Mail, Caporal, France (Bulgarie), 19272, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Barkan, Jacques, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23139, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Baur, Georges Henri Victor, Sergent, France, 12156, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Ben Hamou, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 1639, Belgique; Nieuport-Bains
Ben Mouchi, Isaac Zenon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 18775, Turquie; Dardanelles; Gallipoli Peninsula
Ben Soussan, Abraham, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 995, Belgique; Nieuport
Benarroche, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 4623, Pas-de-Calais; Roclincourt
Benbassat, Moise, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 20110, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Berkovitch, Berg, Canonnier Servant de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23184, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Berlevy, Moise Herich David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23028, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Chait, Moise, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26319, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Cherki, Moise, Caporal, France (Algérie), 16297, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Chwat, Nathan, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25411, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Cohen, Liaou, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 994, Belgique; Nieuport
Czajkowski, Boleslas Charles, Sous Lieutenant, France (Turquie), 9038, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Daici, Elias, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 26788, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
David
, Louis, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Italie), 26087, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast

Davidovici, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 27022, Pas-de-Calais; Mont-Saint-Eloi
Dobrowolski, Ronald, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25389, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Dores, Rahmiel Faivel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23567, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Evlagon, Vitali, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 22914, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Fain, Judas, Caporal, France (Algérie), 1841, Somme; Abbeville
Feldmann, Charles Maurice Albert, Sergent, France, 12243, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Fogelbaum, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 20456, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Frankel, Felix, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 6378
Fried, Jean, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Roumanie), 22953, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Garbarovitz, Albert, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26409, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Gerchinovitz, Valodia, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23489, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Ginsbourg, Simon, Soldat, France (Russie), 23130, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Goldberg, Guibel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25446, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Goldenberg, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 26836, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Golstein, Faivel, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Pologne), 26469, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Gourevitz, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26362, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Guez, Emmanuel, Caporal, France (Algérie),  Belgique; Nieuport
Haron, Maurice, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Egypte), 21598, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Herscu, Joseph, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 24462, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Kandel, Leib Leon Ori Selig Georges, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26495, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Katz, Francois, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 29188, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Katzigna, Abraham, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26339, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Konetzki, Jacques, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Russie), 26892, Pas-de-Calais; nord de Arras
Krakouschansky, Helcite, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23396, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Leiba, Moise, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 26907, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Leibovici, Nahman Georges, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 26901, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Levine, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26916, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Levy, Chaim Lemel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23023, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Levy, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 22973, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Levy, Max Jean Francois Claude, Sergent Major, France, 16063 / 16635, Pas-de-Calais; Carency
Levy, Paul Emile, Lieutenant, France, 45, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval / Mont Saint Eloi
Litwak, Levy, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 20586, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Manassohn, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23573, Pas-de-Calais; Saint Vaast; secteur de Berthonval
Migdal, Leibus, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25386, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval,
Miller, _____, France (Indefini)
Moscowitch, Maurice, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Egypte), 27086, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Novak, Antoine, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Hongrie), 25283, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Picard, David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 823, Pas-de-Calais; Carency
Posner, Nathan, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 26970, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Praschker, Idel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie),  Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Rapaport, Boris, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Israël), 26986, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Rosa, Joseph, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25373, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Rosenbaum, Hermann, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 34017, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Roterman, Moschelt, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26486, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Rotker, Victor, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23051, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Rousseau, Daniel, Adjutant, France, 27968, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Schapiro, Simon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26337, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Schlitt, Aron, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23548, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Schtraim, Ilhaim, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26493, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Schulman, Abraham, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23148, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Sklarewski, Samuel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23411, Pas-de-Calais; Mont-Saint-Eloi
Sobol, Barouch, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 20449, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Spack, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23475, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Tchellebides, Clement, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 22401, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Terner, Aron, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Roumanie), 19617, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Tiano, Moise, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Grèce), 22909, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Waichmann, Israel, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 23502, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Wechsler, Sigmund, Soldat de 1ere Classe, France (Roumanie), 27053, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval
Weichman, Schulim, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 23094, Pas-de-Calais; La Targette
Weil, Alphonse, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 8236, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Weinberg, Casimir, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 25383, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Weinberg, Lazare Rene, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 9690, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Wolger, Mayer, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Russie), 26313, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Wunenberger, Francois Leon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 22311, Pas-de-Calais; secteur de Berthonval
Yakar, Isaac, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Turquie), 23075, Pas-de-Calais; Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Zenou, Mouchi ben Isaac,  France (Indefini),  Turquie; Dardanelles; Gallipoli Peninsula
Zerbib, Nathan, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 2375, bord du Ceylan
Zimmerling, Michel, Caporal, France (Russie), 23700, Pas-de-Calais; Berthonval

The names of twenty-seven of the above men do not appear in Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française.  They are: Aberbach, Benbassat, Berkovitch, Berlevy, Chait, Liaou Cohen, Dobrowolski, Fried, Gerchinovitz, Herscu, Francois Katz, Katzigna, David Levine, Chaim Lemel Levy, Isaac Levy, Migdal, Moscovitch, Praschker, Rotker, Schapiro, Schtraim, Sklarewski, Wechsler, Weinberg, Wolger, and Yakar

Jewish Casualties in the German Army

Blass, Max, Soldat, 12 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 8 Kompagnie, at Arras – Kriegsgräberstätte in St.Laurent-Blangy (Frankreich), Kameradengrab
Blumenthal, Otto, Soldat, 55 Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 5 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Illies/Nord (Frankreich), Block 5, Grab 1
Bodenheimer, Arthur, Unteroffizier / Landsturmmann, 201 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Langemark (Belgien), Block A, Grab 4842
Burger, Fritz, Soldat, 7 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie, Bayoneted by a Senegalese soldier, Died while Prisoner of War on 5/15/15, at French Military Hospital, Le Mans
Davidsohn, Ludwig, Unteroffizier, 110 Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 8 Kompagnie
Ephraim, Eduard, Soldat, 208 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Freimann, Sigmund, Gefreiter, 10 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie, at Neuville
Gerechter, Georg, Soldat, 208 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 12 Kompagnie
Gross, Salo, Soldat, 205 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Herrmann, Friedrich, Soldat, 111 Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 2 Kompagnie
Itzig, Georg, Gefreiter, 206 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 2 Kompagnie
Laibon, Abraham, Soldat, 55 Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie
Levy, Julius, Unteroffizier, 14 Feldartillerie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Lens-Sallaumines (Frankreich), Block 11, Grab 155
Lilienfeld, Bernhard, Soldat, 39 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment 39, 1 Battalion, 2 Kompagnie
Lowy, Ernst, Soldat, 13 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie, at Bukow, Galizia, Poland
Mendel, Emanuel Emil, Soldat, 39 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Mey, Salomon, Soldat, 39 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Mischlowitz, Siegfried, Soldat, Lehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Neufeld, Herbert, Soldat, 109 Leib Grenadier Regiment, 3 Bataillon, 9 Kompagnie
Nussbaum, Julius, Unteroffizier, 13 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie, at Bukow, Galizia, Poland
Oppenheimer, Salli, Unteroffizier, 77 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Philipp, Hans, Dr., Oberleutant, 7 Bayerische Reserve Infanterie Regiment, Maschinen-Gewehr Kompagnie, at Souchez – Kriegsgräberstätte in St.Laurent-Blangy (Frankreich), Kameradengrab
Rauschmann, Willi, Soldat, 206 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 1 Kompagnie
Reich, Siegfried, Soldat, 231 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 7 Kompagnie
Reichhold, Louis, Soldat, 10 Bayerisch Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Bataillon, 9 Kompagnie, at Neuville – Kriegsgräberstätte in St.Laurent-Blangy (Frankreich), Kameradengrab
Silberbach, Arthur, Soldat, 55 Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Illies/Nord (Frankreich), Block 5, Grab 3
Thal, Adolf, Gefreiter, 73 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 11 Kompagnie
Weinstein, Artur, Soldat, 205 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 5 Kompagnie – Kriegsgräberstätte in Vladslo (Belgien), Block 8, Grab 905

