Soldiers from New York: Jewish Soldiers in The New York Times, in World War Two: Double Jeopardy Remembered – The Reminiscences of a Jewish Prisoner of War

My recent blog post, covering Sergeant Ralph Gans of the Bronx, included a list of Jewish soldiers who were military casualties on January 31, 1945.  However, that list was not complete.    

The names of two American airmen appear in this “separate” post, because one of those aviators – Leonard Winograd – recounted the events of his capture, interrogation, and imprisonment some three decades later, in an essay: “Double Jeopardy What an American Army Officer, a Jew, Remembers of Prison Life in Germany”. 

He and his eleven fellow crew members were captured after their B-24 Liberator bomber failed to return from a mission to Moosbierbaum, Austria, on a day which marked the loss of at least thirteen 15th Air Force B-24s.  They were members of the 512th Bomb Squadron of the 376th (“Liberandos”) Bomb Group (15th Air Force).  The loss of their aircraft, B-24H 41-28911, piloted by 1 Lt. Robert E. Andrus, is covered in MACR 12066, and Luftgaukommando Reports ME 2776 and 2777.  The entire crew of 12 survived, with two men evading capture.

Rabbi Winograd’s essay was published in the American Jewish Archives in April of 1976, and reprinted in The Jewish Veteran three months later. 

It is presented here, in its entirety. 

Rabbi Winograd’s story is one that is marked by elements of irony and humor (well, of a sort…) and more importantly, insights about the challenges and dangers (imagined, and also very genuine) of being a Jewish prisoner of war of the Germans.  Let alone, the challenges of simply being a POW – “per se”. 

Rabbi Winograd accorded notable attention to the predicament of fellow crewman T/Sgt. Gerald Einhorn, a substitute crew member who was filling in for the Andrus crew’s own (ill) ball turret gunner that January Tuesday.  This was particularly so in light of Einhorn’s defiance of the crew’s German captors (which reaction elicited an intriguing comment from another POW) in the context of Einhorn’s status as a refugee from Hitler.    

Though Einhorn was never seen again after being wounded during a strafing attack by P-47 Thunderbolt fighters, he did survive the war.  The owner of a hardware store in Brooklyn, he died in 1983, at the young age of 61.  His wife, Gertrude (“Gittel”) (Yaskransky) Einhorn, passed away in 2005.    

One wonders if Gerald Einhorn ever read Rabbi Winograd’s story.  I suppose the answer to that question can never be answered.  What can be answered and verified is that Einhorn was, as recorded by Rabbi Winograd, from Eastern Europe; born in Romania in July of 1922, his parents were Samuel and Mathilda.  Their fate is another question, the answer to which is also unknown.  

In a larger sense, Rabbi Winograd’s account is one of the innumerable stories comprising the great body of writing – some fiction; some non-fiction; some, “some”-where between – concerning the experience of prisoners of war during the Second World War.  In itself, this literature is but one facet of the vast body of writing covering the experience of prisoners of war, of all military conflicts, “in general”. 

What is notable about Rabbi Winograd’s account is that was published relatively “early”, compared to the bulk of such accounts (whether books or articles), which began to appear before the public – at least in the United States – roughly commencing in the mid- to late 1980s. 

What is equally notable is that it addresses – albeit through the eyes of one man, over the limited time-frame of four months (well, very much can happen in four months!) – the implications of being a Jewish prisoner of war in the European Theater, in light of the ideological priorities, social and geopolitical aims, and actions of Germany (and to a lesser extent its allies) concerning the Jews.    

In that regard, it one among many such stories.  But, how many?   

From reviewing a very wide variety of sources – books and articles; archival and published; print and digital – I’ve arrived at the following approximate numbers of Jewish soldiers who, having been captured by Axis forces, survived the Second World War as POWs. 

United States Army (European, Mediterranean, and Pacific Theaters): 1,530
United States Army Air Force (European, Mediterranean, and Pacific Theaters):  1,310
United States Marine Corps and Navy: 80
Australia (all theaters of war; all branches of service): 80
Canada (all theaters of war; all branches of service): 70
England (all theaters of war; all branches of service): 415
Greece:  70
South Africa (all theaters of war; all branches of service): 360
The Yishuv (pre-1948 Israel): 1,280

(A caveat:  The above totals do not include Jewish prisoners of war from Belgium, France, and the Netherlands.  They also do not include the extraordinarily few Jewish soldiers of the Polish, and particularly the Soviet armed forces, who survived German captivity.  This must be viewed in the context and nature of Germany’s war against the Soviet Union, one aspect of which was the calculated inhumanity of German treatment of Soviet POWs.) 

In any event, many if not most of these stories were probably never told; even fewer were probably recorded.  Of those that were recorded, how many have been preserved?    

Well…a few. 

And this is one.    

A link to a PDF transcript of Rabbi Winograd’s story follows this post’s list of references. 

But first, begin with a series of photographs of the Andrus crew…


The following image, from the 376th Bomb Group wesbite, also appears in Rabbi Winograd’s book Rabies is Jewish Priests, and depicts his crew after their arrival in North Africa in August, 1944, while en route to Italy.  

The men are the following:

Standing, left to right:

Bob Andrus (pilot)
Chappy Campbell (Radio operator)
Len Winograd
Bob Ruetsch (gunner)
Tom Sabatino (gunner)

Kneeling, left to right:

Bob Cartier (bombardier)
Lane Carlton
Carl Rudisill (gunner)
Bob Corbett (flight engineer)

The aircraft – Mary Ellen – was named after the wife of aircraft commander Paul George (not in the photo), who does not appear in the photo.

The same image as above, as it appears in Rabbi Winograd’s book.

Mary Ellen, B-24J 42-50960, squadron number 85, did not survive the war.  The aircraft was lost on November 11, 1944, while taking part in a high-altitude bombing mission to Mezzocorona, Italy. 

As described by 1 Lt. Eugene B. De Fillipo, who was flying on the plane’s right wing, Mary Ellen – piloted by 1 Lt. Walter W. Mader with a crew of ten – was last seen over the Adriatic Sea, about half way between Ancona and the Croatian coastal island of Dugi Otok.  The two planes entered clouds at 0925 hours.  Fifteen minutes later, when Lieutenant De Fillipo emerged into clear sky, Mary Ellen was missing.  The incident is covered in MACR 9858.


Another image of the Andrus crew, also from the 376th BG website.

Standing, left to right:

Robert F. Corbett – Flight Engineer
Robert J. Cartier – Bombardier
Robert E. Andrus – Pilot
Leonard Winograd – Navigator

Kneeling, left to right:

Carl P. Rudisill – Nose Gunner
Robert D. Ruetsch – Ball Turret Gunner
Thomas G. Sabatino – Tail Gunner
Emory L. Carlton – Waist Gunner
Robert G. Campbell – Radio Operator


This image of the Andrus crew – taken just after their return from a mission on December 14, 1944 – is from the collection of Robert Ruetsch, seventeen of whose photographs are present at his photo page on the 376th BG website

Standing, left to right:

Leonard Winograd – navigator
Donald H. Boulineu – Pilot
Robert E. Andrus – Co-Pilot

Kneeling, left to right:

Robert D. Ruetsch – Ball Turret Gunner

According to Robert Ruetsch’s comments, “these other men were probably part of the crew that day”:

Robert F. Corbett – Flight Engineer
Robert J. Cartier – Bombardier
Carl P. Rudisill – Nose Turret Gunner
Thomas G. Sabatino – Tail Turret Gunner
Emory L. Carlton – Waist Gunner
Robert G. Campbell – Radio Operator

The Liberator which serves as the backdrop B-24H 42-95285, squadron number 22, otherwise known as Red Ryder.  The plane was lost during a mission to Linz, Austria, on November 7, 1944.  Piloted by 2 Lt. Phillip R. Scott, the plane (based on my interpretation of the MACR) either crash-landed on Vis Island, or ditched in the Adriatic Sea.  In any event, four of the plane’s eleven crewmen were killed.  Three of the plane’s four engines suffered a simultaneous loss of power coupled with mechanical problems: #1 engine was “out”, #2 engine “ran away”, and a third engine had become uncontrollable.  The incident is covered in post-war high-numbered “fill in” Missing Air Crew Report: # 16500. 


Here is another view of the Andrus crew, also from the Ruetsch photo collection.

Standing, left to right:

Robert J. Cartier
Robert D. Ruetsch
Leonard Winograd
Robert F. Corbett

Kneeling, left to right:

Donald H. Boulineau
Thomas G. Sabatino
Carl P. Rudisill
Robert G. Campbell
Emory Lane Carlton

Like Red Ryder and Mary Ellen, the B-24 in this image also did not survive the war.  The plane B-24H 42-51183, was nicknamed Bad Penny, squadron number 27.  The aircraft was lost during a mission to the Moosbierbuam Oil Refineries in Austria on January 31, 1945.  Piloted by 1 Lt. Wante J. Bartol, nine of the bomber’s ten crew members survived the mission.  The sole casualty was bombardier 2 Lt. Leonard N. Tocco, who was murdered (shot) by German soldiers almost immediately after safely landing by parachute, despite offering no resistance to capture.

The incident is covered in MACR 12067.  It is also covered in Luftgaukommando Report ME 204A.  Regarding the latter, Luftgaukommando Reports suffixed “A” probably pertained to American air crews from which at least some crew members were known by the Germans to have evaded capture.  This would be consistent with the fate of the Bartol crew, for of the plane’s nine survivors, eight seem to have escaped, with T/Sgt. Mark D. Striman (radio operator) being taken prisoner.


Another image from Rabbi Winograd’s book:  “A group of the neighborhood children in Italy come out to play in the snow, January 30, 1945.  It was the first snow in southern Italy in some 25 years.  The two without hats are a future rabbi and a future university president.  This was the day before our bomber went down.  Who would have guessed that in less than 24 hours, our crew would be missing in action.”


Another image from the Ruetsch collection, showing Lieutenants Boulineau, Winograd, and Cartier, in front of their tent. 


An excellent portrait of Rabbi (then, Lieutenant) Winograd, in front of a 512th Bomb Squadron B-24.  The squadron insignia – a skull superimposed on a propeller and cross-bones – is as visually striking as it is symbolic.   This picture accompanies Rabbi Winograd’s article in the April, 1976 issue of the American Jewish Archives, but does not appear in either Rabies is Jewish Priests, or, the reprint of the AJA article in the July, 1976 issue of The Jewish Veteran.


A uniform patch of the 512th Bomb Squadron insignia.


The following account, from the 376th BG website, is Lt. Andrus’ story of the loss of B-24H 41-28911.

“With three engines feathered, the B-24’s flight characteristics approximate that of a large, round ball of lead dropped from a great height.”

Much to our surprise on the afternoon of Jan 30, 1944 [should be 1945] I found that my crew was scheduled to fly the next day’s mission. Under the normal rotation we should not have been scheduled for at least two more days. Further, we were to fly the number 7 (slot) position which was usually reserved for newer, less experienced crews. Adding to the confusion was the fact that we not going to fly our usual aircraft but were to take the brand new B-24H that the squadron had received a few days earlier.

All my efforts to find out what was going on were non productive. Sqd Ops finally told me that they had been directed by Group Operations to schedule me by name to fly that aircraft in the slot on tomorrows mission and I would probably find out why at the morning briefing. Very strange!

At the morning briefing I learned that the 376th would be the last group in the bomber stream, the target was Moosbierbaum and the flak would be intense. It quickly became apparent that since the 512th box was tail-end Charlie in the group formation, I would be the last ship over the target. It wasn’t until we arrived at the hardstand where our aircraft was parked that I finally found out what was going on.

Both the Gp Ops officer and the Gp Intel. officer were waiting for me and introduced me to my newest crew member: an aerial photographer. I was then briefed that my mission was to bomb the target with the 512th and when they rallied off after they dropped their ordinance I was to make a 180 degree turn and return to the IP and make another run over the target. It seems they suspected the oil refinery had long since been destroyed and was being camouflaged to appear operational. Our second run over the target would hopefully provide bomb damage photography taken before they had an opportunity to reemploy their camouflage. I was then advised that we had been selected to fly this mission because we were experienced and had one of the most competent navigators in the Group, Len Winograd.

The aircraft we were to fly was basically an “H” model that had been modified at the factory during its manufacture. The nose turret was eliminated and a huge, 7-lens mosaic camera which incorporated the bomb sight was installed in its place. The photographer had received over 150 hours of experimental training on a similar camera that had been installed in a modified B-24D back in the states. Although I was introduced to him at the hardstand, I am unable to remember his name.

He and Flight Officer Durham, the bombardier who was receiving his mandatory checkout flight brought the number of crew members on this flight to twelve.

The flight to the target was normal; the aircraft performed beautifully and fuel consumption was less than normal. There was absolutely no indication of the problem we were later to encounter. During this portion of the flight I briefed the crew on intercom about our additional mission. When I finished, there was a moment of silence and then a voice on the intercom said, “hey, I ain’t gonna go unless I get extra mission credit.” This brought on lots of laughter.

As I recall, the bomb run was flown at 23,000 feet and although the flak was very heavy, we received only minimum damage. After the bomb drop, the flight made a descending right turn to clear the area as rapidly as possible. I maintained 23,000 feet and flew a racetrack pattern back to the IP. Once we were established on the track back to the target I turned control of the aircraft over to the photographer who was using the bombsight as a view finder for the camera. While the flak continued to be heavy on this run, we received minimal battle damage.

After completing the photo run I made a right descending turn and picked up the heading for return to base. Almost immediately the right outboard engine started to fail. Fuel pressure fluctuated wildly and although the manifold pressure gauge indicated we were not getting any power, I was unable to control the engine RPMs. This left me no choice but to shut down the engine and feather the prop.

A check of the fuel sight gauges indicated plenty of fuel for the return to base. Despite this, all engine instruments clearly showed the loss of the engine was due to fuel starvation. Just as I made the decision to unfeather the engine, the same problem began with the right inboard engine. Using the feathering button to keep the RPMs from exceeding the max allowable we tried everything we could think of to overcome the power loss. Cross feeding the fuel tanks, swapping the electronic control boxes for the turbo superchargers all failed to correct the problem.

With two engines on the same side feathered, the flying characteristics of a combat configured B-24 left much to be desired. Forced to begin a descent in order to maintain minimum flying speed, I directed the crew to jettison everything in the aircraft not required to maintain flight. While I still held out hope that we would have sufficient altitude to make it over the Alps, the left inboard engine failed inexactly the same manner.

With three engines feathered, the B-24’s flight characteristics approximate that of a large, round ball of lead dropped from a great height. It was very depressing to know that we had all that fuel on board and not be able to access it.

By this time we were down in a box canyon of the generic Alps in northern Yugoslavia and descending through 9,000 feet. Since there was no alternative, I directed the crew to bailout. This was in the vicinity of Bijac, Yugoslavia. I was immediately captured and remained a POW for the duration of the war.

Liberation and return to allied military control came on April 29, 1945. In the latter part of May, 1945 while undergoing processing and rehabilitation at Camp Lucky Strike, LeHavre, France, I was interviewed and debriefed by US Army Intelligence agents. It seems that an identical camera-equipped B-24H had been delivered to the 98th Bomb Group at Lecce and it went down on its first mission under the same circumstances that we had experienced. This raised suspicions of sabotage and an investigation was conducted. It revealed that during manufacture someone had installed pressure-sensitive check valves in the main fuel lines to each engine. The valves remained inoperable until someone removed a small easily accessible pin to activate them. They were designed to remain open while climbing and maintaining constant altitude and close, shutting off the fuel supply, when encountering increasing barometric pressure i.e. a descending aircraft. The saboteur was apprehended and the valves were removed from the remaining four camera-equipped B-24s.


And, here is Rabbi Winograd’s story…

American Jewish Archives
April, 1976

What an American Army Officer, a Jew,
Remembers of Prison Life in Germany

Dr. Winograd is a member of the Jacob Greenfield Post in McKeesport, Pa.  He’s also the rabbi of Temple B’Nai Israel.

They were always things you overheard, things not meant for your ears, not intended for you, not directed at or about you.  But the words were in the air.  You could hear them at night in that tension before sleep released you from longing.  I remember hearing two British or South African pilots talking about a British prisoner whose name may have been Gordon.

“Didn’t you know?  He’s a Jew – a Russland Jew?”

“After the war, we’ll fight them.”

I will never know whether he meant that, after the war, England (or South Africa) would have to fight the Jews or the Russians.  I heard one of us referred to as a “Kike” because he had argued with the German guards.  His name was Einhorn.  He was a refugee from Hitler.  Hungarian Jews were dying at the rate of 12,000 a day at Auschwitz.  Our own belly gunner was in the hospital with pneumonia so Einhorn, Hungarian Jew, had flown with our crew on the day we bailed out.  Einhorn was unknown to me before this mission because at our base in Italy, officer flying personnel rarely got to know the enlisted flying personnel socially except, of course, for members of one’s own crew.  Einhorn was apparently a fellow with enough guts to tell off the men who captured him or who were taking him on a train to yet another place.  This frightened the other men who had been captured with Einhorn, as they were not personally involved in World War II, even if they, too, were prisoners of war in Germany.  To the Jew this was deeply personal – no matter how hard you tried to deny it.

More of the One Than of the Other

We had bailed out over Yugoslavia after bombing a synthetic oil refinery somewhere in Austria.  We came down in a part of Bosnia in which there was a great deal of guerilla warfare.  Two of the crew were picked up immediately by the Yugoslav Tito Red Partisans.  They were back at our base in Italy in five days.  [Aerial Gunner S/Sgt. Carl B. Rudisill, and, Observer F/O Edward J. Derham]  One of these two men was riding along on a first mission just to see what happens in combat.  [Derham]  He evaded capture, which indicates how much training, experience, intelligence briefings, and knowledge of escape procedure can accomplish.  About five of the crew came down in about the same place and were picked up almost immediately.  I think that Einhorn was in that group, along with the crew member who had griped to me that Einhorn was like “those Kikes from Brownsville.”  [Name in MACR…]  I was reassured that Einhorn was not like me.  Another four men or so must have come down in another place because they were captured and brought in after the first group had left for Germany.  I was the last one captured and I joined this group at a barracks in the mountains.  My capture came after three days and two nights of hiding by day and traveling by night, avoiding all people and also wolves and bears who were after me and had me badly frightened.

The idea was that you hid in the daytime and traveled at night, heading always south until one came to a city or a penguin, in which case you had apparently overdone things again.  But, while I was holed up in the snow, with tracks from my boots leading to the hole and no tracks leading from the hole, several German soldiers came by, looking for me, I assume.  They had great big dogs with them.  They walked within six feet of my hole and never bothered to investigate because, after all, no one wants to fill out all those forms, I guess.

Well, I saw a crucifix on a building and since I had heard about the priests and nuns in Belgium who believed in God and would help Jews trying to evade capture, I decided to chance it.  I stood up.  (I had been crawling on my belly because according to the movies, that way you became a smaller target.)  I started walking toward what I assumed would be a church.  Very soon I realized that it was no church at all.  In those moments when I still thought it was a church, I had decided that all I would ask for was some hot water.  I was freezing.  Just some hot water.  Very soon I realized that this was no church at all.  It was a cemetery chapel.  Some little children had seen me and had run to get the German sentries.  Two German sentries.  Well, Germans are nothing if not thorough.  Imagine, two guards in a cemetery!

The guards asked me, Americano?”  I answered, “No.”  They asked me, “Italiano?”  I answered, “Americano.”  I felt that since Germany and Italy were allies, I had better hot tell them that I was Italian since I wanted them to like me.

They took me to meet an officer.  It might have been a headquarters or an officers’ club or something.  I was in a daze.  But I remember that they immediately brought in an interpreter who right off the bat asked me if I had ever been to Kaufman’s in Pittsburgh.  From the few words I had said, he had spotted my Pittsburgh brogue.  The official questions came in correct order – name, rank, serial number, religion.  I answered them all to the best of my ability, and when I told them that I was a Jew, I sensed excitement in the room.  I am very perceptive that way.  All the mouths were wide open now.

Then I remember that even though they kept referring to us as fellow officers, in my case it was not quite the same thing.  The major (who was a German major in Bihacs in the winter of ‘45?) claimed to be from Vienna and told me that he had many Jewish friends (my knee jerk reaction being that one was supposed to beware of Gentiles who said that some of their best friends were Jews – as if it would be safer to be with a Nazi who said that some of his worst enemies were Jews!)

Studying Journalism

Meanwhile, they had insisted that I take off some of my wet clothes.  This, I assumed, was for the purpose of torturing me.  Then they brought me some hot soup – poison no doubt!  Anyhow, the soup was about the best I ever ate in my life.  It probably did not have the antibiotic potential of chicken soup, but no soup I ever ate tasted as good.  As for the clothes, they merely wanted to dry them off.  I had recalled the Geneva Convention when I created that sensation by telling them what my religion was, and so I realized that I had better not talk anymore.  So I would not talk.  The translator had gotten angry with me at one point when I answered a question before he had translated it, despite the fact that I knew no German at all, but, as I explained, German was a lot like Yiddish.  Sometimes I could understand the questions without waiting for the translation.  I imagine that a lot of German anti-Semitism came from translators who feared that if they were not needed in Yugoslavia, they might have to go to the Russian front where it was just as cold and hot besides.  In wartime, that could be hazardous.

One example of how being a Jew affected response to interrogation: When I was asked what I was studying in college, I was ashamed to tell the Germans that I was in the School of Business Administration because in those days anti-Semites thought that all Jews were rich and were in business.  So I told them that I was studying journalism.  (This only shows how naive I was.  Now they could accuse Jews of trying to control the media!)

But from that time on, I was intent on hiding within my group.  None of my crew ever discussed this with me nor did I tell them what was on my mind.  I always sought the back of formations, covered my face with my hands like a criminal whenever I was visible to Germans, and tried very hard not to be conspicuous.

Our select group soon included a South African pilot with the fantastic name of Paul Kreuger [actually, Lieutenant Peter Krueger (207053)] and there was also a South African observer whom we had seen get shot down one day as Ukrainian SS stood over me with whips in their hands while I cowered on the floor in hopes that they wouldn’t use them.  (No congregation really frightens me.)  We were escorted by three old men who were given rations for our trip to “someplace.”  They kept our cigarette rations for themselves, but did give us enough food and a lot of organic fertilizer.  We knew that they were stealing our cigarettes, but we were like Lolita with Humbert.  They were all we had.  They were kind of old, and we were extremely young, so we carried the guns and they carried the rations.  After all, if we escaped, could they eat guns!  They wanted to be sure that they would have enough to eat.

The boys from the 512th Squadron of the 376th Bomb Group were carrying German rifles while their guards carried the heavy packages of food.  We called them Superman No. 1, Superman No. 2, and Sleeping Jesus.  The names had come about so innocently!  Bobbie Johnstown was a nineteen-year-old co-pilot who had the face of a Gerber model.  We had to carry him everywhere because of his frozen feet.  He couldn’t walk.  He could run like hell when we were being bombed by our own planes, but he couldn’t walk, so we carried him.  Well, it was one of those moments when our guards were totally exhausted.  Bobbie had referred to them as “Supermen.”  When we gasped, he asked, “Well, aren’t they?”  It was all very funny, especially that part about Sleeping Jesus.  I, of course, as the Jew in residence, never referred to the Alsatian guard as sleeping Jesus.  I left that for the other crew buddies, it wasn’t for me to say.  Anyone could tell that I must have been a Jew.  I didn’t joke about Jesus.  See why it is dumb to object to the Gentile who says that some of his best friends are Jews.  If you are any kind of a Jew at all, everyone knows it.  For one thing, you don’t joke about Jesus.

On the trains, our guards were supposed to protect us from the German populace.  One of these guards, Superman No. 1, had an uncle in Milwaukee.  This guard told a German passenger combat soldier that I was a Jew.  The soldier gave me a cigarette without comment and without any show of anger or hatred.  And cigarettes were very scarce in that time and place.

Big Generals and Jews

Finally, we arrived at Frankfurt on the Main.  We went directly to the cellar of the railroad station to sweat out a night bombing.  There we met a Russian prisoner, a Pole, and several Frenchmen.  We joked that the Russian had surrounded Vienna, but the German army had apparently broken his siege and captured him.  Seriously, though, it was quite touching.  The Russian, on learning that I was an American, took out a silver cigarette case and held it close to his body so that I could not see what was in it.  What was in the silver cigarette case?  About a half dozen cigarette butts.  For some reason, he did not want me to know that he was giving me the largest cigarette butt he owned.  It could have meant many things, but it was wonderful to taste the appreciation of an ally.

A few minutes later, euphoric because of the swig of wine which I had gotten from the newly captured French prisoner, I opened my heart a fraction of an inch to him.  I really thought that all Frenchmen were libertarian, egalitarian, and fraternal, like in Warner Brothers war films.  So I told this brand new comrade in incarceration that I was a Jew and that I was afraid that they would kill me.  Then he let me know that he could not believe that I was a Jew because I was a soldier.  Just about then the German who was guarding the Russian, the Pole, and the Frenchmen became chummy and philosophical.  Being in a cellar during an air raid does that for you.  War, he said, was no good.  We all agreed.  Then he went on to refine his statement.  War, he now said, was good only for the big generals and the Jews.  It had been different at the prison camp for French prisoners in Vienna.  A French POW there had been in Poland and had seen the Nazi death camps where Jews were exterminated, and he had told me what was going on.  He probably would not have agreed that war was good for the Jews.

Finally, we left the cellar of the railroad station and went to an air force interrogation center near Frankfurt.  I was put in solitary confinement.  We all were, I think.  They made the room so hot that I could not stand it and so removed most of my clothing.  As soon as I did that, they made it so cold that I had to put all the clothing back on again.  This happened several times over several hours.  Then I was taken to interrogation where, for the first time, the fact that I was a Jew became a weapon in the hands of the Germans.  By now I had been a prisoner for about a month.

The interrogator was a one man Mutt-and-Jeff act.  You know, in prison work, one detective is the good guy and one is the bad guy.  Well, this was the good guy.  The bad guy would bet me if I did not play along with the good guy.  It worked like this: I refused to give any information other than my name, rank, and serial number.  I refused because the Geneva Convention promised that no one was allowed to require more than such information of me.  All he wanted was for me to tell him one thing to establish the fact that I was not an underground terrorist or, as he put it, a “bandit.”

Sorry.  No luck.

So, he went on to tell me how he had had good childhood friends who were Jews, but who had gone to America because of the Nazis.  He, of course, was no Nazi.  Perhaps I knew his friends?  He told me their names.  No, I did not know them.  Well, the officer explained, that was too bad because he certainly had nothing against Jews, but the Gestapo was in charge of all suspected underground terrorists and, unless I talked, he would have to turn me over to the Gestapo.  He advised me that they would not be as considerate of my feelings or my safety as the German Air Force would be.  If I could get myself registered as an air force prisoner of war, the Luftwaffe, the German air force, would be responsible for me.  Otherwise, the Gestapo would get me.  This was the second big fact about being a Jew in this situation.  It gave the Germans an additional weapon for interrogation of prisoners.  I told him that I could not do what he wanted me to do.  He then had a photographer brought in who did a frontal mug and profile with numbers.  This, I was told, was for the Gestapo.  The interrogator’s last words to me were that he felt very sorry for me.  He really did not think that I was an underground bandit, but I had been very foolish and had not helped him at all.

I went back to my room thinking or really feeling kind of, “So, this is how it is all going to end,” and being afraid only that I would not act like a big boy when they tortured me.  I had been well indoctrinated with the idea that if you revealed anything at all other than your name, rank, and serial number, they would never let you out of the interrogation center.  Apparently, those interrogation centers existed only for the sake of the occasional blabbermouth who would give them one small piece of a puzzle which they could fit into a larger puzzle where it would mesh with the gleanings from other blabbermouths.  Anyhow, they would have no further use for me because I would not tell them anything.  I could always say that I had met the enemy and “my head was bloody but unbowed” – except that it wasn’t even bloody.  It was cold and it was sweaty, but it was not at all bloody.

After an eternity, which may have been only fifteen minutes, there was a knock at the door.  A German NCO with a smile on his face said, “Lt. Winograd we are sending a movement of prisoners today to a Red Cross camp and would like you to be in command of the group.”  He told me how many hundreds of officers and NCOs would be involved.  I agreed to do it.  He explained also that, looking as I did, I could not properly command men.  I needed a shave.  Would I like to use his razor and soap?  I agreed to do that, too.  So he brought me a razor, soap, and a brush, and while I was shaving, he explained that I would have to do something else to guarantee the comfort of our men.  According to the articles of war, you are not allowed to force a prisoner to give his consent or parole, meaning you cannot force a prisoner to give his word that he will not attempt escape.  I would have to violate the entire civilized world’s conception of POW life and give parole for several hundred prisoners.  If did not?  If I refused?  Then winter, shminter-they would remove the shoes and belts of all the men on the train!  But supposing I gave parole for these men and one of them escaped?  Oh, in that case the Germans would shoot me.  Seemed like an air-tight plan!  I love to see all the ends dovetail neatly.

But look.  When you have been expecting the Gestapo to take you off somewhere to a torture chamber, a minor violation of an international covenant is insignificant.  I agreed.  He also explained that the German people were extremely sensitive people.  Well, who didn’t know that?  He meant that they were sensitive about their homes being bombed, so there was to be no laughter, no frivolity, no singing in the presence of German civilians.  If there were, there might be an attack on the prisoners by the civilians, and I would be responsible for that, too.  Looked like a good setup for me to lose weight.  I agreed, of course.  Then I was taken to a large room, and all of the prisoners were brought in, including a few members of my own crew who looked at me with awe and wonders as though it were my bar mitzvah.  You know the look: Lenny is going to make a speech!


I explained the conditions of the trip.  We were going to a Red Cross center for war prisoners where we would receive new clothing and the other toilet articles and supplies we would require for our new life.  Then I had them arrange themselves into a military formation, and I marched the group to the train from the building.  I have no idea how far we went but Jeez that was fun!  So another peculiarity of being a Jew in a German POW camp was that the only time in my three years of active duty in the Armed Forces of the USA that I ever commanded a marching formation of any size or of any kind whatsoever was at that prison interrogation rogation center in Nazi Germany where it was either a reward for being a brave or an impressive soldier or, an attempt at harassment so that I should not enjoy the train ride like everyone else.