August 18, 1916 – Sous Lieutenant Amadee Rothstein

Jewish Casualties in the French Army

Amsellem, Salomon, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 24892, Somme; Maurepas
Attar, _____, France (Indefini) (“Partie a Remplir par le Corps” card could not be found or identified in SGA database)
Ben Simon, Joseph David, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France, 26067, Somme; Maurepas
Benchetrith, Jacob, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 21048
Canoui, Elie, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 6454, Somme Maurepas
Dahan, Rene, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Algérie), 21054, Somme; Maurepas
Danziger, Manasse Michel, Aspirant, France, 8025, Meuse; Vaux Chapitre
Fischhof, Robert Eugene, Sous Lieutenant, France, Somme; Maurepas
Godchaux, Alcide, Sous Lieutenant, France, Somme; Maurepas; sud de
Levine, Albert, Soldat de 2eme Classe, France (Pologne), 33288, Meuse; Vaux; Damloup
Saada, Isaac, Soldat, France (Algérie), 16818, Somme; Maurepas

Jewish Casualties in the German Army

Guggenheim, Hartwig, Unteroffizier, 692 Fussartillerie Batterie
Hermann, Siegfried, Soldat, 55 Landwehr Infanterie Regiment
Hirsch, Helmut, Soldat, 80 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 12 Kompagnie
Lemberger, Julius, Soldat, 119 Grenadier Regiment, 3 Battalion, 10 Kompagnie
Minkel, Max, Soldat, 68 Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 3 Kompagnie
Neumann, Markus, Soldat, 144 Infanterie Regiment, 2 Battalion, 8 Kompagnie
Priester, Max, Unteroffizier, 64 Reserve Infanterie Regiment, 3 Battalion, 12 Kompagnie
Simon, Fritz, Soldat, 1 Garde Reserve Regiment, 2 Battalion, 7 Kompagnie
Stern, Isaak, Soldat, 123 Grenadier Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie
Wolf, Aloys, Unteroffizier, 364 Infanterie Regiment, 1 Battalion, 4 Kompagnie

References and Suggested Readings

Barrès, Maurice, Les diverses familles spirituelles de la France, Paris, Émile-Paul frères, Paris, France, 1917, at Archive.org

Maurice Barrès, at Wikipedia

Maurice Barrès, at For and Against Dreyfus

Maurice Barrès, at Radical Right Analysis

Maurice Barrès, (photographic portrait by Atalier de Nadar [Photo (C) Ministère de la Culture – Médiathèque du Patrimoine, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais / Atelier de Nadar]), at images d’art

Englund, Steven, An Affair As We Don’t Know It (Book Review of An Officer and A Spy, by Robert Harris), at Jewish Review of Books, Spring, 2015

Weber, Eugen, Inheritance and Dilettantism: the Politics of Maurice Barrès, Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer/été 1975), pp. 109-131, at JSTOR

Die Jüdischen Gefallenen Des Deutschen Heeres, Deutschen Marine Und Der Deutschen Schutztruppen 1914-1918 – Ein Gedenkbuch, Reichsbund Jüdischer Frontsoldaten, Forward by Dr. Leo Löwenstein, Berlin, Germany, 1932

Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (Israelites [Jews] in the French Army), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve [Forward to the Second Edition], Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2000)

“Died for France in the First World War” “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” forms, at Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale

French Military War Graves, at Sépultures de Guerre

Three Soldiers – Three Brothers? – Fallen for France: Hermann, Jules, and Max Boers

The sources of historical and genealogical information about twentieth century military servicemen – official documents; private correspondence; photographs; news items; ephemera, and more – are vast.  And even among the historical records of any particular nation, one finds tremendous variation – over time, in different theatres of military operations; among and between different branches of the armed forces – in the way that information is recorded, categorized, and (hopefully!) preserved.       

Regardless of the era or conflict; regardless of the country in question; such military archival information can reveal patterns, relationships, and interactions encompassing both military service and civilian life.  The fragments of history can coalesce; suggesting; revealing; unfolding a larger, often unexpected story. 

As, seems to be the case presented below…

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In an effort to identify Jewish military casualties in the French armed forces during the First Wodl War, I’ve relied upon two books – Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (1914-1918) and, Le Livre d’or du Judaïsme Algérien (1914-1918) as the primary, central (and perhaps exclusive?) published works listing names of fallen French Jewish soldiers. 

Specific bibliographic information about these works is given below:

1) Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (1914-1918) (Israelites [Jews] in the French Army), Angers, 1921 – Avant-Propos de la Deuxième Épreuve [Forward to the Second Edition], Albert Manuel, Paris, Juillet, 1921 – (Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2000)

______________________________

2) Le Livre d’or du Judaïsme Algérien (1914-1918) (The Gold Book of Algerian Jewry (1914-1918), 1919 – Pubication du Comiée Algérien d’Études Sociales 1er fascicule septembre 1919 ((Réédité par le Cercle de Généalogie juive [Reissued by the Circle for Jewish Genealogy], Paris, 2000) – Avec la collaboration de Georges Teboul et de Jean-Pierre Bernard.

______________________________

Then, it was a process of on-line searching: The French Government’s SGA (Secrétariat Général pour l’Administration “General Secretariat for Administration”) databases covering World War One deaths and military casualties were thoroughly searched to identify and download records for the names listed in these two books.  The specific databases used in this endeavor have been “Died for France in the First World War” (for “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” forms), “War Graves”, and to a much lesser extent, “Military Aviation Personnel.” 

Links for the three databases are given below:  

Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale (“Died for France in the First World War”)

Sépultures de Guerre (“War Graves”)

Personnels de l’aéronautique militaire (“Military Aviation Personnnel”)

______________________________

Though the above books have been absolutely essential in this endeavor, like other historical reference works (particularly those published very shortly after a historical event) they do manifest a variety of not unexpected problems. 

These include the absence of names, the presentation of information about the same person under multiple name variants, names for which other information is in error or fragmentary, and finally, names for which no equivalent (even a rough phonetic equivalent) can be identified at any of the SGA databases. 

The image below – a example of the notes I made in my copy of Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française (1914-1918) while researching the Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale database – shows the challenges involved.  The circled dots indicate names definitively identified using the Morts pour la France de la Première Guerre mondiale database.  Left-pointing arrows indicate names for which no record could be found.  (Well, the last time I searched…)  Finally, names connected by arrows indicate variants of the same name.  For example, “Mimoun Borianiche” and “Mimoun Bouaniche” are one and the same soldier.

This isn’t meant to detract from the efforts of the creators of these compilations.  Given the challenges they likely faced – incorrect, missing, or fragmentary original records, the simple unavailability of records, and, efforts constrained by limited staff, time, and other resources – they generated laudable, historically invaluable, and above all necessary works.

______________________________

The records – the “hits” – generated by the SGA website comprise low-resolution (96 dpi) scans (from microfilm?) of “PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS (‘PART TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CORPS’)” forms.  The information fields on these forms comprise a soldier’s surname, given (first) and middle names, military grade, military unit, matriculation number in class, number, date and place of recruitment, date of death, place of death, cause of death, date of birth, and place of birth (Department in France, or name of another country.)

A very helpful discussion about the forms, by Thierry Sabot (with various talk-backs – one as recently as June of 2017) can be found at the History-Genealogy Magazine website.)