At the Red Cross place – Wetzlar, I think it was – the commanding officer explained that we would get the things we needed.  He suggested that we all watch the maps for an American crossing of the Rhine River any day now at a certain point.  He informed us that there would be “mass for the mackerel munchers at 6:30 and services for the other league at 8 o’clock.”  We would have some papers to fill out for the Red Cross.  I realized that the Red Cross had nothing to do with these papers when the uniformed German filling out my information sheet insisted that I had a “birth mark or scar” which was beschnitten – cut off.  This, he explained, was because I was circumcised.  That was my identifying birthmark or scar.

From Wetzlar we went to Nuremberg.  It was at Nuremberg that we were finally home.  They had been telling us that, “For you the war is over.”  They told us that again.  As prisoners, now that the war was over for us, we slept in cellars and in barns, and once I awoke at night to find a large rat sitting on my face, staring at me.  Now we were safely registered as prisoners, and the food was just enough to keep one barely alive.  Men fell into the latrines and lacked the strength to pull themselves out of the fecal slime.  For them the war really was over.  A most appropriate way to go.  We were home.  We were safe from the civilians who tried to grab us in Vienna when my own bomber group attacked the city just as we reached a Red Cross soup kitchen.  There was not enough to eat, but Nuremberg was something to be proud of.  After all, it was the only major bombing target that could be reached by both the entire 15th Air Force based in Italy and the entire 8th Air Force based in England.  We were bombed all day by the Americans and all night by the British.  But they were not bombing our prison.  They were bombing other things such as rail junctions.

A Moment Embedded in Stars

In the midst of this confusion, one night the British sent the whole damned Royal Air Force to bomb, and they dropped flares right on the camp, which meant to us experienced air men that we were the target for tonight.  Actually they had dropped the flares so their bombardiers (bomb-aimers, they called them) would not hit us, but would hit the rail junction about a mile away.  We did not know that though, and so we thought that we were it.  I prayed for my mother, my father, my sister, and my brother as was my custom.  I sensed that I must not be selfish or God would ignore me altogether.  And I lay in that filth on my belly on the floor of the barracks and told God that if He could get me out of that mess I would dedicate my life to Him.  That was when I decided to become a rabbi.  Seriously, that was it.  I joke a lot, especially in anxiety-laden situations, but I am serious about this moment and the rabbinate.

Finally, the day came that we marched out of Nuremberg because the American infantry was getting too close.  On the first or second day of our long march, we were attacked by American P-47 dive bombers.  Einhorn had his leg ripped open, and I never saw him again.  Our next camp was Moosburg, which we reached after marching mostly in the rain for something like 125 kilometers (eighty-five miles), sleeping at night in the open or on farms or in bitterly cold churches.  When no one else would have us the churches always would let us in out of the rain.  The Germans, during this march, were neither mean nor cruel.  They were kind and helpful.  Can you handle that last sentence?  We must have looked horrible.  Old ladies carried buckets of water for us and brought us food.  We were everywhere throughout the countryside.  A hundred thousand of us.  Finally, I arrived at the desk of the British prisoner whose job was to fill out a new informational form on me.  All of the old records had been lost.  We found them a couple of weeks later.  This British prisoner asked me again the same weary questions I had answered so many times before.  I answered them again.

I did not want to give my parents’ address, as I always feared that they might be blackmailed by German agents in the United States.  Still, I did give the address of my parents because, after all, there was no way to write home without addressing the postcards.  But when I told this man that I was a Jew, he said that he would not write that down because he had been a prisoner for five years and had seen too many Jews disappear.

We were now only twelve miles from Dachau, where the Germans had been known to separate Jews from the other military prisoners.  I answered that I would not lie about my Jewishness.  He suggested that he write down Protestant for my religion.  I refused.  He told me that I was signing my own death warrant.  I told him that I had not come halfway around the world to lie about my religion; that was what the war was all about, and if I did what he asked and we won the war, I would still be the loser.  He wrote it down and told me that he was sorry for me.  I know that he meant that.  I felt his pain.  I didn’t smile either.  I was out of the habit.

A nun in Philadelphia has written, “Hope is a moment embedded in stars that shine when your courage is gone.”  A few weeks later we were liberated.


Here are some images of MACR 12066, which covers the loss of B-24H 41-28911.

Information about the mission, technical information about the aircraft, and information about the plane’s crew appear below.

As mentioned by Rabbi Winograd, two crew members escaped capture.  One was S/Sgt. Carl B. Rudisill, an aerial gunner.  Having returned to Allied lines by February 8, here is his report – based on then-available information – about the status of his fellow crew members. 

Here is an English-language translation of the “Report on Capture of Members of Enemy Air Forces” form, which is typical of Luftgaukommando Reports.  This report covers the capture of Lieutenant Winograd… 

…while this report covers the capture of S/Sgt. Gerald Einhorn, who was serving as ball turret gunner.  Note that Sgt. Einhorn was captured the day be bailed out – January 31 – while Lt. Winograd was captured on February 2.

This document, dated 13 February, pertains to the transportation of several Allied POWs to Oberursel, including six members of the Andrus crew.  Notable in the list is an entry for South African serviceman Lieutenant Peter Krueger (207053), named in Rabbi Winograd’s account as “Paul Kreuger”. 

And, the final crew roster of 41-28911, generated by German investigators after identification and correlation of the captured airmen.  Notably and understandably absent are the names of S/Sgt. Carl B. Robert Rudisill and F/O Edward J. Derham.  They “got away”…


Biographical and genealogical information about Gerald Einhorn and Leonard Winograd follows below:

Einhorn, Gerald, T/Sgt., 32784824, Ball-Turret Gunner, Air Medal, Purple Heart
Originally member of 493rd BG (8th Air Force)
POW Camp unknown
Born in Romania, 7/18/22; Died 2/5/83
Mrs. Gertrude (“Gittel”) (Yaskransky) Einhorn (wife) [6/24/24-6/5/05], 577 E. 98th St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel and Mathilda Einhorn (parents) (presumably remained in Rumania during war; eventual fate unknown)
Married 1/25/43
Postwar, owned a hardware store in Brooklyn
Died 2/5/83
Buried at New Montefiore Cemetery, Farmingdale, N.Y.
American Jews in World War II – 301

Winograd, Leonard, 1 Lt., 0-712977, Navigator, Air Medal, 3 Oak Leaf Clusters, Purple Heart
POW at Stalag 7A (Moosburg, Germany)
Mr. Emil Winograd (father), 299 Jackson St., Rochester, Pa.
Casualty List (Liberated POW) 6/7/45
American Jews in World War II – 560


Coincidence upon coincidence:  There was another Leonard Winograd who served in the Army Air Force in World War Two. 

He was an aerial navigator. 

He served on B-24s in the 15th Air Force.

His aircraft was lost on a combat mission. 

He, and his entire crew, survived the war.

This “other” Leonard Winograd, who hailed from Laburnum Crescent, in Rochester, New York, was the son of Morris Winograd, and the brother of Pvt. Solomon Winograd. 

His aircraft, B-24J 42-51382 of the 758th Bomb Squadron, 459th Bomb Group, piloted by 2 Lt. Lionel L. Lowry, Jr., failed to return from a mission to Linz, Austria on February 25, 1945, the plane’s loss being covered in MACR 12360.  Though I do not know the details, I would assume that the men returned to their squadron with the aid of Yugoslav partisans.  

A brief article about Lt. Winograd from the Rochester Times Union of  April 18, 1945, appears below, followed by the crew list.


Postwar: Once Lieutenant Winograd, now Rabbi Winograd.  (Portrait from Rabies is Jewish Priests)




Dublin, Louis I., and Kohs, Samuel C., American Jews in World War II – The Story of 550,000 Fighters for Freedom, The Dial Press, New York, N.Y., 1947

Winograd, Leonard, “Double Jeopardy: What an American Army Officer, a Jew, Remembers of Prison Life in Germany,” American Jewish Archives, V 28, N 1, p. 3-17

Winograd, Leonard, Rabies is Jewish Priests – And Other Zeydeh Myses, Leonard Winograd, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1990

Gerald Einhorn

Mention of Gerald Einhorn serving in 493rd Bomb Group (at American Air Museum website)

Robert Andrus

Robert Andrus’ Account of loss of B-24H 41-28911 (at 376th BG Website)

Robert Andrus Crew Members

Crew Photo – North Africa, in front of B-24J 42-50960 (Mary Ellen) (at 376th BG website)

Crew Photos from collection of aerial gunner Robert D. Reutsch (at 376th BG website)

Crew Photo – Wearing uniforms in front of building (at 376th BG website)

Crew Photo – In front of B-24H 42-95285 (#22Red Ryder) (at 376th BG website)

Crew Photo – In front of B-24H 42-51183 (#27Bad Penny) (at 376th BG website)

Crewmen – Donald H. Boulineau, Donald H., Leonard Winograd, and Robert J. Cartier (at 376th BG Website)

A PDF transcript of Rabbi Winograd’s story is available here.

Soldiers from New York: Jewish Soldiers in the Long Island Star Journal – I: Jacques W. Bloch

Though my blog posts have thus far covered Jewish soldiers who served in “The Great War” (World War One), this post covers a soldier in another war:  Sergeant (T/4) Jacques W. Bloch, who served in the United States Army during the Second World War.

His picture is presented below:

This image of Sgt. Bloch (serial number 32805985) was published in the Long Island Star Journal on April 11, 1945.

The article accompanying the image appears below:

Born in Germany in 1921, he was the son of Maurice Bloch, and resided at 37-53 62nd St., Woodside, Queens, New York.  Sgt. Bloch served in the 422nd Infantry Regiment of the 106th (“Golden Lion”) Infantry Division, and was captured in the Ardennes during what is popularly known as “The Battle of the Bulge”, on December 16, 1944. 

He was interned at Stalag 11B (Fallingbostel). 


The names of other Jewish POWs interned at Fallingbostel – derived from a variety of sources – are presented below, with information in the entries appearing in the following format:

Name, rank, and serial number;
Military organization to which the soldier was assigned when he was captured;
Date captured;
Name and residential address of next of kin, and, date and place of birth;
Date when the soldier’s name appeared in casualty lists published in local or regional newspapers;
Did the soldier’s name appear in the 1947 publication American Jews in World War Two (“AJWW2”)?  If so? – The abbreviation “AJWW2” appears, followed by a number representing the page where the soldier’s name is listed.  If not? – The abbreviation “NL” (meaning “not listed”) appears instead.

Artin, Philip                        Pvt.                       42138150
45th Infantry Division, 157th Infantry Regiment
Mrs. Rose Artin (?), 2114 Mapes Ave., Bronx, N.Y.; N.Y.; 2/16/19

Barlas, Benjamin                              Pvt.                       42138568
45th Infantry Division, 157th Infantry Regiment
1817 Tenth Ave., Bronx, N.Y.

Bayarsky, Joseph                            S/Sgt.                   32248209; PH
28th Infantry Division, 110th Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Morris and Rebecca (Krepp) Bayarsky (parents), 654 Hinsdale St., Brooklyn, N.Y.; N.Y.; 10/30/10
3/29/45, 5/31/45
AJWW2 – 271

Benjamin, Stanley                           PFC                       15308294
Mr. and Mrs. Aron and _____ (Peters) Benjamin (parents), 418 13th St. SE, Canton, Oh.; Oh., Canton; 8/5/24

Bernstein, Paul                 Pvt.                       42063032; PH
106th Infantry Division, 423rd Infantry Regiment
Mrs. Rebecca B. Bernstein, 236 Milford St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
4/14/45, 5/19/45
AJWW2 – 276

Cohn, Albert D.                                Pvt.                       13126322
94th Infantry Division, 301st Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel and _____ (Shander) Cohn (parents), 5443 Wyndale Ave., Philadelphia, Pa.; Pa.; 12/14/22

Deitch, Daniel J.                               Pvt.                       12110534
79th Infantry Division, 314th Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Herman Deitch and Sophie (Hoffman) Cohen (parents), 1487 College Ave., New York, N.Y.; N.Y., New York; 3/26/22
5/2/45, 6/20/45
AJWW2 – 296

Fineblum, Solomon S.                    PFC                       33731236
94th Infantry Division, 301st Infantry Regiment (Scout)
Mr. and Mrs. Morris and _____ (Rochlin) Fineblum (parents), 2501 Manhattan Ave., Baltimore, Md.; Pvt. Jerome Fineblum (brother); Md.
BJT 5/4/45

Gang, Sol                           Pvt.                       32544465
79th Infantry Division, 314th Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Alexander and Ann Gang (parents); Sister at 44 Bowery, New York, N.Y.; N.Y.; 6/12/18

Goldman, Harold                            PFC                       32809834
99th Infantry Division, 394th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Maurice Goldman (father), c/o Mrs. Marian Schare, 975 Walton Ave., Bronx, N.Y.
4/12/45, 4/26/45, 5/17/45

Goldsmith, Wilburt D.                    Sgt.                       12087440; PH, 2 OLC
9th Infantry Division, 39th Infantry Regiment
12/22/44 (wounded previously on ~ 2/17/43 and ~ 6/26/44)
Mr. and Mrs. Aaron and Sadie (Sanders) Goldsmith (parents), c/o Donnelly, 95 Brandt Place, Bronx, N.Y.; 12/7/21
6/5/43, 8/26/44, 4/21/45, 4/24/45, 6/1/45
AJWW2 – 327

Goodkin, Jerome                            PFC                       19119583
84th Infantry Division, 333rd Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence and _____ (Dan) Goodkin (parents), 211 S. (Hammond?) Drive, Beverly Hills, Ca.; Il.; 2/6/22

Hinden, Philip                    PFC                       32022244; PH
2nd Infantry Division, 9th Infantry Regiment
12/17/44 (wounded previously; see ~ 9/8/44)
(wife), 622 Stone Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y. (or) 498 Stone Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y.
11/8/44, 5/14/45
AJWW2 – 345

Hirsch, David H.                Pvt.                       39049852
84th Infantry Division, 333rd Infantry Regiment
Mrs. Kathryn Hirsch (wife), 876 North Orange Grove, Pasadena, Ca.

Kaplan, Milton                  PFC                       32598178
94th Infantry Division, 301st Infantry Regiment
Mrs. Sarah Kaplan (mother), 126 Ridgewood, Newark, N.J.; 507 Belmont Ave., Newark, N.J.; N.J.; 9/8/20

Kraus, Jerome S.                              Pvt.                       36536695
84th Infantry Division, 334th Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Morris and Hanna Kraus (parents), 9307 Broad St., Detroit, Mi.; Mi., Detroit; 5/22/21

Lempert, Moe                   PFC                       32969933; PH
35th Infantry Division, 320th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Joseph W. Lempert (father), 1700 Crotona Park East, New York, N.Y. (or) Apt. 5-1, 1055 Jerome Ave., Bronx, N.Y.; N.Y.; 12/13/24
12/28/44, 3/20/45, 5/14/45
AJWW2 – 375

Mandel, Sidney D.                           Cpl.                       12147427
Mr. Benjamin Mandel (father), 342 2nd Ave., Jersey City, N.J.; N.J., Jersey City; 9/18/23

Narodick, Norman                          PFC                       36958612; PH
106th Infantry Division, 423rd Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Harry and Rebecca (Levine) Narodick (parents), 1504 South Kildare St., Chicago, Il.; Pvt. Gilbert Narodick (brother); Il., Chicago; 1/13/23
AJWW2 – 111

Novick, Alvin                     PFC                       42037918; PH
94th Infantry Division, 301st Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Irving (“Isadore”?) and Lena (Janowitz) Novick (parents); Miss Rosalind Novick (sister), 145-11 33rd Ave., Flushing, N.Y.; 6/27/25
5/23/45, Long Island Star Journal 5/22/45
AJWW2 – 400
(Studying physics at Columbia University)

Resnick, Alleck A.                            PFC                       13156499; BSM, 1 OLC, PH
84th Infantry Division, 333rd Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Max and Ida (Bass) Resnick (parents), 3714 Belle Ave., Baltimore, Md.; R.I., Providence; 10/28/22
AJWW2 – 143

Roossin, Arnold                               Pvt.                       32802179; PH
101st Airborne Division, 907th Glider Field Artillery Battalion
Mrs. Sylvia Roossin (mother), 2201 Caton Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y.
4/3/45, 6/25/45
AJWW2 – 415

Rothenberg, Irving                         T/5                        20301306; PH
8th Infantry Division, 28th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Max Rothenberg (father), 858 Fox St., New York, N.Y.
4/26/45, 6/12/45
AJWW2 – 421

Rubin, Jack                        PFC                       34543743
84th Infantry Division, 334th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Isadore Rubin (father), 215 23rd St., Miami Beach, Fl.

Rubin, Morris R.                              Pvt.                       42060778; PH
106th Infantry Division, 423rd Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Henry and Mollie (Fahn) Rubin (parents), 2918 West 24th St., Brooklyn, N.Y.; N.Y., Brooklyn; 10/2/25
4/5/45, 5/25/45
AJWW2 – 423

Satz, Leo                            S/Sgt.                   32787957; PH
1st Infantry Division, 18th Infantry Regiment
Mrs. Edythe Satz (wife), 1325 Nelson Ave., Bronx, N.Y.
4/12/45, 6/20/45
AJWW2 – 427

Schreier, Nathan                             PFC                       32867570
84th Infantry Division, 334th Infantry Regiment
Mr. Charles Schreier (father), 23 East 3rd St., Mount Vernon, N.Y.
4/17/45, 6/11/45

Shapiro, Seymour                           Pvt.                       32649328; PH
45th Infantry Division, 157th Infantry Regiment
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel and Millie (Deskin) Shapiro (parents), 665 Riverdale Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y.; N.Y.; 4/4/22
AJWW2 – 062

Siegel, Hyman                   PFC                       32517708
2nd Armored Division, 66th Armored Regiment
1/16/45; POW at S 11B Fallingbostel, and, S 5A Malsbach / Ludwigsburg
Mr. and Mrs. Ike and _____ (_____) Siegel (parents), 482 Grand St., New York, N.Y.; N.Y., New York; 12/7/07

Solomon, Isaac                               PFC                       42055485; PH
45th Infantry Division, 157th Infantry Regiment (Medical Corps)
Mr. and Mrs. Max and S. (Sidransky) Solomon (parents), 190 E. 52nd St., Brooklyn, 3, N.Y.; N.Y.; 4/26/45
AJWW2 – 419

Weiner, Morris                                PFC                       36752698
1st Infantry Division, 16th Infantry Regiment
Mrs. Ada Weiner (wife), 4652 North St. Louis Ave., Chicago, Il.

Weingarten, Sol                              PFC                       42034540
94th Infantry Division, 301st Infantry Regiment
1496 Flatbush Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y.

Ziring, Sidney M.                              PFC                       12129473; PH
106th Infantry Division, 422nd Infantry Regiment
Mr. Sigmund Ziring (father), 2987 Bedford Ave., Brooklyn, N.Y.
AJWW2 – 478


Sgt. Bloch’s name appeared in the War Department Casualty List published on April 7, 1945, while notice of his liberation appeared in the Casualty List of May 15, 1945. 

The “title” of the latter – as published in The New York Times – is shown below. 

Sgt. Bloch’s name appears first in the list of Liberated POWs:

For the purpose of this post, I’ve only shown the “title” of the Casualty List, and, the list of liberated POWs.  Though the summary paragraph denotes the report of 3,172 and 356 Army and Navy casualties, it’s important to realize that the Times only published the names of soldiers hailing from the New York Metropolitan area, northeastern New Jersey, and southwestern Connecticut, not the Casualty List as covering the United States in its entirety. 

This was based on and consistent with a policy established earlier in the war by the War Department (or, Office of War Information?) instructing news outlets – newspapers and radio stations (remember, this was before the ‘Net!) – never to release a “full”, nationwide Casualty List, thus limiting news releases about casualties only to names of soldiers who resided in the geographic area of a newspaper’s established coverage.

Like many (many) American Jewish soldiers who were casualties during the Second World War (wounded, injured, or killed) or who received military decorations, Sgt. Bloch’s name does not appear in the aptly titled 1947 book American Jews in World War Two, the central and primary work (precisely because it is the only such work!) listing the names of American Jewish servicemen who served in that conflict.


Long Island Star Journal, at

Pacific Pesach: The Guam Haggadah – III

     One wonders what happened to the 2,700-odd Jewish servicemen after the evening of March 28, 1945 (15 Nisan 5705). 

     Certainly, the overwhelming majority survived the war and returned to the United States after Japan’s surrender. 

     Some – with a probability verging on certainty – did not. 

     Case in point, the image below:  An Honor Roll, created by Chaplain Cedarbaum, bearing the names of sixty-five Jewish airmen who were casualties while serving in the 20th Air Force.  Based on this and other information, he planned to eventually create a book about Jewish aviators who served in the 20th Air Force as crewmen in B-29 Superfortress bombers.  His plans never came to fruition, at least as he expected…

20th AF Jewish Aviator Honor Roll (Chaplain Cederbaum)     …The above photograph was received by Noah and Sadie G. Finkelstein, whose son, 2 Lt. Joseph Harold Finkelstein, a Co-Pilot in the 6th Bomb Squadron of the 29th Bomb Group, was killed during a mission to Tachiarai Airfield, Kyushu, Japan, on May 5, 1945. (1)  (His name appears under the heading “314th Wing.”)  The image inspired them to create their Memorial Album covering Jewish airmen who were casualties – killed or missing – in the 20th Air Force.  As recorded by Noah in the book’s forward, “I decided to attempt to obtain biographies of all those whose names appeared on the plaque, and to publish an album to their memories.”

     So far as I know, Noah and Sadie’s book is almost unique, for it is one of the very few monographs giving detailed biographies of American Jewish military casualties – in the context of a specific time frame, activity, and theater of war – that appeared during the twentieth century.   

      Some Jewish periodicals, such as the South African Jewish Times, and, the Jewish Criterion (Pittsburgh, Pa.) allocated special sections at the war’s end for comprehensive photographic and biographical coverage of Jewish military casualties, but this material was never translated into books.  On the opposite end of the spectrum, Volume Two of the 1947 publication American Jews in World War II, by I. Kaufman, presents state-by-state lists of the names of American Jewish servicemen who received awards for military service, or, who were casualties (wounded, injured, or killed; the book does not specifically identify men who were POWs).  The entries in this volume are limited to a man’s name, rank, city of residence, and military awards, being derived from information recorded on National Jewish Welfare Board – Bureau of War Records Master Index Cards.

memorial-album-01     Cover page of the Finkelstein’s Memorial Album, “Dedicated to the Boys of the 20th Air Force”.

memorial-album-05     A stylized aircraft flies towards a burning sun: A brief introductory poem by Sadie Finkelstein on page 4.  memorial-album-15     Sadie composed other poetry for her book.  This comprised three other four-line poems with allegoric illustrations (the one shown above is from page 16), and, two full-length poems in Yiddish.  The latter include English translations by Paul Monroe, and, Ruth Kaswan. 

     Notice that this powerful image – probably in pen and ink – is signed by “M.D.”, who also created the preceding illustration.  Unfortunately, “M.D.’s” full name is not given in the text.


   Unknown at the time to Chaplain Cedarbaum, among the sixty-five men whose names appear on the plaque, seven would survive as Prisoners of War (POWs).  Their names, dates of capture, and crew positions follow:

Einstein, Alvin J., S/Sgt. – June 22, 1945 – Gunner (Central)
Ginsberg, Abraham Saul, Sgt.  – May 29, 1945 – Gunner (Right)
Greenwald, Mortimer L., Sgt. – August 2, 1945 – Gunner
Leavitt, Harold F., S/Sgt. – May 26, 1945 – Radar Operator
Moritz, Wallace, 2 Lt. – May 29, 1945 – Navigator
Siegel, LeRoy, Sgt. – April 7, 1945 – Gunner
Unterman, Melvin, Capt. – May 26, 1945 – Bombardier

     Among those who did not survive, the majority were never found, due to the combination of physical circumstances and / or locations in which their aircraft were lost.  Their names of most are commemorated at the Tablets of the Missing at the Honolulu Memorial, in Honolulu, Hawaii.

     Of the sixty five, the Finkelsteins’ book presents biographies and photographs for twenty-four.  They are:

Bauch, Selig H., Sgt. – Radar Operator
Berkowitz, Martin, S/Sgt. – Radio Operator
Binger, Marvin Louis, Sgt. – Gunner (Right)
Broome, Richard Jerome, Sgt. – Flight Engineer
Cohen, Abe, PFC (Not actually an air crewman; died while trying to rescue a comrade from a burning building.)
Cohen, Monroe Melvin, F/O – Navigator
Feinberg, Robert Alvin, 2 Lt. – Radar Operator
Finkelstein, Joseph Harold, 2 Lt. (Their son) Co-Pilot
Greenspan, Marvin Jerome, Cpl. – Gunner (Right)
(Shot down over Japan on 4/15/45 (his first mission); captured immediately; murdered shortly after under direction and instigation of Second Lieutenant Ippei Tamura.)
Harris, Benjamin L., 2 Lt. – Flight Engineer
Hoenig, Sidney, F/O – Bombardier
Klein, Donald Philip, S/Sgt. – Radar Operator
Kronick, Archer S. (Asher Simcha bar Yoel), Sgt. – Gunner (Central)
Levinson, Gerald M., 2 Lt. – Flight Engineer
Levy, Jules, 2 Lt. – Navigator
Orkin, Milton, 2 Lt. – Navigator
Porjesz, Kurt, S/Sgt. – Radio Operator
Powsner, Maurice J., F/O – Bombardier
Schneider, Leon, 2 Lt. – Bombardier
Sheshansky, Harold, S/Sgt. – Gunner (Central)
Siegel, Norman Sydney, 2 Lt. – Navigator
Stein, Monroe, 1 Lt. – Bombardier / Navigator
Tomberg, Leon,1 Lt. – Bombardier
Weiner, Herbert Coften, 2 Lt. (Actually, a casualty in Australia with the 5th Air Force)

     The sixty-five names alluded to above represent a portion of Jewish servicemen who were casualties in the 20th Air Force.  The total number stands substantially higher and includes six other POWs.  The names and dates of capture of the latter are:

Levine, Joseph, 1 Lt. – December 14, 1944 – Bombardier
Levine, Stanley H., 2 Lt. – August 8, 1945 – Flight Engineer
Newman, Irving Sidney, 2 Lt. – August 20, 1944 – Navigator
Paul, Chester E., 1 Lt. – December 14, 1944 – Co-Pilot
Presender, Robert Eugene, 1 Lt. – March 2, 1945 – Navigator
Sellz, Norman, S/Sgt. – April 7, 1945 – Radar Operator (Sole survivor of his crew)

     Many more names could be presented, but this list will suffice, for now. 

     Perhaps better to let one man symbolically speak for all – for those few who returned; for the many who did not:  Irving S. Newman, at a reunion of the 468th Bomb Group in September of 1995.

irving-s-newman-september-15-1995_edited-1      From Dorchester, Massachusetts, Irving was a navigator, and one of three survivors (along with the flight engineer and radar operator) of Calamity Sue, a 468th Bomb Group B-29 piloted by Captain Ornell J. Stauffer.  Calamity Sue was lost on a mission to Yawata, Japan, on August 20, 1944 (the crew’s second combat mission) when a nearby B-29, the Gertrude C, was deliberately rammed by a Japanese fighter, debris from the disintegrating B-29 striking and mortally damaging Stauffer’s aircraft.

     A portrait of the Stauffer crew, from Irving Newman’s collection, is show below.   The photograph was taken at Smoky Hill Army Air Field (later Schilling Air Force Base), Salina, Kansas, in February of 1944.  The men stand before “Eager Beaver”, a B-17F Flying Fortress.  (Photo c/o Irving Newman)

     They men in the image are:

Front row, left to right:

Pilot – Captain Ornell J. Stauffer (KIA)
Co-Pilot – Lieutenant Jimmie Wine (bailed out, later killed)
Navigator – Second Lieutenant Irving S. Newman (survived – POW)
Bombardier – Second Lieutenant Ben R. Bloom (KIA)
Flight Engineer – Second Lieutenant Austin C. Shott (survived – POW)

Rear row, left to right:

S/Sgt. James A. O’Brien – Gunner (Left Blister) (KIA)
T/Sgt. Walter A. Dansby – Radio Operator (Survived – POW)
S/Sgt. Clinton A. Martin – Gunner (Central Fire Control) (KIA)
Sgt. Raymond J. Keelan – Radar Operator (KIA)
S/Sgt. Michael J. Karlovich – Gunner (Right Blister) (KIA)
T/Sgt. Robert W. Bonner – Gunner (Tail) (KIA)

Missing Air Crew Report 9685, covering the loss of Captain Stauffer’s B-29 (42-6368 – Calamity Sue), includes the following postwar statement by T/Sgt. Dansby:

      “I will tell the story as far as I how it, however, I don’t know much.  We were flying at 26,000 ft. and suddenly something hit us.  I was knocked out of my seat on my back.  I met Capt. Dean, a pilot on TDY.  He tells me the following:  We were in the No. 4 spot in a four plane formation and a Jap fighter approached us.  He misjudged our speed and before he could pull away he rammed our formation leader, Lt. Col. Clinkscales.  The wreckage from the plane hit the plane I was in and knocked off our tail assembly.  That was the Capts.’ story.  After having been hit, we went into a spin.  The co-pilot [Wine] let the landing gear down and he and the engineer [Shott] opened the nose wheel door.  The engineer bailed out at once at I would guess 20,000 ft.  The navigator [Newman] who was squatting between the pilot [Stauffer] & co-pilot with his maps had to run back & put his parachute on.  He bailed out about 14,000 ft. and after I got back on my feet I bailed out at about 3,000 ft.  Although I was last out, I saw the navigator coming down after I hit the ground.  I finally met up with him and they captured us about ten minutes later.  After staying in solitary confinement for 4 months I was sent to a prison camp.  Later I met up with the rest of the men who was shot down the same day.  Col. Carmichael, Richard, was among the men who were brought in later, but, except for the three of my crew who I knew bailed out, I never saw any of the remaining eight of the crew.  I heard a report after the war was over that six parachutes were seen to come from my plane – but none of them ever showed up at the prison, which was named Omori Prison between Tokyo & Yokohama, camp where I was.  It seems that this camp was the staging area for B-29 airmen.  Except for a few scattered around in China & other parts of Japan B-29 prisoners were brought to this camp.  At war’s end there was almost 150 B-29 men in this camp, but none of our missing crewmen ever showed up.”