On arriving at page 18 of Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française, I noted something intriguing; curious, and above all – portentously sad:  Four soldiers with the surname “Boers”, three of whom were born in Amsterdam during a three-year time frame.  The page is shown below:

The three from Amsterdam men were Hermann Boers, Jules Boers, and Max Boers.  (The fourth “Boers” was Michel, from Paris.)

Upon reviewing their PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS forms for the three men, a relationship suggested itself. 

1) Their matriculation numbers are immediately sequential: 26749 for Jules, 26750 for Max, and 26751 for Herman. 

2) All served in the 2ème Régiment de Marche du 1er Régiment Etranger. 

3) Jules and Max were killed on the same day, and at the same place: May 9, 1915, at Neuville-Saint-Vaast.  Both were missing (“disparu”), and will probably always be missing. 

Hermann was killed on September 28, 1915, at Souain, and was known to have been killed by the enemy (“Tué a l’ennemi”). 

4) Max, born on March 10, 1885, was the oldest.  Hermann was born thirteen months later, on June 11, 1886.  Jules, the youngest, was born eleven months after Hermann, on July 13, 1887.

All of which leads to a question:  Were they brothers?

I do not know. 

Unfortunately, PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS forms neither list the names of a serviceman’s next of kin, nor give his residential address.  Such information would be the key that answer the question.  But, the signs seem to point in that direction.

______________________________

One hundred and two years – over a century – have transpired since their deaths.  “Our” world is not the same as theirs – how could it be? – but I would like to think that one thing has remained unchanged in human nature: The need to remember. 

At least – in the world of 2017 – I hope so.

______________________________

Specific information about the men, and images of their PARTIE À REMPLIR PAR LE CORPS forms, is presented below.

______________________________

– .ת. נ. צ. ב. ה

Jules

Boers, Jules, Soldat de 2ème classe, Légion étrangère, 2ème Régiment de Marche du 1er Régiment Etranger
No. 26749 au Corps E.V. 1914
Matricule S.M. 3245 au Recrutement Seine Central
Born July 13, 1887, Amsterdam, Hollande
Missing [Disparu]
May 9, 1915; Pas-de-Calais, Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Not listed in Sépultures de guerre database

______________________________

Max

Boers, Max, Soldat de 2ème classe, Légion étrangère, 2ème Régiment de Marche du 1er Régiment Etranger
No. 26750 au Corps E.V. 191_
Matricule S.M. 2709 au Recrutement Seine B.C.
Born March 10, 1885, Amsterdam, Hollande
Missing [Disparu]
May 9, 1915; Pas-de-Calais, Neuville-Saint-Vaast
Not listed in Sépultures de guerre database

______________________________

Hermann

Boers, Hermann, Soldat de 2ème classe, Légion étrangère, 2ème Régiment de Marche du 1er Régiment Etranger
No. 26751 au Corps Cl. 1919
Matricule: 3530 au Recrutement Lyon Central
Born June 11, 1886, Amsterdam, Hollande
Killed by the enemy [Tué a l’ennemi]
September 28, 1915; Marne, Souain
Not listed in Sépultures de guerre database

 

Two Among Many: The Soldier and His Wife – A Jewish Volunteer in the French Army in the Second World War

Though information about the service and experiences of Jewish soldiers of the United States and British Commonwealth countries during the Second World War is readily available in print, archival, and digital formats, a very wide variety material exists covering what is perhaps the less widely known service of Jewish soldiers in the armies of other Allied nations.

Significant in this sense was the role of Jewish soldiers – both as refugee volunteers, and citizens – in the armed forces of France.  Though not covered as systematically as in such books as American Jews in World War Two, the superb two-volume Canadian Jews in World War Two, or Henry Morris’ We Will Remember Them, or even – ironically – the two books covering military service of French Jewish soldiers during “The Great War” (Les Israelites dans l’Armée Française, and, Le Livre d’Or du Judaïsme Algérien – 1914-1918) other sources allow identification of French-Jewish soldiers (casualties, and those who received military awards) of the Second World War. 

These are 1) Livre d’Or et de Sang – Les Juifs au Combat: Citations 1939-1945 de Bir-Hakeim au Rhin et Danube, 2) Au Service de la France, 3) le combattant volontaire juif 1939-1945, and, databases found at the website of France’s Secrétariat Général pour l’Administration (SGA).  

Au Service de la France, and, le combattant volontaire juif 1939-1945, were published in 1955 and 1971 respectively, by the Union des Engagés Volontaires et Anciens Combattants Juifs 1939-1945 (Union of Military Volunteers and Jewish Veterans of 1939-1945). 

Au Service de la France is essentially a photographic anthology covering various aspects of Jewish military service and armed resistance against the Germans during the Second World War.  It encompasses military service in 1940, the experiences of prisoners of war, activity in the Resistance, and – consistent with its 1955 publication – social services for Jewish veterans and their families, as well as action against antisemitism. 

An invaluable aspect of this book is the presence of lists of names of French Jewish servicemen who received military awards, or, who were killed in military service.

Le combattant volontaire juif 1939-1945 (The Jewish Volunteer Combattant – 1939-1945) was published in 1971, “…on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Union of Military Volunteers and Jewish Veterans of 1939-1945”, and is significantly different from Au Service de la France.  The text is in French and Yiddish (as a single volume) and though many photographs are present, text takes significant priority over images.  However, unlike Au Service de la France, the book does not include lists of casualties or recipients of military awards.

Some years ago, I was very fortunate to have been given a copy of Le combattant volontaire juif  1939-1945 through the kindness and generosity of Mr. Albert N. Szyfman of the U.E.V.A.C.J.-E.A. (Union des Engagés Volontaires, Anciens Combattants Juifs 1939-1945 – leurs Enfants et Amis).  (Thank you again, Albert!)

____________________

Realizing the importance of these two books – especially the text of Le combattant volontaire juif – in learning about the military service of French Jews during the Second World War, I’ve translated the context of the latter to English.

The purpose of the book is very well stated in its Foreword.  Namely:

“AS part of the preparation of the celebrations of the 25th anniversary of the Union of Military Volunteers and Jewish Veterans, our management had initially planned to publish a special issue of “Our Will” which was to trace the activity of Union during the past quarter century. 

“This project, practically limited to the history of our activities, was finally abandoned.  The Committee took the view that it was necessary to reserve an important place to the testimonies and memories to boldly highlight the massive participation of Jews of foreign origin in the battles of World War II and their contribution to victory of the Allies over Nazi Germany.

“So this is the book that we present to the reader.

“While certain works, concerning this terrible time, tend to portray that the Jews could be lead to death without resistance, our book highlights in largely unpublished stories the courageous battles experienced by these men and women, with or without uniforms, alongside their French brethren.

“It would have been inconceivable that in a book edited by Jewish veterans that the horrible result of Nazi crimes, the extermination of tens of millions of human beings – including six million Jews – as it is only natural that this book speaks of the great historical event of the creation of the State of Israel and the solidarity that the Jewish veterans manifested in this regard.

“Dozens of former prisoners of war, internees in concentration camps, former resistance fighters who fought in the ranks of the F.F.I., survivors of Auschwitz and its crematoria, each, recount living episodes.

“These stories that trace, in most cases, often heroic acts, the testimonies of military leaders who commanded units with a high proportion of Jewish immigrant volunteers, the pages writers were willing to offer us for this work – all of this constitutes a somewhat original anthology.

“The reader will find in the following pages of text and illustrations covering our affairs during the twenty-five years of the existence of our Union such as the rights of veterans, the ongoing effort to preserve the memory of our dead, the struggle for peace, against racism and anti-Semitism, a just and lasting peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors, and our social work.