     Like many veterans of the Second World War, Irving wrote an account of his experiences.  Intended for his family, and in a symbolic sense simply for the historical record – to make a historical record of the past for its own sake – Irving actually began this process very soon after being liberated from captivity in Omori, Japan, in 1945.  As he recounted, “This book was started in September of 1945, aboard the USS Yarmouth.  She was a little out of her accustomed territory.  Boston to Nova Scotia was her regular run, but here she was come to take me home from my Pacific war.  I wrote laboriously, telling who, what, when and where, but never why; that always escaped me.”

     The book is arranged chronologically and encompasses such topics as Irving’s pre-war life in the Boston area, his training as a bombardier, and navigator; his relationships with other airmen, particularly his crew members and fellow POWs; being Jewish in the military in the 1940s (though not a central thrust of the book); the loss of Calamity Sue, his capture, and the realities of interrogation by the Japanese; life as a prisoner of war. 

     Given the immediacy of its composition, the book is a work of great clarity, detail, directness, and near-complete frankness.  As Irving himself implied, there is genuinely and intentionally very little “why” in the book in the way of discussion of deeper religious or philosophical issues.   

     Which, perhaps, when pondering the names above – why some men returned,; why some did not – is just as well. 

     We all have to answer such questions in our own way. 

     Here is a brief answer from Irving, speaking for his father, Harry Newman:


     (1) Their B-29, serial 42-93953 and commanded by 1 Lt. Ralph E. Miller, was shot down by Petty Officer Toru Kurita of the 343rd Kokutai, who was flying a N1K2-J Shiden Kai fighter plane.  The crew consisted of:

Pilot: 1 Lt. Ralph E. Miller (Eaton Rapids, Mi.)
: 2 Lt. Joseph H. Finkelstein (Los Angeles, Ca.)
2 Lt. Charles C. Winder (Salt Lake City, Ut.)
: 1 Lt. Clyde M. Roush (Neosho Rapids, Ks.)

Flight Engineer: T/Sgt. William H. Chapman (Calhoun, Ga.)
Radar Operator: 2 Lt. Jack M. Berry (Atlanta, Ga.)
Radio Operator
: Sgt. Jack V. Dengler (Danville, Il. / Salt Lake City, Ut.)
Gunner (Central)
: Sgt. Albert R. Howard (Cullman, Ak.)

Gunner (Left): Pvt. Merlin R. Calvin (Saint Louis, Mo.)
Gunner (Right)
: Cpl. Clark B. Bassett, Jr. (Son of Clark B. and Bonnie W. Bassett, of 202 Niagara St., North Tonawanda, N.Y.)

Gunner (Tail): Cpl. Irving A. Corliss (Somersworth, N.H.)

     “No eventual”, because five men did survive the aircraft’s shoot-down, by parachuting.  They were 2 Lt. Berry, Sgt. Dengler, Cpl. Corliss, and Pvt. Calvin.  All captured uninjured, they were murdered – while prisoners of war – on June 20, 1945.  The fifth crewman, Cpl. Clark B. Bassett, Jr., severely wounded and unconscious, was parachuted from the plane by those men, and died of his wounds not long after landing.  He is the only member of this crew who has a place of burial.  (Acacia Cemetery, North Tonawanda, N.Y.)

New York State Digital library
New York State Digital library

Corporal Clark B. Bassett, Jr., from the North Tonawanda Evening News of December 27, 1948.

      The plane’s other crewmen – Miller, Finkelstein, Winder, Roush, Chapman, and Howard – were presumably still aboard the aircraft when it crashed at sea, at a place still – and probably forever – unknown.

Ralph E Miller Crew 1Rear row: Roush, Winder, 1 Lt. Paul E. Remmetter (Killed in Action April 16, 1945; replaced by Lt. Miller), Finkelstein, Berry
Front row: Howard?, Dengler, Chapman or Corliss, Bassett

Ralph E Miller Crew 2Rear row, left to right:  Roush, Winder, Remmetter, Finkelstein, Berry
Front row, left to right: Howard, Dengler, Chapman, Bassett, Corliss, Calvin

The Long Way Home: An Australian Jewish POW in World War One – II

     This post presents the transcript of the post-escape interview of Private Thomas by R.C. Swaine, which occurred in London on November 28, 1917.  The image below is the “first” of the 14 such images comprising the scanned interview transcript:



     The transcription follows below.  I have included maps (Google maps, that is) showing the location of places mentioned within the text.


Thomas, Henry Lamert, Private, No. 2466.  30th Battalion Australian Imperial Forces.

20th July 1916


Wounded slightly in the left leg by shrapnel.

Private Henry Lamert Thomas, of the 30th Australians, No. 2466, states: –

I am 20 years of age.

My home address is at Toronto, Lake Macquarie, New South Wales.

southern-new-south-wales-10     New South Wales and the southeastern coast of Australia, showing the locations of Sydney and Newcastle.

toronto-and-nearby-coastal-area-australia-11     Newcastle, and the suburb of Toronto, the latter situated near Lake Macquarie.

toronto-australia-12     A closer view of Toronto.

brighton-ave-toronto-nsw-13     Toronto, in the lower left portion of the map, with Brighton Avenue, where Private Thomas’ home was located at “Te Aroha”.


Before I joined the army I was employed as a railway clerk with the New South Wales Government Railway.

At the time of my capture I was with a party of four others in a shell hole between the first and second trenches.  We were unable to retire, as immediately we were seen in the shell hole we called down machine-gun fire.  We decided to stay in the shell hole and try to get back under cover of darkness, but about 5 or 6 o’clock in the morning of the 20th the Germans came out of the trenches and surrounded the shell hole in which we were, and we were forced to surrender.

I had been slightly wounded by shrapnel in first going over the trenches, but the wound was very slight and at the back of the left knee.

I did not previously to my capture witness any case of infraction by the enemy of the laws and usages of war.

I noticed one curious circumstance with regard to the effect that water in a drain, which ran into a shallow trench which may have formed part of the trench system of the Germans, had upon our clothing, and that is, that we having in the course of the attack waded down the drain in which the water was waist high, our clothes, when dry, began to rot and were very easily torn, from which I think it possible that something may have been turned into the water, as I do not think that ordinary water would have had that effect on our clothes.

After being captured I was brought into the German trenches, and with a party of three others taken down a communication trench on to a road, where we joined up with a party of 20 or 30 other men of the 8th Australian Brigade.  This party was then marched back to Loos, and from there to Lille, which I think we must have reached about midday.

At Loos our papers were taken from us, including our pay-books, but these were afterwards handed back to us.


fleurbax-and-lille-2     Relative locations of Fleurbaix, Lille, and Villeneuve-d’Ascq.

fleurbaix-1     A closer view of Fleurbaix.


At Lille the men who had served in any special branch were separated from the others and a couple of men from each battalion were put with them, and they were sent, I believe, to Douai.

The officers also were separated from us at Lille and put in another quarter.

Our money was changed into German money, but beyond these two instances I have nothing much to say of our stay in Lille.  The rate of exchange appeared to be about 25 francs for 20 marks, which, I understand, was the rate which the Germans imposed on occupied territory.

We were taken to a building, which, I think, was an old French prisoner, and were kept there for two days, that is, until the evening of Saturday, the 22nd July.

I had not reported that I was wounded, so was not taken to any field dressing station, nor was I detained in hospital in France or Belgium before being sent to Germany.

As soon as we got to the prison, we were served out with some soup – at least, I think they called it soup.  I should not like to say what it was made of; I should think it was made of turnips, perhaps.  About 6 o’clock that night we had another bowl of soup and half a loaf of bread.  The loaf would be rather smaller than the usual English Army loaf.  It was a round shape and cut in half.  It was the regulation war bread.

We were sent upstairs to a room in which there were some straw mattresses on the floor and on the tables.  There were not enough for all the men; some of them were lucky, and got one.  I was one of the unlucky ones who did not, but I shared a mattress with other men.  We managed this by putting two mattresses together on which two men lay lengthwise, and I slept across their feet.  We had no provision whatever made for our comfort at Lille except the straw mattresses in the room.  We were given no blankets and no means of washing except the tap in the yard, but there were no buckets or basins which we could use for washing.  I was very lucky in having a cake of “Lifeboy’ soap in my pack, which I had received in a parcel from home.  I had put this in my pack just before going over the top, and I was very glad to have it with me, as it is impossible to buy soap in Germany.

On the evening of the 22nd we were marched to the Lille railway station.  We were put into ordinary goods wagons with wooden benches across the wagon, and the doors were then closed and we were started off on our journey to Dulmen.


dulmen-and-nearby-region-3Dulmen, Germany (highlighted), in relation to Munster, Dortmund, and Essen.

dulmen-and-nearby-cities-4A closer view of Dulmen in relation to Munster.



So special ration was served for the journey.  We had had while in prison the usual half load of bread each day, bowl of coffee (substitute) in the morning and another in the evening, and the same old soup.

We reached Dulmen at 6 o’clock on Monday morning, having, therefore, been 36 hours in the train.

The only food which we had on the journey was one ladleful each of thick barley soup and one cup of coffee per man.  As far as I remember, we got the soup on the German frontier.  Those who had any bread left brought it with them on the journey.  I myself was unwell and unable to eat my bread, which I gave to another man.

There was no provision whatever for lavatory accommodation in the wagons.  During the daytime, at halts on the line and in sidings, we were given the option of leaving the wagons, but at night-time we were not allowed to do so.  I was suffering from an attack of diarrhea at the time, and at night was considerably inconvenienced by the lack of accommodation, but I do not think that any of the other men were suffering in this way.  At night the wagon was locked and there were no guards in it, so we were unable to ask them to make any provision for us.

There was a lamp in each wagon with a sort of wax light in it, which we managed to light.  We were left to ourselves until about midday on Sunday, the 23rd, when two armed military guards were put into our wagon.  The door of the wagon was then slid open and the bar laid across the opening, and we were able to get some fresh air.  We had had various stops at stations and sidings and were allowed to get out of the trucks.  The military guard did not interfere with us in any way.  They allowed us to smoke.  There were no wounded men in our party; they had been sent to hospitals, and I saw nothing of the German Red Cross on the journey.

I arrived at Dulmen on the 24th July and remained there until the 4th September 1916.

I cannot say how many prisoners there were at Dulmen.  The number was continually changing.  New prisoners would come in and others were sent out with working parties.

Dulmen is a big camp.  There are three lagers.  I was in No. 3.  There were other nationalities in No. 3 lager, including British Colonial troops, French and Russians.

I was never in the hospital at this camp.  When I first got to the camp I reported “sick,” but I did not mention my wound.  The doctor saw me and gave me some medicine and told me not to eat too much.  I looked at him and was absolutely speechless and could not say a word.  He did not appear to intend his advice to be taken as a joke.  About a couple of days after I reached the camp I was all right again.

I do not know the names of the commandant or the second in command at the camp, nor those of the officers commanding the separate lagers.

The chief complaint which the prisoners had to make against officers in command of this camp was that we did not receive sufficient food.  I do not know what was the cause of this nor who was responsible for it.

At Dulman we had warm shower-baths on arrival and our clothes were fumigated.  Somehow or other (I do not know how) I managed to pick up some vermin, and on reporting this my clothes were again fumigated and I had a warm shower-bath.

We were also picked out by companies and sent about once a fortnight to have a warm shower-bath.

Dulmen is in a moorland district, with sandy soil and no vegetation except heather.  Just beyond the camp the ground is swampy, but where the camp is situated it is dry.

We were lodged in wooden huts.  I believe I am right in saying that these have double walls of wood, with wooden roofs and tarred paper on them, and wooden floors raised about a food off the ground, the huts being built on wooden piles, so that there was an air space under the flooring.  Each hut, being a large one, was divided into two divisions called “A” and “B”.  In one corner of each division of the hut was a small room, called the “N.C.O.’s Room,” which held eight men.  The other divisions held 54 oR 64 men each.

Our beds were of cocoanut matting suspended on a frame like hammocks.  They were made of a sort of wool.  We were also served with a pillow and a towel to each man and a bowl and spoon for our meals. 

Each division of the hut had a large stove in the centre.  There was a washhouse at the end of each block of huts, with a trough with taps over.  The sanitary arrangements were good.

I do not know what was done in No. 2 Camp, but in No. 1 the prisoners were employed in construction work in connection with the camp, and with ordinary camp fatigues.  In No. 3 Camp we used to be sent out about once a fortnight on camp fatigues.  We did not receive any pay for this work.  There was some mention of the men in No. 1 being paid 30 pfennigs a day, but I do not know whether this was a fact.

I was not asked to make munitions nor, so far as I know, were any of the prisoners.

We had a bread issue every day, about 4 p.m., of a tenth of a loaf.  This would be the ordinary camp loaf, which was a rather big one, but I do not know the weight of it.  The loaves issued in both Dulmen and Munster camps are of the same size.  In the morning, at six o’clock, about twice a week, we received what we used to call “sandstorm” because it was like the fine dust of the Egyptian Desert.  I believe that this was really bone dust.  We came to the conclusion that it must be this.  This was made into a sort of soup.  It was like a very thin porridge.  We got the usual old ladleful of this stuff.  Alternate days we had a ladleful of coffee or cocoa substitute.  When we had the bone dust we did not get either coffee or cocoa.  I really do not know what this stuff was unless it was bone dust.  It was not made of oatmeal or anything like it, but we thought it was a terrible mixture.  It had no smell and very little taste.  Dinner was served at 1 p.m.  This consisted chiefly of cabbage and water, or turnips and water, or mangolds and water.  It may have been hot when it was served out, but when we got it it was just warm.

Towards the end of August we occasionally got some potatoes.  Until then we had none.  The only trace we saw of potatoes up till then were pealings at the bottom of the soup.  At the end of August, just before we left the camp, potatoes were served out boiled in their jackets, four or six per man.

We made several complaints about the condition of the food, that there was not enough of it and that it was of bad quality, but only on one occasion was any notice taken of this, when sometime in August we got an additional ration of a dixey of soup, half full, for 250 men.  This would not have been sufficient to give any appreciable quantity to each of the 250 men, so we drew lots for it and out hut (8B) were the winners, so that we had enough for a ladleful per man.

At one time the men in No. 1 Camp, who were older prisoners receiving parcels and getting better soup, used to bring us over a half dixey of soup which they did not want themselves, but after this had gone on for about two weeks it was stopped.  This incident makes me think that it was not entirely due to shortage of food in Germany that we were kept on such short rations. 

The men in No 1 Camp were given much better food than we were.

At six o’clock we had another meal.  Generally this was a soup with barley or rye.  Occasionally we had a tinned black pudding.  This was in a tin about the size of a 2-lb. preserved fruit tin, and one tin was served out to ten men.  When we got the black pudding we used to have a ladleful of so-called “tea” served out to us.  I have been in Ceylon, and know what tea is there, and I do not think that the tea came from Ceylon.  It may have been the same stuff as we were able to buy afterwards, and which the Germans called “Cumberland Tea”.  It is like a tea leaf, and dry, but much bigger, and would break if held in the fingers.  It is a leaf of some sort, but I do not think a tea leaf.  Every Friday night we had one fish each – raw.  It may have been herring, but I do not think it was.  This was salted.  We had no means of cooking them in the guts, and if we wanted to eat them we had to have them raw.  If we had no opportunity of cooking them over wood fires which we were able to make when we were on fatigue, or of smoking them, then we used to eat them raw.  We occasionally got cheese.  It was funny sort of stuff, with caraway seeds in it.  It was soft and crumbly, and we dug it out with a spoon.  Its taste was that of a very strange cheese not in the best of condition, but the caraway seeds helped us to eat it.