“One third of the book is written in Yiddish; for many of our comrades, indeed, Yiddish was the mother tongue as it was for most of the six million Jews exterminated by the Nazis.

“We are certain that in the pages of “The Jewish Volunteer Combatant 1938-1945” each member of our generation will be found, while youth will learn the nature of the last war that created immeasurable suffering.”

The book’s editorial board comprised Isi Blum-Cleitman, Dr. Samuel Danowski, Joseph Fridman, Bernard Pons, and Maurice Sisterman, in collaboration with Louis Gronowski. 

Its content was supplemented by information and documents provided by the following organizations:

The Office of Decorations of the Ministry of National Defense
The Historical Committee of the Second World War
The Center for Documentation of Contemporary Jewry
The Center for Documentation of Jewish Resistance and Mutual Aid
The Israel Tourism Office
The National Association of Veterans of the French Resistance

Le combattant volontaire juif – 1939-1945 is subdivided into five major sections.  These are 1) “Foreign Volunteers”, 2) “Remembrances of War”, 3) “In the Concentration Camps”, 4) “In The Ranks of the F.F.I.”, and, 5) “After the Liberation”. 

____________________

In effect and intent, Le combattant volontaire juif – 1939-1945 is not an all-encompassing and minutely detailed and heavily-footnoted history.  Rather, through numerous vignettes by a variety of authors, it presents – through vivid prose and great detail – an account of military service and anti-German armed resistance by French Jewry during the Second World War.

Every such account is worthy of commentary and contemplation. 

An especially moving story is “Deux parmi d’autres” – “Two Among Others”, by Ilex Beller, who was President of the U.E.V.A.C.J. between 1986 and 2004.  

Beller’s story covers the life and fate of Srul and Golda Magalnic, both of whom were from Rumania.

The story is presented below, in French and English.

______________________________

deux parmi d’autres

Ilex Beller

Pendant trois semaines, nous avons manœuvré dans le camp de Larzac.  Nous n’avons rien appris de nouveau mais ça a été une occasion d’être débarrassé des puces barcaressiennes, d’habiter comme de vrais soldats dans une véritable caserne, de dormir sur de vraies paillasses.

En comparaison avec les conditions de vie de Barcarès, les manœuvres ont été pour nous une sinécure.

Mais un ordre est arrivé de retourner à Barcarès; nous refaisons rapidement les bardas et reprenons la route.

Il pleut de nouveau et c’est tout trempés que nous montons dans les wagons à bestiaux.  Arrivés à Rivesaltes, nous en descendons et parcourons à pied les 16 kilomètres qui nous séparent du camp.  Mais ici une surprise nous attend: dans les rues voisines de la gare se tiennent nos camarades de Barcarès, les 3 000 volontaires du 21e Régiment qui y attendent le train en partance pour le front.

Ils sont habillés de neuf, avec de longs manteaux et des casques de fer.  Seuls les bardas et les ficelles n’ont pas changé. On reconnaît à peine leur visage.

La permission nous est accordée d’aller prendre congé de nos camarades qui partent.  Alors des groupes se forment à nouveau, comme à Barcarès, un “cercle juif”.  On examine les nouveaux uniformes, on frappe sur les casques neufs, on se force à rire, à blaguer, mais ça ne colle pas; quel que chose a changé.  Sur tous les visages se lit le même sérieux. “Qui sait, c’est peut-être la dernière fois que je vois mon camarade.”

Le moment de la séparation est arrivé.  On s’embrasse.  Les soldats du 22e Régiment et ceux du 21e qui partent pour le front.  Les visages mal rasés sont tristes: “Fort Gesund”, “Partez en paix, chers camarades!”

Autour de nous, les habitants de Rivesaltes ont le visage préoccupé et triste, comme nous.

Nos camarades sont entassés dans les wagons à bestiaux.  Ce sont les derniers serrements de mains, les dernières recommandations:

          – Battez les fascistes!

           – Sauvez votre peau!

          – Josel, s’il m’arrive un malheur, pense à ma mère!

Le train s’ébranle lentement, Je revois Srolek agiter un mouchoir: “Au revoir! n’oublie pas Gol-dale et l’enfant!”

Le 21e Régiment (R.M.V.E.) est parti vers le front d’Alsace, occuper les positions devant la ligne Ma-ginot, dans la région de Minersheim et Alteckendorf.  Il a été rattaché à la 35’ division et placé sous les ordres des généraux Decharme et Delais-sey, prenant ainsi la relève du 49’ Régiment d’Infanterie.

***

Printemps 1940.  C’est le plus beau mois de mai.  Les premières jonquilles dorées fleurissent dans les vertes prairies.

Les hirondelles volent bas et s’amusent parmi les soldats, les cigognes regardent autour d’elles, perchées sur les hautes cheminées des beaux villages alsaciens.

Hitler a déclenché la grande offensive.  La puissante armée allemande, pourvue d’un matériel de guerre effroyable, se met en marche à travers la Belgique, contre la France.  Les premiers villages français sont ensanglantés avant d’être conquis.

Les trois régiments de volontaires étrangers, formés à Barcarès, sont relevés des positions où ils se trouvaient, pour être lancés dans les secteurs les plus menacés:

           – le 22’ régiment dans la Somme (la bataille de Péronne);

          – le 23’ régiment dans la région de Soissons;

          – le- 21’ dans les Ardennes.

Les avions allemands ne quittent pas le ciel. Ils bombardent les routes, les ponts et les gares.

Le 21’ régiment se déplace avec grande difficulté, voyage en train, en camion et marche beaucoup à pied. Il fait chaque jour des dizaines de kilomètres.

Il n’est pas facile de marcher, chargés de pioches, de pelles, de la musette, et le dos ployant sous le barda, le tout relié par des ficelles (les autres régiments nous appelaient “Régiment ficelle”; il y a les lourds fusils de 1914 aussi…

On se prépare à une guerre des tranchées et il faut creuser des centaines de kilomètres…

On s’approche des Ardennes.  L’itinéraire passe par Longchamps, Chaumont, Erize-la-Grande, après Sainte-Ménéhould, Cernay, le Morthome, jusqu’aux environs du village de Boult-aux-Bois.  Là, on s’arrête dans le petit bois, non loin du village, et on se trouve face à l’ennemi.

Le village de Boult-aux-Bois est occupé par les Allemands, les nôtres regardent vers les maisonnettes toutes blanches, avec les toits de tuiles rouges, entourées de champs resplendissant de toutes les couleurs.

C’est ici, dans les petits bois que la compagnie de Srolek, la “C.A.1”, va livrer sa première bataille.  Les nôtres, bien qu’épuisés par une longue marche, occupent rapidement les positions de combat.  Les Allemands commencent par bombarder le bois avec leur artillerie; les bombes explosent de tous côtés, criblent la terre, et projettent en l’air les troncs des arbres.  Puis ils attaquent, couverts par le feu des mitrailleuses lourdes.  Nous comptons nos premiers morts.

Voici un camarade avec lequel tu as vécu, que tu aimais comme ton frère, il gît ensanglanté dans tes bras, et te confie sa dernière parole… toi, tu dois partir et l’abandonner pour toujours…

Ce fut un combat bref mais sanglant, les nôtres furent obligés de se retirer.  Le lendemain, le bataillon occupait de nouvelles positions dans le village des Petites-Armoises, on creusait des trous individuels, on installait le canon 25, et les mortiers, on se fortifiait.

Les Allemands attaquent tous les jours et souvent la nuit, mais les nôtres arrivent à tenir les positions, et cela va durer 12 jours et 12 nuits.

C’est le 10 juin seulement que l’ennemi réussit à percer nos lignes sur les deux flancs.

Nous sommes alors menacés d’encerclement.  Aussi, l’ordre est-il donné de se replier sur Vaux-lès-Mourons, Longueval, Vienne-la-Ville, jusqu’à Sainte-Ménéhould.

Le général Delaissey vient personnellement visiter le bataillon: il faut couvrir la retraite du gros de l’armée.  Il faut tenir à tout prix Sainte-Ménéhould.

Le bataillon se fortifie autour de ce village.  Il fait sauter les ponts de l’Aisne qui coule à proximité, on creuse des tranchées près des lignes de chemin de fer. sur les places des villages.

Les Allemands attaquent le lendemain avec un armement lourd et puissant et s’engage une bataille acharnée, inégale.  Ils réussissent à passer la rivière et foncent avec leurs autos blindées sur le village, détruisent le seul canon 25 et les deux mortiers que le bataillon possédait.

13 juin.  Le bataillon a perdu presque la moitié de ses effectifs.  Dans l’après-midi, le capitaine La-garigue donne l’ordre de se replier.  Le groupe des mitrailleurs où se trouve Srolek Magalnik reste sur place pour couvrir la retraite.

Les Allemands ont déjà occupé tout le village de Sainte-Ménéhould, mais près du cimetière, une vieille mitrailleuse française “Hotchkiss” tire encore.

A 16 heures, une balle allemande a traversé le cœur de Srolek et a mit fin à se jeune vie.  Il est tombé à Sainte-Ménéhould, en défendant le sol français dont il a tant rêvé et auquel il a voué un véritable amour.

Le lendemain, des réfugiés, des paysans, l’enterrent sur le lieu même où il a donné son dernier souffle.

Ils n’ont pu déchiffrer son nom sur ses papiers militaires criblés de balles…

Le même jour se déroule la bataille de la Grange-aux-Bois, où sont tombés tant des nôtres.

Le régiment se retire en combattant jusqu’à Passavant et puis à Robencourt-aux-Ponts, et Chau-mont qui est en flammes.

Le 19 juin, ce qui reste du 21e Régiment se bat toujours à Colombey-les-Belles, et le 20 juin a lieu la sanglante bataille devant Allain.

Le 21 juin l’ordre arrive de l’état-major de cesser le combat, de détruire les armes.

Les Allemands occupent toute la région, désarment les régiments, promettent aux officiers de les traiter en “prisonniers d’honneur” et de leur accorder le droit de porter leurs armes personnelles…

Le 22 juin, jour où le maréchal Pétain signe l’armistice et livre la France à l’ennemi, le vieux général Decharme, chef de la 35’ Division (dont faisait partie le 21” R.M.V.E.) donne son dernier ordre.

Il ordonne de réunir tous les soldats rescapés du 21’ Régiment dans le village de Tuillier-les-Groseilles.  A 15 heures de ce même jour, il passe en revue les rangs des soldats sans armes, les habits déchirés et les visages ensanglantés.  Il marche lentement, s’arrête souvent, regardant les soldats droit dans les yeux, il sait sans doute ce qui les attend!  Puis il fait ses adieux:

“Je vous remercie pour votre héroïsme, pour votre abnégation, pour votre discipline, en mon nom personnel et au nom de la France.”

Le 23 juin, le reste du régiment est amené en captivité en Allemagne.

Le commandant de la C.A.1. (la Compagnie de Srolek) était le lieutenant Belissant, un homme cultivé et doux, qui aimait ses soldats, lesquels l’adoraient.

C’est un de ces Français pour qui les idéaux de la grande Révolution française sont chose sacrée, un de ceux qui ont contribué dans le monde entier à bâtir le renom de la France, comme pays de justice et d’humanité.

Le lieutenant Bellissant aimait beaucoup Srolek, et lorsque Srolek tomba, il pleura à chaudes larmes.

Dans la première lettre qu’il écrivit de captivité à sa femme, il dit: “J’avais un ami très cher, un Juif émigré de Bessarabie, il est tombé en héros.  Je sais qu’il a laissé une femme et un enfant à Paris. Trouve-les et tâche de les aider.”

***

Dure était la vie pour Goldale et son enfant dans ce Paris affamé, occupé par les Allemands.

Elle avait trouvé une petite chambre dans une vieille maison de la rue des Gravilliers, y avait transporté sa machine à coudre et travaillait illégalement pour gagner de quoi nourrir elle et sa fille.

Elle vivait continuellement dans la peur, et pleurait chaque nuit Srolek qui était tombé “quelque part en France”.

Mme Bellissant était une brave femme, digne de son mari.  Dès qu’elle reçut la lettre de son mari en captivité, elle se mit à la recherche de Goldale.  D’une adresse à l’autre, elle grimpait les étages, visitait les mansardes, jusqu’à ce qu’elle trouvât la chambre de la rue des Gravilliers.

 Les deux femmes firent vite connaissance et devinrent bientôt amies.  Goldale se confia à elle comme à une mère.  C’est Mme Bellissant qui retrouva la tombe de Srolek dans le cimetière de Sainte-Ménéhould.  Elles partirent ensemble poser une dalle sur la sépulture.

C’est aussi Mme Bellissant qui trouva la vieille concierge de la rue de Rennes, Mme Grimaud, pour cacher chez elle la fille de Goldale, Nelly, et la soustraire ainsi aux rafles allemandes.

***

Cela se passa au début de 1944, par une grise matinée d’hiver, le jour commençait à peine à poindre.  Paris dormait encore lorsqu’on entendit dans l’escalier de la vieille maison de la rue des Gravilliers les pas lourds des bottes militaires, les coups frappés brutalement à la porte et le cri: “Ouvrez!”

Avant que Goldale n’eût le temps de descendre du lit, ils enfoncèrent la porte.  J’aurais tellement aimé vous dire que c’était la Gestapo ou d’autres formations militaires allemandes organisant la chasse aux Juifs à Paris, qui vinrent arrêter Goldale.  Malheureusement, la réalité est tout autre.  C’étaient des Français; oui, il s’est trouvé des Français, des âmes vendues qui collaborèrent avec les Allemands, des fascistes déments… ou bien des gens des bas-fonds.

Goldale, en chemise de nuit, maigre, malingre, toute tremblante, essaya d’abord de les raisonner: “Laissez-moi tranquille, mon mari est tombé pour la France, j’ai un petit enfant!”

Lorsqu’ils l’entraînèrent de force dans l’escalier, Goldale se débattit.  Elle criait au secours, elle les injuriait, elle pleurait et, finalement, se mit à supplier: “Je n’ai fait aucun mal, je suis une pauvre couturière, laissez-moi tranquille.”  Deux grands gaillards s’emparèrent d’elle et l’emportèrent.

Les voisins sortirent, en chemise de nuit, le visage gonflé de sommeil, pour la plupart des vieillards, des femmes et des enfants amaigris, épuisés par quatre années d’occupation.

Plusieurs d’entre eux se tordaient les mains et pleuraient, regardant emporter notre Goldale dans la voiture de la police.

On la déporta de Drancy à Auschwitz, d’où elle n’est jamais revenue…

________________________________________________________________
____________________________ ****** _____________________________
________________________________________________________________

Two Among Others

Ilex Beller

For three weeks we have been active in the Larzac camp.  We have learned nothing new but it was an opportunity to be rid of “Barcaressiennes lice”; to live like real soldiers in real barracks, sleeping on real mattresses.

In comparison with the living conditions in Barcarès, maneuvers have been our sinecure.

But an order came to return to Barcarès; we quickly deploy weapons and hit the road.