Each Sunday and Wednesday morning we received a dessertspoonful of jam each.  It had a queer taste, and I thought it was like bad tomato.  We had no sugar, no butter, no milk, and no fruit except that we sometimes had dried fruit in the soup.

What I have said about the food might make it appear that there was plenty of it and some variety, but it was really starvation rations, and it was a common thing for men to faint on parade from general weakness, and on getting out of bed in the morning we often had a faint dizzy feeling.

I cannot say whether I myself actually lost weight (although I became very weak), as I had no opportunity of weighing myself, but I saw men who came into the camp strong and healthy-looking fading away and getting as weak as kittens.

There was a canteen in Camps Nos. 1 and 3; in fact, there were three canteens in No. 3, which was a much bigger camp than the others.  I do not know whether or not there was one in No. 2.  We were able to get tins of sardines, “Queen Alexandra” brand, from Norway, price 1 mark per tin.  These tins held about 16 very small sardines, and they also sold them in half sizes holding eight sardines.  These cost 60 pfennigs.  We could also buy what they called “honey” and jam.  That was all that we could buy in the food line.  Honey was put in cardboard boxes and was sold for 50 pfennigs for about half a pint.  The jam was the same as we had served with our rations.  Very small glass jars of this cost about 40 pfennigs.  We could also get cups of coffee at 10 pfennigs.  We were also able to get razors, knives, pencils, writing-paper, scissors, note-books, cigarettes (a packet of 10 for 20 pfennigs and a packet of 20 (J.O.B. brand) for 40 pfennigs.  We were able to buy playing cards, the German pack, in which there are no cards below the seven.

I had no parcels during the time that I was at Dulmen.  I do not know in what state parcels received there by other men arrived.

At Dulmen I was wearing my tunic, which was in good condition; my breeches, which were much torn at the knees; my puttees, which were in fair condition; and military boots.  I had no overcoat, and the only article of my equipment which I was able to keep was my water bottle.  Our tin helmets were taken from us at Dulmen and we were served out with prisoners of war caps – a sort of forage cap.  We did not get these caps, however, until nearly a month after we came to Dulmen, and as our helmets had been taken from us we had to go about bareheaded.  The German excuse was that they did not have these caps.  We were promised them as soon as the supply came in.  As we were Australians and had just come over from Egypt, this did not trouble us much.  The only clothing besides the caps which the Germans served out to us was a flannelette shirt each.  We asked for underpants and singlets, but again they told us that they had none in stock.  We received no overcoats.

The only facility we had for exercise in this camp was walking about the camp.  There were no outdoor games of any sort.  The only indoor amusement was playing cards and draughts on a board which we made ourselves, using squares of cardboard to represent the draughtsmen.  Smoking was allowed both in and out of the huts, and it was not stopped while I was in the camp.

There was no epidemic while I was in the camp.

I was never in the camp hospital.

In Lager I a religious service was held every Sunday.  I do not know what form the service took as I was never at it.  We were only given an opportunity of attending on one occasion, and then we did not wish to go.  I believe it was conducted by a Frenchman, but I do not know much about it.

I got neither letters nor parcels at Dulmen.  The system of issuing parcels seemed to me to be a good one.  The parcels were brought from the railway station to the parcels office and a list was made of the names of men to whom they were addressed.  Each parcel was numbered and a ticket was made out and a duplicate of this given to the man to whom the parcel had been sent.  He then went to the counter in the parcels office, presented his ticket and his identification ticket containing his name, regiment, number, &c.  If this tallied with the address as given on the parcel, he was handed over the parcel.  The parcel was then opened on the counter in the presence of the man to whom it had been sent.  I do not know anything about letters, but can only speak as to the parcels.  Onions were not allowed and were taken out of the parcels.  Lemonade powders were taken out and sent to the hospitals, or, at all events, it was said they were sent to the hospitals.  Paper was not allowed, nor were newspapers.  I do not know about books.

There was a library in No. 1 Camp, but whether this had been formed out of books sent in parcels or whether the books had been sent out in bulk, I do not know.

We were allowed to write one postcard per week and two letters per month.  We were not allowed to write to any relief committee asking for parcels.  On the Sunday after we got to Dulmen, that is, on the 30th July, some of us wrote to the Red Cross asking that parcels might be sent out to us, and letting them know that we were in the camp.  To the best of my belief these postcards got through.  On the following Sunday, the 6th August, the men wrote to various organisations asking for parcels, but the postcards were returned to us with a polite notification that we were not allowed to write to any relief committee asking for parcels to be sent to us. 

Apart from the question of food I have no serious complaints to make of our treatment at Dulmen.  It was very hard for us, however, to get to No. 1 Camp, where the English prisoners had food.

I do not know of any case of cruelty in this camp.  I heard rumours of ill-treatment, but saw no instances of it, and I do not know how far, if at all, the rumours were well founded so far as No. 3 Lager was concerned.  We were simply brought to the camp and left to our own devices.

There was a difference in the treatment of nationalities.  In the first place, a Russian was worse treated than those of any nationality.  If an Englishman was convicted of an offence he always received a heavier punishment than a Frenchman.  It is a well-known fact that in the camps the Frenchmen received the best jobs.  The poor Russians were worse off than the others.  They get practically no food from outside sources, which gives the Germans an ascendancy over them.  It is a serious matter for a Russian to get 14 days’ cells on bread and water, because, having had no parcels and having been living entirely on the German rations, he has not the same strength to stand this punishment as an Englishman.

Regulations were posted stating what we might not do in the camp.  I do not know that there was anything to inform us what we might do!  There was a list of offences headed “Martial Law” in German, French, Russian and English.  Nearly everything on the list was said to be punishable by death.  I do not know that attempting to escape appeared on it.  It stated in these regulations what was meant by our “superiors”.  They were officers, N.C.O.s and men of the German army appointed as our guard, and other men appointed by the Germans in charge of the prisoners.  Some of the regulations were to the effect that if you laid hands on a superior it was punishable with death.  One of the regulations is that you are bound under penalties to report any conspiracy against the superior.  There was also a punishment for taking part in the conspiracy.  We treated these regulations as more or less of a joke, as they dealt with matters which occurred every day in Germany.  As a matter of fact, I have seen acts of violence committed on sentries which were not punishable by death, and I know, of course, that men are assisted to escape and there has been no punishment for conspiracy.  The sentence in Germany depends upon the man who tries your case, except for escape, for which the usual penalty is 14 days; but although the punishment for the actual escape is 14 days’ imprisonment, they always manage to add on another seven days for some such offence as removing marks from the uniform, cutting the wires, or being in possession of a map of the country or a compass.

The principal punishment was confinement on bread and water.  I did not see any other punishment administered, except what we called “sticky” or “stilly-stand,” which consisted in keeping a man or body of men, sometimes as many as a whole company, standing to attention for a period which might be some hours in length.  This punishment might be administered for men being late on parade, absenting themselves from parade, or failing to salute an officer.  The principal cause of this punishment being administered was failure to salute the German sergeant-major (Feldwebel), who used to walk about up and down the lines expecting to be saluted, and as the English declined to do so there was always trouble for them.

Neither the American Ambassador nor any representative of his visited us at Dulmen.

I noticed no improvement while at Dulmen in the treatment of prisoners.

The huts and accommodation and the sanitary arrangements at Dulmen are considered very good for Germany.  They would be thought fair in England.  The huts were watertight, and the system was that of separate huts, and not, as in Munster, rows of buildings surrounding a square.

On the 4th September 1916 a party of 30 prisoners, al Britishers, was sent to Erkrath, a small village about 4 kilometers from Dusseldorf.  We went in ordinary 3rd-class corridor carriages, with an armed guard in the corridor.  We left Dulmen at 9 a.m. and reached Erkrath at 6 o’clock in the evening.  We had no food with us on the journey except part of our bread ration from the night before, and on arriving at Dusseldorf we asked the guard to let us have some food.  He lined us up on the platform and came down with a bucket, which we naturally thought contained food, but we afterwards found it was filled with water.  We had no trouble with civilians either on this or on any other journey which I made.  They came round out of curiosity to look at us, but did not interfere with or harm us in any way and showed no hostility to us.  On arrival at Erkrath we were taken to the working barracks, which was a small brick building built especially for us.  It was one storey high, with a wooden rook and tarred paper over it.  This was the best accommodation I saw in Germany for war prisoners.  It had a wooden floor, and was heated by a stove in the middle of the room burning coke, and was lit by electricity.  It was well built, and not at all draughty or damp.  There was a washhouse and good lavatory accommodation, but no bath.


dusseldorf-and-nearby-cities-6Erkrath, Germany, in relation to Dusseldorf and Wuppertal.

erkrath-and-dusseldorf-7Erkrath and Dusseldorf


We had iron bedsteads in two tiers, with straw mattresses on iron laths.  We had one sheet and two blankets, a pillow and pillowcases.  The beds were very comfortable.

We were employed at Erkrath in what is known as a Chamotte Fabrik.  This was a factory for the manufacture of chamotte, which is a mixture of clay, sand, graphite, firebrick and other substances.  The process was that the materials were ground in different machines, mixed in the proper proportions and wheeled on barrows to railway trucks.  The stuff when loaded was watered to make it moist and prevent it shaking out of the wagons.  The factory was alongside the railway line.  Our pay for this was 97 pfennigs per day.  I do not know the reason why we received this precise amount, but heard someone say there is a regulation which makes it necessary to pay a broken mark only to prisoners.  The prisoners at this factory were attached to the Munster Camp, to which I had been transferred, and I understand that this is one of the regulations of that camp.  I believe that the chamotte is used in making mouldings for ironwork.  We were not required to do any other work there.  We worked from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., with an hour for dinner and two quarter-hours for coffee during the day.  The food at Erkrath was good.  We were supplied with food by the factory proprietor, one named Frederick or Fritz Lungen.  About 6.30 in the morning we were supplied with maize mail with dried figs in it and a slice of bread.  At 9 a.m. we were given three slices of bread made into sandwiches with cheese, sausage, bacon or brawn, and coffee.  For dinner at 12 noon we had generally vegetables, sausage, or cut-up meat.  At 4 o’clock we got two slices of bread made into a sandwich with jam between.  This was better than the jam which we had had at Dulmen.  About 7.30 p.m. we had a wash, and were provided with tea, which consisted of potatoes, salad, or sometimes fish and potatoes and sometimes very thick maize meal, with occasionally a little stewed apple.  We had sugar sprinkled on this.  Previous to our going to work art this factory a commando of Frenchmen were sent, but refused to work there.  I don’t know why they refused to work, but I have heard that they did not like the look of the factory.  They were then sent back to Munster, and we were sent to Erkrath in their place.  As far as I can judge, the reason why we had such good food was to keep us in good health and fit for hard work.

We had a canteen at Erkrath where we could buy cigarettes, tobacco, pipes, knives, apples (when we first arrived, but supplies of these soon stopped), brushes, combs, looking-glasses, &c.  If we required any other articles such as cigarette lighters, scissors, books such as German grammar books or German dictionaries, we got the sentries to purchase them for us, and this had to be unbeknown to the officials.  The prices of the various articles were reasonable, and there seemed to be a good supply.  The cigarettes and tobacco were very poor.

We received letters and parcels while I was at Erkrath.  The first parcel which I received came about three weeks after I had arrived there.  This was the first parcel I had received at all since I was taken prisoner.

The food from England and abroad arrived in very good condition, with the exception of the bread from Switzerland, which at that time was sometimes mouldy.  The food which we had from England was practically all tinned stuff, with the exception of such articles as packets of “Quaker” oats, tea and cocoa, and sugar.

At Erkrath we were supplied by the Germans with a greatcoat and two pairs of underpants, and overalls for working in.  We also had boots issued to us.  These were leather boots with wooden soles, but when the winter set in and it was too cold for leather boots we had wooden clogs served out to us.  We were ordered to hand in our leather boots about the end of December 1916 or the beginning of January this year, and we were told that they were to be exchanged for winter boots.  When the winter boots were issued to us we found that they were simply wooden clogs.  In that part the wooden clog is the best thing to wear in the winter, as it is very much warmer than the leather boot.  I think, therefore, it is quite possible that the reason for exchanging the boots for clogs was the real reason.

We had no opportunities of exercise while on this working party, but on Sundays we were allowed to walk round a very small yard round the barracks.  On two occasions the whole of the prisoners went for a three or four hours’ march, accompanied by the guard.

Indoors we played cards and draughts.  I had a pack of cards sent to me in a parcel, and one of the sentries got us in some draughtsmen.  We were supplied with no games by the Germans officially.  We were allowed to smoke both indoors and outdoors at the barrack and the factory, and it was never stopped.

There was no epidemic at this camp while I was there.

There was no hospital attached to this camp.  If a man was ill, he was taken to the hospital at Dusseldorf Bilk.  Private Holmes, of the 56th Battalion A.I.F., who escaped with me from Duisberg-Meidrich, was taken ill with pleurisy.  The German doctor, whose name I do not know, saw him, and under his orders he was bandaged by the Gefreiter (corporal) and put to bed.  This was on Monday, I think.  He became very weak and had to be helped about, leaning on my shoulder.  Later on he could not move about at all.  He was in this state for three or four days.  I spoke several times to the Gefreiter about it, and begged him to send for the doctor to attend to Holmes, but nothing was done until about the Wednesday or Thursday, when the doctor came and saw him, and he was at once removed in a motor car to Dusseldorf Bilk, where he was in such a state that he had to be operated upon immediately without chloroform.  I consider that this would have been saved if the doctor had attended to him at once when I asked the Gefreiter to send for him.  This happened about three weeks after we had reached the camp, and Holmes remained in hospital until January.  I do not know the name of this doctor.  He was a civilian, rather an elderly man, and had lost part of one ear – I cannot remember which.  This doctor was the same man as I shall remember later on with regard to the incidence of a man cutting his throat at Erkrath.  When there I knew his name, but I cannot now remember it.

The Roman Catholics among our party were allowed to attend the Roman Catholic church in the village, but the others of us who were not of that religion had no religious service whatever.  We should have been allowed to attend the Catholic services had we wished.

After we first received letters and parcels at Erkrath they came regularly.  The sentry was supposed to open our parcels in our presence, but the arrangements were very slack and sometimes we opened them ourselves.  Letters had been opened at Munster and were delivered to us open.  Nothing was taken out of the parcels.  I do not know what was supposed to be prohibited.  We were not told anything as to this.  On one occasion the whole lot of us opened our parcels and took the contents away before the sentry came in and asked us is we would like to have our parcels censored.  This sentry was a very nice chap.  His name was Toni Haase, and he was a sniper belonging to the 7th/7th of the Landsturm.  It was a regulation at Munster that every tin in the parcels should be opened in the presence of the man to whom it had been sent, but our sentry did not trouble about this.  The empty tins were piled in a corner of the yard.  They were just left there, and were still there when I left.

The same regulations as at Dulmen applied to the writing of letters.

I have no complaint to make of our general treatment at Erkrath so far as the German authorities are concerned.