It’s raining again and all are wet as we get into the cattle cars.  Arriving at Rivesaltes, we descend and traverse the 16 mile walk that separates us from the camp.  But here a surprise awaits us; in the streets around the station stand our comrades from Barcarès, 3,000 volunteers of the 21st Regiment await the train bound for the front.

They are dressed with new long coats and iron helmets.  Only our weapons and threads have not changed.  We barely recognize their faces.

Permission is granted to us to take leave of our comrades who are departing.  Groups form again; as in Barcarès, a “Jewish circle.”  We examine the new uniforms, knock on new helmets; we might laugh, joke, but it does not remain; regardless, things have changed.  On every face one reads seriously. “Who knows, maybe this is the last time I see my friend.”

The time of separation happens.  We kiss.  Soldiers from the 22nd Regiment and the 21st; those who leave for the front.  The unshaven faces are sad: “Fort Gesund”, “Go in peace, dear comrades!”

Around us, the inhabitants of Rivesaltes were concerned about the atmosphere and sad, like us.

Our comrades are crammed into cattle cars.  These are the last handshakes, the last admonitions:

          “Defeat the fascists!”

          “Save your skin!”

          “Josel, if I encounter misfortune, think of my mother!”

The train moves off slowly; I remember waving a handkerchief to Srolek: “Goodbye!  Do not forget Goldale and the child!“

The 21st Regiment (R.M.V.E.) went to the Alsace front, occupying the positions to the Maginot Line, in the region of Minersheim and Alteckendorf.  It was attached to the 35th Division and placed under the command of Generals Decharme and Delaissey, thus taking over from the 49 Infantry Regiment.

***

Spring 1940.  It is the most beautiful month: May.  The first golden daffodils bloom in the green meadows.

The swallows fly low and play among the soldiers, storks look around them, perched on the tall chimneys of beautiful Alsatian villages.

Hitler unleashed the great offensive.  The powerful German army, equipped with dreadful war material, starts through Belgium against France.  The first French villages are bloodied before being conquered.

The three regiments of foreign volunteers, trained at Barcarès, are advanced to positions where they were to be launched in the most threatened sectors;

           22nd regiment in the Somme (The battle of Peronne);

           23rd regiment in Soissons region;

           21st in the Ardennes.

German planes do not leave the sky.  They bombard roads, bridges and railway stations.

The 21st Regiment moves with great difficulty, travel by train, truck and much walking on foot.  Every day it makes tens of kilometers.

It is not easy to walk, loaded with picks, shovels, gas mask [?], and back bending under the kit, all connected by cords (the other regiments called us the “Cord Regiment”; there are heavy 1914 guns also…)

Getting ready for a war of the trenches and you have to dig hundreds of miles…

One approaches the Ardennes.  The route passes through Longchamps, Chaumont, Erize-la-Grande; after St. Ménéhould, Cernay, le Morthome, to near the village of Boult-aux-Bois.  There, we stop in the little wood near the village, and are facing the enemy.

The village of Boult-aux-Bois is occupied by the Germans, ours looks all the white as houses with red tiled roofs, surrounded by glittering fields of all colors.

It is here, in the woods little that the company of Srolek, the “C.A.1” will deliver its first battle.  Ours, although exhausted by a long march, quickly occupy fighting positions.  The Germans begin by bombing the woods with their artillery; bombs explode in all directions, sift the earth, and cast up the trunks of trees.  Then they attack, covered by heavy machine gun fire.  We have our first dead.

Here is a comrade with whom you lived, you loved as your brother, who lies bleeding in your arms, and says his last words to you…you; you have to leave and abandon forever…

It was a brief but bloody battle; we were forced to withdraw.  The next day, the battalion occupied new positions in the village of Petites-Armoises, dug foxholes, and installed the 25mm cannon and mortars; we became strong.

The Germans attacked every day and often at night, but we came to hold positions and lasted 12 days and 12 nights.

It was only June 10th that the enemy managed to break our lines on both sides.

We are then threatened with encirclement.  Also, the order is given to withdraw to Vaux-lès-Mourons, Longueval, Vienne-la-Ville, up to Sainte-Ménéhould.

General Delaissey is personally visiting the battalion, which must cover the retreat of the main army.  Sainte-Ménéhould must be taken at any price.

The battalion is strengthened around the village.  It blows up the bridges of the Aisne flowing nearby, and digs trenches near the railway lines, on the village squares.

The Germans attack the next day with a heavy, powerful armament and undertake a fierce, uneven battle.  They manage to cross the river and with their armored cars darken the village, destroying the only 25mm canon and two mortars that the battalion had.

June 13.  The battalion has lost nearly half of its manpower.  In the afternoon, Captain Lagarigue gives the order to withdraw.  The group of gunners where Srolek Magalnik is situated are to stay behind to cover the retreat.

The Germans had already occupied the entire village of Sainte-Ménéhould but near the cemetery, an old French machine gun “Hotchkiss” still fires.

At 1600 hours, a German bullet pierced the heart of Srolek and put an end to his young life.  He fell at St. Ménéhould, defending the French soil of which he dreamed and to which he has devoted his true love.

The next day, refugees; peasants, bury him in the same place where he gave his last breath.

They could not read his name on his military papers riddled with bullets…

The same day unfolds the battle of the Grange-aux-Bois, which fell from us.

The regiment withdrew fighting to Passavant, and then Robencourt-aux-Ponts and Chaumont are in flames.

On June 19, what remains of the 21st Regiment is still fighting at Colombey-les-Belles, and on June 20, held the bloody battle at Allain.

On June 21, the order comes from the staff to stop fighting, and destroy weapons.

The Germans occupied the entire region, disarmed the regiments; the officers promised to treat them as “prisoners of honor” and to grant them the right to their personal weapons…

On June 22, the day the Marshal Pétain signed the armistice and signed France to the enemy, old General Decharme, head of the 35th Division (which included the 21st R.M.V.E.) gave his last order.

He ordered to bring all surviving troops of the 21st Regiment to the village of Tuillier-les-Groseilles.  For 15 hours that day, he reviewed the ranks of unarmed soldiers, with torn clothing and bloodied faces.  He walked slowly, often stopped, watching the soldiers right in the eye; he will know what to expect!  Then he bade farewell:

“Thank you for your heroism, for your sacrifice, your discipline, in my own name and in the name of France.”

On June 23, the rest of the regiment is brought into captivity in Germany.

The commander of the C.A.1. (Srolek’s Company) was Lieutenant Belissant, a cultured and gentle man who loved his soldiers, who adored him.

He is one of those for whom the French ideals of the great French Revolution are a sacred thing, one of those who have contributed over the world to build the reputation of France as a country of justice and humanity.

Lieutenant Bellissant loved Srolek and when Srolek fell, he wept bitterly.

In the first letter he wrote to his wife from captivity, he said: “I had a dear friend, a Jew who emigrated from Bessarabia, he fell as a hero.  I know he left a wife and child in Paris.  Find them and try to help them.“

***

Life was hard for Goldale and her child in Paris, occupied by the Germans.

She had found a small room in an old house in the Rue des Gravilliers; had transported her sewing machine and was working illegally to earn enough to feed herself and her daughter.

She lived in constant fear, and every night cried for Srolek who fell “somewhere in France”.

Mrs. Bellissant was a good woman, worthy of her husband.  As soon as she received the letter from her husband in captivity, she began looking for Goldale.  From one address to another, she climbed the floors, visited the attics until she found the room on Gravilliers Street.

The two women quickly became acquainted and soon became friends.  Goldale confided in her as a mother.  Mrs. Bellissant found Srolek’s tomb in the cemetery of St. Ménéhould.  They went there together and placed a memorial slab.

Mrs. Bellissant also found her old concierge of the Rue de Rennes, Mrs. Grimaud, to hide with her Goldale’s daughter Nelly, and thereby evade German roundups.

***

It happened in early 1944, on a gray winter morning, when daylight was just beginning to emerge.  Paris was still asleep when they heard on the stairs of the old house on Gravilliers Street heavy military boots; blows brutally beating at the door and crying, “Open!”

Before Goldale had time to get off the bed, they broke down the door.  I would have loved to tell you that it was the Gestapo and other German military formations organizing the hunt for Jews in Paris who came to arrest Goldale.  Unfortunately, the reality is quite different.  They were French; yes, the French, sold-out souls who collaborated with the Germans, demented fascists…or shallow people.

Goldale, in a nightgown, thin, skinny, and trembling, first tried to reason with them: “Leave me, my husband fell for France, I have a small child!”

When dragged by force on the stairs, Goldale struggled.  She screamed for help, she swore, she was crying and eventually began to beg: “I have done no wrong, I am a poor seamstress, leave me alone.”  Two big fellows seized her and prevailed.

The neighbors came out; in her nightgown, her face swollen with sleep, mostly old men, women and children; emaciated, exhausted by four years of occupation.

Several of them were wringing their hands and crying, looking upon our Goldale taken away in the police car.

Among the deported from Drancy to Auschwitz, from which she never returned…

____________________

Other aspects of the story… 

Srul was born in Rezcani, Romania, on August 16, 1912, while Golda (Vozer), also born in 1912, was from Pascani.  Srul served in the 21eme Régiment de Marche de Volontaires Etrangers (21st Regiment of Foreign Volunteers). 

Srul’s biographical profile at Mémorial Gen Web (Reference Number 1559751) does not specify the date of his death, only listing this as “1940”, and giving his surname as “Magalnick”, while Au Service de la France gives his surname as “Magalnik”. 

According to his biographical record in the Secrétariat Général pour l’Administration’s “Base des militaires décédés pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale” database, he died on June 17, 1940, rather than June 13 as given in Ilex’s account.  He was killed in action at Saint Menehould, Marne, and is buried at the Bagneux Cemeterty, in Paris.

After Srul’s death, Golda resided in at the Rue des Granvilliers, in Paris’ 3rd Arrondissement.  On November 11, 1942, she was deported from Drancy Camp, in France, to the Auschwitz Birkenau Extermination Camp, on Transport 45, Train Da. 901/38.  This is a correction to Ilex’s narrative which denotes that she was deported in 1944.

Above all and most important, Beller mentions that Srul and Golda had a “small child” – Nelly; their daughter – who resided with a Mrs. Grimaud, the concierge of Lt. Bellissant’s wife.  A search of Yad Vashem’s Central Database of Shoah Victim’s Names reveals – fortunately – no record for “Nelly Magalnic” (at least, using the specific name “Nelly” in the “first name” search field). 

Therefore, it seems – one would hope – that Nelly survived the war. 

If so, assuming she was born in the mid-1930s, she would now be in her early eighties.

The Central Database of Shoah Victim’s Names reveals something else:  A Page of testimony in Golda’s memory, completed in December of 2002, by Victoria Schwartz (her niece?).

____________________

Some other Jewish military casualties on June 17, 1940, include:

Killed / Tué
– .ת.נ.צ.ב.ה. –

Bach, Andre, Chef d’Escadron, Legion d’Honneur
Armée de Terre, 121eme Regiment d’Infanterie, Groupe de 105 Hippomobile
“Son groupe ayant été coupé du corps d’armée le 7 juin, à continué à combattre avec d’autres éléments jusqu’au 17 juin, date à laquelle il à été mortellement frappé.”
(His group was cut off from the Corps on June 7, and continued to fight with other elements until June 17, when he was fatally struck.)
LODS, p. 126

Not in SGA Seconde Guerre mondiale website; Not in Sepultures du Guerre database
Place of Burial Unknown

Baum
, Alfred Isaac, Pvt., 6288801, Killed at St. Nazaire

The Buffs (Royal East Kent Regiment), 2nd Battalion
Born 1919
WWRT I, p. 60
Prefailles Communal Cemetery, France – Grave 25

Boos
, Emile (AC-21P-27054), Blessures de Guerre; Rancourt
Armée de Terre, 70eme Régiment d’infanterie de Forteresse

France, Bas-Rhin, Nessenheim; 3/16/09 / France, Saverne
ASDLF, p. 138
SGA “Seconde guerre mondiale” website lists unit as “70e RI Forteresse” – SGA “Sepultures de Guerre” website lists Unite as “70eme R.I.F.”
Carre militaire “Navenne”, Navenne, Haute-Saone, France – Tombe Individuelle, No. 59

Bronstein
, Georges Youry (AC-21P-34431), Tué à l’ennemi; Yonne, Arthonnay

Armée de Terre, 42eme Régiment d’Infanterie, 5eme Compagnie
Born Russie, Saint Petersburg; 11/23/14
Place of Burial Unknown

Bucholz
, Kalmann (AC-21P-35484)

Born Pologne; 1/29/97
ASDLF – 138
Listed in SGA “Seconde guerre mondiale” website, but not SGA “Sepultures de Guerre” website; http://www.memorial-genweb.org/html/fr/resultcommune.php3?id_source=33507&ntable=bp05
(Gives first name as “Kalman”)
Bagneux Cemetery, Bagneux, Paris, France

Fleisher
, Soloman, Pvt.,

Royal Army Service Corps, 2nd Field Bakery
Mr. and Mrs. Morris and Ann Fleisher (parents)
Not listed in either WWRT or WWRT II
Dunkirk Memorial, Nord, France – Column 140

Freeman
, Leslie, Pvt., 6466563, Passenger aboard S.S. Lancastria, which received direct hit by enemy bomb at Dunkirk.

The Buffs (Royal East Kent Regiment), 2nd Battalion
Born 1918
WWRT – I, p. 88
Dunkirk Memorial, Nord, France – Column 38

Goldinberg (Goldenberg)
, Albert, Soldat (AC-21P-195701), Tué au combat; Cote d’Or, Billy les Chanceaux

Armée de Terre, 232eme Régiment d’Artillerie Divisionnaire
Born France, Paris; 10/25/17
Information from SGA “Sepultures de Guerre” website.  Not in SGA “Seconde guerre mondiale” database.
Nécropole nationale “La Doua”, Villeurbanne, Rhone, France – Tombe individuelle, Carre E, Rang 14, No. 2

Harris, Stanley Louis, Sgt., 751759, Passenger aboard S.S. Lancastria, which received direct hit by enemy bomb at Dunkirk
Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve, Number 98 Squadron
Born 1920
Mr. and Mrs. Louis and Minnie A. Harris (parents), Freemantle, Southampton, England
WWRT II, p. 27
http://www.rafweb.org/SqnMark098.htm
http://www.lancastria.org.uk/Victim_List/victim_list.html
Runnymede Memorial, Surrey, England – Panel 15

Jungwitz, Mendel Juda, (AC-21P-58140), Tué au combat; Meuse, Sagny sur Meuse
Armée de Terre, 73eme Groupe de Reconnaissance de Division d’Infanterie
Born Pologne, Monwy Dwor; 12/22/03
First name from SGA “Seconde guerre mondiale” website – SGA “Sepultures de Guerre” website gives first name as “Mendel”; other information is identical in both databases.
Nécropole nationale “Faubourg Pave”, Verdun, Meuse, France – Tombe individuelle, Carre 39/45, No. 160