We were under a guard consisting of the Gefreiter, whose name was Kollok, but he was afterwards replaced by another two sentries, Haase and Heyder, also of the 7th/7th Landsturm, and they treated us very well.  There was no cruelty whatever to any of us.

The work upon which we were engaged was, however, very unhealthy.  The clay-crushing machine gave out a lot of dust, and we believed that this was the cause of Holmes’ illness.  The sieve also gave out a great deal of dust, as did also the brick-crushing machine, and I believe that this work was bad for the lungs.

We were working in the factory with German civilians and Poles – about 40 or 50 of them in all.

So far as I know, none of the prisoners besides Holmes were affected by the dust, nor do I know of any case where the civilians were made ill from this cause, but, as I said before, I consider that the work was unhealthy.

We had the same regulations at Erkrath posted in the barrack as we did at Dulmen, that is to say, the martial-law notice was posted up on the door.

The interpreter was an old soldier, No. 10101, Private James Kiltie, of the 1st Gordon Highlanders.  He was himself a prisoner of war.

While I was there no punishments were awarded.

We used to be visited by the commandant of Munster, and a cavalry captain (Rittmeister) came once a month.  We complained on one occasion to the Rittmeister that there were no baths in the barrack, and he said he would attend to it, but nothing was done.  We had no visits from the American Ambassador or the representative of any Neutral Power while at Erkrath.

While at Erkrath one of the men became insane and cut his throat.  This was Private Ward, of the Scottish Fusiliers.  He complained to the civilian doctor whom I have mentioned before of pains in the head, but the doctor simply told him to go to work.  The next day he cut his throat with a razor and wounded himself very badly.  He was taken to the hospital at Dusseldorf Bilk.  He was at Dusseldorf for some time, and then was returned to us as having been cured, he we could see that he was not right in the head, and we complained to the Gefreiter about him.  He was then removed and sent to Munster, and we heard afterwards that he had been sent away from Munster.  We did not know where, but believe that they have a special asylum camp for prisoners of war, but I do not know whether this is so.  I do not suggest that this prisoner became insane on account of his confinement, as I believe that insanity is in the family.

Our treatment throughout the time that we were at Erkrath remained the same.  There was no improvement, but, on the other hand, things did not become worse.

Our food towards the end of the time was not quite so good as at first, but this was due, no doubt, to the winter shortage.

I left Erkrath about the 10th February this year.


munster-and-nearby-cities-8Munster, in relation to Dortmund, Dusseldorf, Essen, and Wuppertal.


I went alone with one sentry to the prisoners’ camp at Munster, known as Munster I.  We went by train in an ordinary carriage, and the sentry treated me quite well on the way and even carried my kit for me.

The reason I was sent away was that it was thought I had not been working well.  I had determined not to do so, and had behaved in such a way as to be brought before the doctor frequently and the Fabrik Meister.  I told them that my heart was weak and I could not work properly, and as the result I was one day dismissed and told that I was being sent back to Munster.

I have no great opinion of the abilities of the German doctor.  One of our men who had never smoked until he got to Erkrath, and then had only smoked about one packet of German cigarettes, was told by the doctor that he was suffering from “smoker’s heart”.  On another occasion I was ordered to wheel a large barrow full of white clay.  As I did not much fancy the job, I went up to the Fabrik Meister and told him I had hurt my shoulder.  The doctor said that I had dislocated it, and I was excused work, and as the result of this I was never put to the work of wheeling a big barrow again.

I left Erkrath about 1 o’clock in the afternoon and reached Munster about 10 o’clock at night.  I had no food except two pieces of bread which were given me at Erkrath before I left.

Munster I. Camp is in Westphalia, and I was there from February 1917 until 4th April 1917.  The camp is on clay soil and is very muddy.  The camp buildings are built around the square, and there is no view from them of the surrounding country, but we could just see the sky.  I believe it has now been burnt down.  It was a big camp containing a large number of prisoners, the number varying from time to time, and I cannot give an idea of how many there were on an average.

I do not know the name of either the commandant or the second in command.  I know nothing about them, and I steered clear of them.  I never heard any comments passed on them by the prisoners.

The camp buildings formed one continuous building right around the square.  They were built of wood with double walls, and were one storey high with wooden roofs and tarred paper over the top.  They were raised above the ground.

The natural lighting of these buildings was very bad.  The windows faced inwards to the square, and in some parts of the buildings it was so dark that you could hardly see your way about.  The artificial lighting was electric light, but this was insufficient.  There were two lights to each hut, and each hut contained about 100 men.

We slept on beds consisting of a wooden frame with cocoanut matting on the top and suspended from the two ends of the frames.  On this we had a straw mattress, and I helped myself to one dozen blankets.  I went with another man to draw blankets at the magazine, and found that there was no one there, so I helped myself to all that I could carry.  These blankets were the same thin kind that we had at Dulmen.  I was able to stick to these blankets.  I do not remember having a pillow, but I got a towel, bowl and a spoon.

We had two stoves to each hut, burning coal.  At that time the stoves were burning day and night, and they kept the place reasonably warm.

The washing facilities were very good.  We had a trough with taps, and we were able to go twice a week to a warm shower-bath.  I have noticed that the Germans do provide good washing facilities.

The sanitary arrangements at Munster I. were not good.  There was only one latrine for the whole camp, which was not sufficient.  I do not complain of the actual arrangements, but that they were not adequate.

When I got to Munster I went before the doctor for my heart.  He sent me to bed for five days to get it right!  At the end of that time I went before him again, and he then marked me A1, which meant that I was fit as I was for hard work.  I do not know the name of the doctor, but he was no fool.

After I had been passed as A1 I was employed on ordinary camp fatigues once in five days, for which I received no payment.  I do not know of any of the prisoners being employed on any work for which they were paid.  No attempt was made to force me to make munitions.

The food was very bad.  It did not trouble me, as I was getting parcels, but I saw the mess being served out and I tasted it, and it was the kind of food that, so long as there was anything else to eat in the camp, we would not touch.  There were continued grumblings about the food provided for the men who had no parcels.

The parcels from England and abroad arrived in good condition at this camp, including the bread from Switzerland.

We were not supplied with any clothing, as we had the clothing sent out by the Red Cross, and I did not ask for any.  I had handed in the clothing supplied to me at Erkrath on leaving there.

At Munster we were given the opportunity of playing football in the camp square.  Indoors we had games from the parcels, and we were allowed to smoke indoors and outdoors, and smoking was never stopped except after “lights out”.  There was no epidemic while I was at Munster I., nor was I ever in the camp hospital.

We had religious services every Sunday, conducted by a man named Frost, who was in the Durham Light Infantry, and was formerly a schoolmaster.  He also conducted the burial services for any man who died.  This man (Frost) did everything he could for the prisoners’ comfort, including the running of the Relief Committee, seeing to the parcels, acting as librarian and taking the services; in fact, he was working himself to death looking after the prisoners.  He was a private, and was the finest prisoner I met in Germany.

The postal arrangements were that letters came to the camp, were censored, and then handed over to the prisoners.  The parcels were opened in the presence of the addressee.  Both letters and parcels arrived regularly and in good condition.  Parcels were searched for “Black Cat” cigarettes, which were taken out if found.  I do not know of anything else being prohibited.  Unmarked clothes were taken out and marked with coloured cloth.

The arrangements as to writing were those general as to all the camps.

I have no complaint to make of our general treatment.  They left us alone.  My own personal method was to avoid having anything to do with the guard, and I found then that there was no trouble, but some men are rather inclined to look for it.  I saw no cases of cruelty to British prisoners or those of any other nationality, but we saw men coming in from commandos in a wretched condition.  The men to whom I refer were British.  I do not know the names of any of them, but I spoke to some of them and they told me that they had had a bad time, and I saw some men there who had been knocked out.  I cannot remember any individual cases, but the general impression which I got was that the men had been very badly treated.

There were various nationalities at Munster I.  At first the French were better treated than the British prisoners, but after a time, on account of the alleged ill-treatment of German prisoners in France, their privileges were stopped and they were not allowed any form of amusement.  Their orchestra was disbanded, and they were not allowed to make their little articles which they were used to work at, such as souvenirs, &c.  A notice to this effect was posted up, and also another notice that any infringement of the rules would be treated with the greatest severity.

The “martial law” notice was posted here.  The regulations were exactly the same as at Dulmen.  I saw no bad effects from punishment in this camp.

On one occasion a person who was said to be an ambassador from one of the Scandinavian countries came to the camp, but he was only shown one hut that had been specially cleaned out for him, and after he had seen this he was taken out of the camp.  None of us had an opportunity of speaking to him.

The case of insanity at Erkrath was the only one I saw during my imprisonment.

I noticed no improvement in the condition of things during my detention at Munster I.  On the other hand, the treatment of the prisoners was not so good towards the end of my time there as it was at the beginning.  The French were, as I said before, worse treated and (possibly because the number of British prisoners was less) we had to work every third day instead of every fifth day, while the regulations as to parcels became very strict.  The prisoner to whom the parcel was addressed was not allowed to receive anything from it except the actual foodstuff, that is to say, the wrapped of parcels of tea and the tins in which food was packed were taken away after they had had the contents emptied out of them.  I do not know what use was made of the wrappers and tins, but they were permanently kept.  This was done at the parcels office.

I left Munster I. on the 4th April 1917, and was sent with a commando to Duisberg Meidrich.  Eight Britishers formed the party and we went in an ordinary train with two guards.  The journey was not a very long one, and we got no food on the journey, but it was no hardship to be without it as the journey was so short.  The guard treated us fairly on the train.


duisberg-germany-9Duisberg, Germany.


Duisberg Meidrich is a suburb of Dusiberg, in Rhineland.  The main camp, of which this working camp is a branch, is at Friedrichsfeld.  On arrivel there we were marched to the Gesselschaft fur Teerverwertnung (the Tar Distillery Company).  From there we were marched to our barracks and shown our quarters.  There was a sergeant-major (Feldwebel) in command and two privates as sentries.  They did not interfere with us in any way.  The barracks were close to the factory.  It was a good barrack, and better than that at Erkrath because it was healthier.  The building had more space in it, and was very well built of brick, with a glass roof and a concrete floor.  It was well lit with electric light except towards the end of my time there, when the roof and bulbs of the electric lamps were painted blue to prevent observation by aircraft which they seemed to be expecting.  They are in a holy terror of our aircraft coming over.  The machines did come over one night, but went on to Essen.  There was a regular panic at Duisberg Meidrich, as the people told us when we saw them the next morning, but I do not know of any bombs being dropped near us.

We had two-tier bunks with wooden laths on which we had a straw mattress, but no blankets.  We were supplied with an eiderdown cover, one sheet and a pillow and pillowcases.

The building was heated with coal stoves, of which there were about six, including four cooking stoves.

There was a good lavatory accommodation – a trough with hot and cold-water taps – and in the factory were baths which we could have once a week.

The sanitary arrangements were good.

There were about 13 British prisoners here and about 200 of various other nationalities, French, Russians and Belgians.  We kept to a separate corner of the barracks and had no dealings with the other prisoners.  We were employed in various ways in this very big factory, all in connection with tar distillery.  At first I got 1 mark a day, but I would not work satisfactorily, and I was taken off and put on to punishment work (a “straf” job), which was the best job I struck in Germany, and I stuck to this.  I did practically no work.  I had to empty seven or eight wagons of naphthaline per day, and each wagon took about seven minutes to empty.  For this work I got paid 2 marks per day.

I was not required to make munitions.

The food supplied to us was better than Munster I., but not so good as Erkrath.  We had to live on it for the first two months until our parcels began to reach us again, and we struck work three times on account of the badness and insufficiency of the food.  This improved towards the end of the time, when the new harvest was in.  Working hours were from 6 till 6.

We had coffee at 8 a.m, vegetable soup at 12, mostly turnips; coffee at 4; and soup again at 6, the same as before.  We sometimes got a piece of herring between two men, and every Sunday a little piece of meat, a spoonful of jam, and occasionally some of the same sort of cheese as we got at Dulmen, and occasionally a small piece of white cheese.  We had a 3-lb. loaf of war bread every four days.

We had a canteen where we could purchase the same things as at Erkrath, with the addition of beer substitute, wine and lemonade.  Prices were much the same as at Erkrath.

The food, in parcels from home and abroad, arrived in good condition.

Our clothing was that sent out to us from home, and we were served out with overalls.  We did not ask here for any clothing to be issued to us.

There was a yard in which we could play football on Sundays.  Indoors we had a gramophone, which we bought through the Feldwebel, and cards.  We were not allowed to smoke in the factory, but otherwise could smoke until lights out.

There was no epidemic during my stay.  If there was sickness the men were sent to the General Hospital at Duisberg.

The Frenchmen went to mass at a church in the town, but we had no religious services.

We were taken to the cinema the week before I left.  This was stated to be a weekly affair.  Occasionally we were taken for a walk under guard.  At the cinema we were shown war pictures, including pictures of the Kaiser visiting the front, firing of guns and a livery stable on fire.  We were also shown comic films.

The postal arrangements here were just the same as at Erkrath.  The parcels were opened by the sentry; the tines were taken to a store and opened when wanted in the presence of the sentry.  The tins themselves were put in a heap.  Cigarette papers were taken out of the parcels.  I had six packets of mine taken out.  There was nothing else stopped in any case except tooth-paste and insect powder.

The parcels were first censored at Friedrichsfeld.

We were allowed to write the same as at the other camps.

The general treatment at this camp was fair.  If you were late in turning out from the barracks, you were “helped along” with the butt of a rifle.  I never myself saw a British prisoner hit, but have seen Frenchmen and Russians struck, and I know of one case (Private R.B.S. Morris, of the London Rifle Brigade) who was struck with the butt for knocking off work too early.  I do not know the name or regiment of the man who struck him.  It was before my time.

We were informed by a sentry that the Feldwebel’s orders were to leave the British and Frenchmen alone, but to put the Russians through it.  They acted past their instructions, as the Frenchmen were ill-treated.  I have not seen any men permanently injured, but I have seen them knocked out.

The martial-law notice was not posted up here, but a notice was sent from Friedrichsfeld, signed by, I think, Hauptmann Fischer, notifying that the death penalty would be imposed under the “laws of military treachery” if prisoners of war were caught destroying property to prevent economic working.  Morris, of the L.R.B., who was in charge of the British prisoners, was ordered to sign this, but he refused to do so.  Another document was then sent in practically the same terms, but again he refused to sign it.  None of the prisoners, accordingly, signed the notice.

The acts considered offences were the same as at the camps.  The punishments  were 11 days’ cells in the barracks for smoking in the factory, 14 days for trying to escape, seven days for having a map or compass, and seven days for cutting marks out of our clothes.  The cases were tried at Friedrischsfeld and the men imprisoned at Duisberg.

We had no representative of any Neutral Power to visit us here.  The treatment was the same the whole time of my stay.  We had one sentry, who made things a bit warm for us, but when he left we went back to the old conditions.

I am told that at Friedrichsfeld this working camp is considered one of the best in Germany, and that it has been a good camp from the beginning of the war.  At one time it was even better than at present.

I escaped from Dusiberg Meidrich on the 27th October 1917.

I do not myself know anything of an Irish brigade, nor was I ever asked to join one.  I heard, however, from some of the older men who were taken prisoners during the retreat from Mons of visits to the camps by Sir Roger Casement, who had asked for volunteers to join the Irish Rebellion.  I do not, and do not think I ever did, know the names of the men who told me this.  I gathered that Casement had a rather rough reception at some of the camps.

I was never asked to assume German nationality.

I have met Frenchmen who told me that they had been kept at work behind the German lines in France, but I did not talk to them much and know nothing of this except that they told me that there were Britishers with them.

Our parcels were received satisfactorily during the last few months.

I did not come across any British prisoners of war who either assumed German nationality or otherwise gave evidence of German sympathies.

I was working with civilians, and heard their conversation and spoke to them, and from what I heard and they told me, and from my own observation when passing through Dusseldorf and Duisberg, Ruhrort and Erkrath, I have come to the conclusion that things are in a very bad way in Germany.  At Duisberg Meidrich civilians told me that the weekly ration was one 3-lb. loaf of war bread, 250 grammes of meat and 7 lbs. of potatoes.  Soap is unprocurable, boots scarce, expensive and made of compressed paper soles.  Clothing is very expensive.  The shops in the towns through which I passed had very little display in the windows.  People seemed fed up with the war and spoke strongly of the Crown Prince.  They say he is “verruckt,” that is “dotty”.

I did not see many animals, but the working horses seemed in fair condition.

As I was a prisoner of war for 15 months and was moved from camp to camp at intervals of a few months, it is very difficult for me to give a comparative statement of the rations issued to us on dates at intervals of six months, and I can add little to what I have already stated with regard to the food.  It was not reduced in quantity during my detention in any particular camp, but as supplies were more abundant after the harvest, we benefited a little from increased rations at those times.

During my detention there was a change for the worse in the type and class of men employed on guard work at the camps.  The younger and fittest men were weeded out and sent up to the front, and the guard when I left Duisberg consisted of men physically unfit and old men.  The old men were civilians in civilian clothes, with belt and bayonet and rifle.  They were between the ages of 50 and 60, and one man who could speak English told me he was 55.

I heard nothing from the guards as to local disturbances over food questions, nor did I hear anything of preventive arrest.  I knew that Liebknecht was imprisoned, as reports of his imprisonment were in the papers before I went to Germany, but I did not hear it mentioned in the camps.

I did not hear anything from the guards concerning aged men training in the depot battalions.


I examined the witness, Private Henry Lamert Thomas, yesterday and to-day at 53, Coleman Street, E.C.2.

I consider that this young man is an exceedingly good witness. He had made his statement of the conditions in the two camps and two working camps in which he was detained in great detail, and impressed me with his desire that the information which he was giving and any expressions of his opinion should be accurate and scrupulously fair.

While he has not refrained from expressing his opinion upon any fact of which he was absolutely certain, he has, while mentioning one or two circumstances which he evidently regarded with suspicion, declined to state the inferences which he has drawn from them, as he said he did not think it fair to make statements of what his suspicions were when he had nothing but his own deductions upon which to found them, and these deductions might be wrong.

I think there is no question but that the statements contained an impartial and unprejudiced account of his experiences.  He has shown the greatest willingness to do all that he possibly can to assist the Committee by giving information which might be of the slightest use to the men remaining prisoners in Germany; and although he has been examined by numerous authorities since his return to this country, and although he was anxious to get his examination by myself concluded at the earliest possible moment he was careful to say that he must not let his own personal convenience prevent him from giving all the information he could to assist the Committee.

I have no hesitation in saying that I consider Private Henry Lamert Thomas to be a thoroughly reliable witness.  He appears to have used every opportunity that he had of observing not only the conditions in the camps, but among the civilian population of Germany, and I regard this witness as being of rather more than ordinary intelligence.

Dated the 28th day of November 1917.


53, Coleman Street, London, E.C.2.



I have created a PDF version of this account, available here.

– Michael G. Moskow

The Long Way Home: An Australian Jewish POW in World War One – I

     In August of 1916, the mother of a soldier serving in the Australian Army placed pen to paper, and composed the following letter to Captain McLean of the Australian Imperial Forces, concerning her son, Henry Lamert Thomas, a Private in the 30th Battalion, A.I.F.

Lake MacQuarie
Via Newcastle
N.S. Wales
Aug. 24th 1916

Captain McLean
Base Records

Dear Sir

     The Defence Dept have advised me that my son No. 2466 Pri. H.L. Thomas 30th Battalion is officially reported Missing since 20th July 1916.  Can you possibly ascertain for me if he has been made a prisoner of war if so would letters be delivered to him.  He left Sydney March 11th as leading reinforcements and shortly after his arrival in Egypt reverted to the ranks (at his own request) to join his battalion.  Mrs. Hunt wife of Major Hunt at present in service with 35th Battalion has assured me that you will use your best efforts to help me in my time of anxiety.  Kindly reply as soon as you can.

Yours Sincerely
(Mrs.) J. Thomas


     Some three months later, having since learned that – in the midst of the carnage of 1916, her once-missing son was miraculously alive, and a prisoner of the Germans – she again wrote to Captain McLean, this time regarding her son’s receipt of parcels and letters:

Te Aroha
Lake MacQuarie
N.S. Wales
Nov. 6th 1916

Captain McLean
Dear Sir

     Could you inform me if the _____ parcels of letters belonging to my son No. 2466 Pfc. H.L. Thomas have been returned to Australia?  He has been a prisoner of war in Germany since July 20th. Parcels or letters have been posted fortnightly since he left Australia March 11th some of which have reached him.  Up to June his address was Sergt – Etampes he left as Sergt [with] the 4th reinforcements 35th Battalion but reverted to the ranks to join his Battalion to go to France where he [was] taken prisoner.

Thanking you
Yours truly
(Mrs.) L.A. Thomas


     At the time of her second letter, Private Thomas was imprisoned at Erkrath, Germany.  A little less than a year later he would be free, having escaped from German captivity in the company of Private Hector Holmes.  He survived the war, and doubtless, eventually returned to Australia. 

     What makes this story notable is the preservation and availability of a remarkably detailed account of the capture and captivity of this Australian Jewish Soldier, which is presented in this post.

     Born in New South Wales in 1897, Henry L. Thomas was the son of Mrs. Francis Thomas, who resided at Te Aroha, on Brighton Ave., in Toronto (a suburb of Newcastle in New South Wales), by occupation a railway clerk with the New South Wales Government Railway.   

     Private Thomas’ Interview is appended to his Attestation Papers, which can be accessed at the website of the National Archives of Australia (“NAA”;*  His Attestation Papers are presented below, while a transcript of his interview is presented in my “next” post.

     A member of B Company, 30th Battalion, 4th Reinforcements, Australian Imperial forces, Thomas was captured on July 20, 1916, in the midst of the Battle of the Somme, which transpired from July 1 to November 18 of that year. 

     According to the Australian War Memorial, “The 30th Battalion was raised as part of the 8th Brigade at Liverpool in New South Wales on 5 August 1915.  Most of its recruits hailed from the Newcastle region and other parts of country New South Wales, but almost an entire company was composed of former RAN ratings from Victoria.

     The 8th Brigade joined the newly raised 5th Australian Division in Egypt and proceeded to France, destined for the Western Front, in June 1916.  The 30th Battalion’s first major battle was at Fromelles on 19 July 1916.  It was tasked with providing carrying parties for supplies and ammunition but was soon drawn into the vicious fighting.  Following Fromelles, the battalion was rotated in and out of the front line along with others in the brigade, but played no major offensive role for the rest of the year.”

     A prisoner at various locations in Germany, he escaped from German captivity in October of 1917 and eventually returned to Allied control. 

     Thomas was sent to or interned at the following locations after his capture:


Loos (temporary POW holding facility)                                                  20 July 1916
Lille (temporary POW holding facility)                 20 July 1916 through 22 July 1916

In Transit from France to Germany

By train from Lille to Dulmen, Germany               22 July 1916 through 24 July 1916


Dulmen (Lager Number 3)                         24 July 1916 through 4 September 1916
Erkrath (near Dusseldorf)                  4 September 1916 through 10 February 1917
Munster (POW Camp Number1)                  10 February 1917 through 4 April 1917
Duisberg Meidrich (Work Commando)           4 April 1917 through 27 October 1917

     It is notable that only one month transpired between his escape, and the interview of 1917. 

     Of particular interest is the incorporation of the German document used to record biographical information, within Private Thomas’ Attestation Papers.  An intriguing aspect of the document is that it is bilingual – unlike German POW documents during the Second World War – with headings in both English and German. 

     The information recorded in the POW record comprises:

Stammlager / Principal Camp       (or)         Lazarett / Hospital
Datum der Ausfertigung / Date
Zuname / Surname
Vorname / Christian Name
Rang / Rank
Reg. oder Korps / Regiment or Corps
Reg. Nr. / Regiment Number
Komp. / Company
Erkennsungsmarke Nr. / Number of Identification disc
Gefangennahme / Capture
Ort / Place [of capture]
Datum / Date [of capture]
Ob verwundet / Whether wounded
Bezeichnung der Wunde / Description of wound
Geburt / Birth
Ort / Place [of birth]
Datum / Date [of birth]
Heimatort / Home Place [address]
Adresse des nachsten Verwandten / Address of next-of-kin


     The account of Thomas’ capture and captivity, recorded by R.C. Swain in London on November 28, 1917, focuses almost entirely on Thomas’ life as a POW, in terms of life in the POW camps where he was interned, his interactions with fellow POWs and Germans (the latter both in military and civilian capacities), and, living and working conditions in Germany. 

     As such, the document does not cover Thomas’ prior experiences as a soldier, and unfortunately, accords tantalizingly little attention to the specific military action in which he was captured, the discussion of which is limited to the first few paragraphs.  Similarly; unfortunately – even more tantalizingly! – it contains no information about his escape, as such. 

     (Presumably, such documents do exist – somewhere.  But, where?)

     However, nominal information about Pvt. Thomas’ escape does exist, and is present in the Enquiry Bureau Files of the Australian Red Cross Society for Wounded and Missing.  (A copy of this document is also present in Pvt. Thomas’ Attestation Papers.)  There, a document headed “Prisoner of War” and dated November 19, 1917, states:

“My mate and myself have escaped from Germany, we have to remain, 16 days here before going to England, the people are very kind it is like home.  After leaving Germany we left our camp on Friday evening and arrived in Holland Thursday morning.  We are very tired but happy at last.  Extract from post-card written by Hector Holmes 3555 30th Batt dated 3.11.17 from Righs Quarantine, Sittard.  Holland refers to man and Holmes escape together.  Post-card received 17/11/17.”

     A later document, dated December 4 and headed “Escaped Prisoner of War”, states:

”Left Duisberg Meiderick 26.10.17 arrived Holland 30.10.17.  –  Left Holland arrived England 21.11.17 – reported at A.I.F. Headquarters to Colonel Griffiths at 6 p.m. 23.11.17 – reported to B. Records [Base Records] 24.11.17.

Information from Man given 29.11.17.”

     In civilian life, Private Hector Holmes, 3555, was a farmer from Branxton, New South Wales.  He served in the 56th Battalion, Australian Imperial Force.  Like Private Thomas, he was captured on July 20. 


     In a larger context, Private Thomas was one of the over five hundred Australian Jewish soldiers who were military casualties (killed, wounded, missing, prisoners of war, or injured) in the First World War.  About 470 of these men’s names appear in Reverend Michael Adler’s British Jewry’s Book of Honour, while the names of some 38 are absent from that publication.  The names of these nearly 510 men – as well as of those Australian Jewish servicemen fortunate enough to have experienced the First World War without wounds, injury, or captivity – occupy pages 549 through 566 of Reverend Adler’s book.  There, Private Thomas’ name appears on page 565. 

     The names of 144 of “the 470” – in connection with news stories, announcements of military decorations, or casualty notices – appeared in The Jewish Chronicle (London) during WW I. 

     Private Thomas’ name is also listed on page 82 of the Australian Jewry Book of Honour, that publication indicating that he received the Military Medal, and giving his middle name as “Lambert”.   An image of this page appears below:


     The following images comprise the Attestation Papers of Private Thomas.  The physical format of these documents, and the information recorded within them, is representative of Attestation Forms used by the Australian Imperial Forces and other nations of the British Commonwealth, during the First World War.


thomas-henry-l-1     The first page covers the enlistee’s biographical Information.  Notice that the enlistee has been required to sign his name, and record the date of enlistment.


thomas-henry-l-2     The second page covers his physical description, religious affiliation, Certificate of Medical Examination, and Certificate of the Commanding Officer at the station of enlistment.  This page also includes the enlistee’s signature.


thomas-henry-l-3     The same sheet as above, to which has been attached a document showing updates about Private Thomas’ “Missing in Action” and “Prisoner of War” status.


thomas-henry-l-4     Continuing with the same page, Private Thomas’ German POW information sheet (described above) has been attached.


thomas-henry-l-5     And finally, the notice of his escape, with Private Hector Holmes (transcribed above), from German captivity. 




Adler, Michael, British Jewry’s Book of Honour, Caxton Publishing Company, London, England, 1922.

Banks, Arthur, A Military Atlas of the First World War, Leo Cooper, South Yorkshire, England, 2001

Boas, Harold, Australian Jewry Book of Honour – The Great War, 1914-1918, Lamson Paragon (West Australia), Ltd., Perth, Western Australia, 1923.  (Accessed at the Dorot Jewish Division of the New York Public Library.)

Gilbert, Martin, The Routledge Atlas of the First World War (2nd Edition), Routledge, London, England, 2002

Macdonald, Lynn, Somme, Michael Joseph, London, England, 1985

Attestation Papers

Holmes, Hector, 3555, at web site of National Archives of Australia ( 

Thomas, Henry Lamert, 2466, Private, at web site of National Archives of Australia ( 

Other Sources of Information

Australian Red Cross Society Wounded and Missing Enquiry Bureau Files, 1914-18 War, 1DRL/0428, for 2466 Private Henry Lamert Thomas, 30th Battalion, at

New South Wales Association of Jewish ex Servicemen and Women, Detail, 2001, at (

30th Australian Infantry Battalion, at


     * As shown in the screen-shots below, the NAA’s search engine is well designed, easy to use, and very intuitive (and aesthetic! – as is the NAA’s website in general), presenting records in easily recognizable and retrievable fashion.  Documents are provided as 120 dpi JPGs, which, though not of the highest resolution, certainly have enough clarity for working purposes, and can be adjusted and enhanced as desired via Photoshop or other relevant software.

naa-1     Opening page of the NAA website.  Note the search box in the upper center of the page.

naa-2     A boolean search has been made for “Thomas” “2466”, which generates 8 records.  Records that have been digitized are denoted by a stylized “page” icon in the right portion of the screen.

naa-3     Upon clicking the pertinent icon, the user is presented with an image of the “first” document in the set of selected records.  Using the gray and green “previous” and “next” buttons, the user can scroll through the entire set of documents in reverse or forward fashion, respectively.  Or, the user can move to a specific page in the set of documents, using the “jump to page” field.

naa-4     If desired, the entire set of digitized images can be viewed as a group, and specific images viewed at full size by clicking the relevant icon.


     Though I am not familiar with the details, the NAA has apparently digitized Attestation Papers for all Australian WW I servicemen, generating an extraordinarily useful resource for those researching military history and genealogy, as well as other fields, such as sociology, economics, immigration, and demography.


– Michael G. Moskow