Khan
, Peter, Cpl., 13000584

Pioneer Corps, 53rd Company, Auxiliary Military
Born 1905
WWRT II, p. 16
Escoublac-la-Baule War Cemetery, Loire-Atlantique, France – 1,E,33

Levy
, Clement Nahman, (AC-21P-76681), “En mission”

Born Israel, Safad; 8/2/15
Place of Burial Unknown

Levy, Francois (AC-21P-76688), Meurthe-et-Moselle, Juvelize
Armée de Terre, 291eme Regiment d’Infanterie
France, Doubs, Besancon; 1/31/18
Place of Burial Unknown

Levy, Roger (AC-21P-78641), Bombardement; Ille-et-Vilaine, Rennes
Armée de Terre, 212eme Regiment d’Artillerie

France, Bas-Rhin, Benfeld; 8/11/06
Place of Burial Unknown

Lewis, Albert, Pvt., 4188602
Cheshire Regiment
Born 1902
Mr. and Mrs. Mark and Sarah Lewis (parents)
WWRT II, p. 18
Pornic War Cemetery, Loire-Atlantique, France – 1,C,6

Saks
, Tobiasz (AC-21P-151240), Tué au combat; Marne, Saint Menehould

Armée de Terre, 21eme Régiment de Marche Etranger
Born Pologne, Fedrzejow; 9/29/07
ASDLF, p. 143
Listed in SGA “Seconde guerre mondiale” website – not listed in SGA “Sepultures de Guerre” website; http://www.memorial-genweb.org/html/fr/resultcommune.php3?id_source=33507&ntable=bp05 (Gives first name as “Tobjasz”)
Bagneux Cemetery, Bagneux, Paris, France

Weil
, Francois Charles David, Lieutenant (AC-21P-169180), Legion d’Honneur; Vienne, Poitiers / Villampuy

Armée de Terre, Cavalerie / A.B.C. / 2eme // 3eme Bataillon de Chars de Combat
“Grièvement blessé le 17/06/1940 à Villampuy (28) par un coup direct sur son char.”
(Seriously wounded on 17/06/1940 in Villampuy (28) by a direct hit on his tank.)

“Lors de l’attaque de Crécy, le 19 mai 1940 à conduit sa section à l’objectif définitif et à contenu l’ennemi pendant sept heures malgré de violente bombardements d’aviation.  Après avoir brillamment participé aux contre-attaques du bataillon du 24 au 31 mai en direction d’Abbevville, à été grièvement blessé le 17 juin au carrefour de Villampuy en assurant la liaison entre ses sections.  Est mort des suites de ses blessures.”
(During the attack on Crécy, May 19, 1940 led his section to the final objective and contained the enemy for seven hours despite violent bombing by aircraft.  After brilliantly participating in the battalion’s counter-attacks from May 24th to 31st in the direction of Abbeville, he was seriously wounded on June 17th at the crossroads of Villampuy by linking his sections.  Died from his wounds.)

Born France, Paris; 10/2/13
LODS, p. 125
SGA gives date as 7/5/40; http://www.memorialgenweb.org/memorial3/html/fr/complementter.php?table=bp&id=112905
Place of Burial Unknown

Winer, Jack George, Pvt., 7659901, Killed in Dunkirk Evacuation
Royal Army Pay Corps
Born 1905
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph and Rose Winer (parents)
WWRT I, p. 174
Dunkirk Memorial, Nord, France – Column 148

Zadoc Khan
, Roger Bertrand, (AC-21P-172107), “Non mort pour France”, Creuse, Mas d’Arviges

Born France, Paris; 11/20/01
Place of Burial Unknown

Zapp, Victor Irving, Sgt., 147889, Passenger aboard S.S. Lancastria, which received direct hit by enemy bomb at Dunkirk.
Royal Army Service Corps
WWRT II, p. 23
Pornic War Cemetery, Loire-Atlantique, France – 2,C,15

Zerbib
, Raymond Fredj Rahsmin, Soldat (Zouave), (AC-21P-167211), Legion d’Honneur; Seine-et-Oise, Saint Cheron (environs)

Armée de Terre, 3eme Regiment de Zouaves
“Mortellement blessé le 17 juin 1940 en résistant courageusement aux attaques ennemies aux environs de Saint-Cheron.”
(Fatally wounded on 17 June 1940 by courageously resisting enemy attacks near Saint-Cheron.)

Born Algerie, Ain-Beida; 9/4/14
LODS, p. 128
First name and Date de deces from SGA “Seconde guerre mondiale” website – SGA “Sepultures de Guerre” website gives first name as “Raymond”, and lists Date de deces as “6/15/40”.
Nécropole nationale “Fleury-les-Aubrais”, Fleury-les-Aubrais, Loiret, France – Tombe individuelle, Carre 43, Rang 4, No. 58

Prisoners of War / Prisonniers de Guerre

Journo, Raoul, Zouave de 1ere Classe, Citation à l’ordre du Régiment
Armée de Terre, 10ème Corps d’Armée, 84ème D.I.N.A.
Prisoner of War (Prisonnier de guerre); Liberated 4/29/45
LODS, p. 99

Khelifi
, Simon, Soldat de 1ere Classe

Armée de Terre, 57eme Régiment d’Infanterie Coloniale (Mixte Sénégalais)
Prisoner of War (Prisonnier de guerre); Frontstalag 230 (France, Vienne, Poitiers)
“Evadé le 22 août 1944 (zone de combat Calvados).  Rejoint le bataillon 31éme de Pionnier.”
(Escaped on 22 August 1944 (Calvados combat zone).  Joined the 31st Pioneer Battalion.) 

Born Tunisie, Tunis; 5/17/15
LODS, p. 111
Liste officielle No. 46 De Prisonniers Francais (11/30/40), p. 33, Liste officielle No. 63 De Prisonniers Francais (1/13/41), p. 33

Wounded (Survived) / Blessé (Survécu)

Sahagian, Abraham, Soldat, Medaille Militaire
Armée de Terre, 107eme Regiment d’Infanterie

“A été grièvement blessé par balle le 17 juin 1940 à son poste de combat aux environs de Laon.”
(He was seriously wounded by a bullet on 17 June 1940 at his combat post near Laon.) 

LODS, p. 145

____________________

References

Books

“WWRT I”
Morris, Henry, Edited by Gerald Smith, We Will Remember Them – A Record of the Jews Who Died in the Armed Forces of the Crown 1939 – 1945, Brassey’s, United Kingdom, London, 1989

“WWRT II”
Morris, Henry, Edited by Hilary Halter, We Will Remember Them – A Record of the Jews Who Died in the Armed Forces of the Crown 1939 – 1945 – An Addendum, AJEX, United Kingdom, London, 1994

“LODS”
Chiche, F., Livre d’Or et de Sang – Les Juifs au Combat: Citations 1939-1945 de Bir-Hakeim au Rhin et Danube, Edition Brith Israel, Tunis, Tunisie, 1946

“ASDLF”
Au Service de la France (Edité à l’occasion du 10ème anniversaire de l’Union des Engagés Volontaires et Anciens Combattants Juifs 1939-1945), l’Union Des Engagés Volontaires Et Anciens Combattants Juifs, Paris (?), France, 1955

Web

Ilex Beller (wikipedia entry), at https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ilex_Beller

Ilex Beller (JewishGen KehilaLinks), at https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ilex_Beller

U.E.V.A.C.J. (Union des Engagés Volontaires et Anciens Combattants Juifs 1939-1945 (Union of Military Volunteers and Jewish Veterans of 1939-1945) (home page), at http://www.combattantvolontairejuif.org/160.html

Rue de Gravilliers (wikipedia entry), at https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rue_des_Gravilliers

Golda Magalnic (under surname of “Magalnik”) – biographical information at genweb.org